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Reprinted from the North Amerioan Review for Marchy^1»l^.-^' ' ' U» ^ ^
Copyright, 191S, by the North American Review Publishing Company.
Public Ownership in France
By Paul Leboy-Beauueu,
Professor of Political Economy at le College de France.
The question of Public Ownership, called in France
the ^tatusation or the municipaiifaiion of Public Util-
ities, has been to the fore in that country for the past
quarter of a century. The Goveriunent, Parliament,
and public opinion have been continually examining the
subject, and in recent years interesting experiments
have been made in this field.
In France, for more tlian a century, the State has
had the monopoly of certain great industries. This
monopoly was constituted either for fiscal reasons, in
order to bring large sums of money into the public
treasury, or for reasons of public safetj', in order to
strengthen the military position of the country. In
this connection I will not take up the Post Office,
which, tinder the ancient regime, was farmed to a
company of financiers and which, since the end of
the eighteenth century, has also been a Government
monopoly — the system now adopted in most countries.
To the Post Office was, later, united the telegraph, and,
some twentj--five years ago, the telephone also. In
addition to these, the French State also enjoys two other
important fiscal monopolies — the manufacture and sale
of tobacco and matches.
The first of these two monopolies, tobacco, is more
than a century old, having been taken over by the
State at the very beginning of the nineteenth century.
In accordance with its stipulations French agricultural-
ists may not raise tobacco except in certain special cases
and then in a very small number of departments. Fur-
thermore, they must be provided with a Government
permit, and the cultivation is supervised by the agents
of th" fisc. who enumerate the plants, count the leaves,
and then buy the crop at a price fi.xed by the Govern-
ment. The tobacco, whether raised in France or bought
abroad, is manufactured in a limited number of fac-
tories owned by the State, whence it is sent to depots
tinder Government directors, where it is finally dis-
tributed among the retail dealers, some 30,000 in num-
ber for the territory of France, who are appointed by
the Government and who sell the different qualities of
tobacco at prices authorized by the Government. As
these prices are very high, the monopoly turns in a
large «nm to the national treasury. The gross receipts
reach in round numbers 500,000,000 francs, netting
400,000,000, the total expenses being only about one-
fifth of the sale price. The French people are now
accustomed to this monopoly — in operation for over a
hundred years — having been established in France at a
moment when the consumption of tobacco was very
small and the production still smaller, for nearly all
the tobacco was imported. The enormous fiscal advan-
tages derived from this monopoly also tend to render
it less unpopular, tiiough complaints are common con-
cerning the bad quality of French Government tobacco,
and because tlie retail dealers have not always in stock
the exact kind of tobacco wanted by the purchaser, who,
knowing that he will have to wait several days to get
what lie asks for, accepts what is offered. A graver
inconvenience came out in 1910 and 1911. In addition
to the monopoly of tobacco, the Government is also the
only producer of nicotine. Now it so happens that
nicotine is very efficacious in destroying insects harm-
ful to certain plants and fruits. During the two years
just mentioned, the Mediterranean portion of the French
\-ineyards was attacked by a species of scale insect which
wotdd penetrate into the grape and devour all the juice.
So the vitieulturalists suddenly needed a large quantity
of nicotine with which to fight this insect. But on
account of the routine and lack of suppleness which
always characterizes Government enterprises, the re-
quired amount of nicotine could not be furnished. The
result was that the grape crop was very short and the
vitieulturalists lost several tens of millions of francs.
The Government match monopoly is less important.
It has existed for only some thirty years and brings
into the State Treasury about 40,000,000 francs gross,
or about 30,000,000 net, the sale price being about
quadruple the cost price. Every Frenchman and every
foreigner visiting France knows the exceedingly bad
quality of the French Government match. Sometimes
you have to strike a half-dozen before one will light.
In 1910 the Government tried to stop the making and
the sale of vest-pocket tinder-boxes, even taking legal
proceedings against those who sold them or used them.
The pressure of public opinion, however, stopped this,
and the Government had to content itself with putting
a high duty on them. Before the match industry be-
came a monopoly several millions' worth of French
matches were exported annually; but the business is
now completely dead. The same thing is true of the
^
Pul
r
tobacco industry ; though the Government sells 500,000,-
000 francs' worth of tobacco to its own citizens, its ex-
port trade is next to nothing.
Powder for the army and navy, as well as for mining
and sport, is another Government monopoly in France.
The aim in this case is not financial; but a pretended
military and national interest was given out as the
reason for this monopoly when it was established at the
beginning of the nineteenth century. The system has
always been a cause of much complaint from the mining
interests and sportsmen. Leaving the army and na\7
out of the account, the Government sells the French
public from twenty-two to twenty-three millions' worth
of powder a year. The terrible disasters in the French
navy — when the ironclad Jena wa« blown up, and but
a few 3'ears later the Liberie — are attributed by a deeply
moved public to the bad quality of the powder in the
ships' magazines. An official investigation has revealed
the most crying abuses and the greatest negligence in
the management of some of the Government powder
depots. In fact, the pressure of public opinion has led
the Cabinet and Parliament to examine the question
of what restrictions can be placed on the Government
manufacture of powder, and has brought about the
authorization, under certain conditions, of the manu-
facture and sale of powder through private enterprise.
Though the French State has not made a monopoly
of the building of war-ships and the furnishing of all
the necessary supplies, still a large part of this work
is done in the Government 3'ards, which give perma-
nent work to some 30,000 men. In 1908 Senator Poirier,
of the Finance Committee of the Upper House, made a
report on the working of these State arsenals.* These
potent facts concerning the French State industries
have often been pointed out to Parliament, and espe-
cially to the Senate, by M. Antonin Dubost, now Presi-
dent of that distinguished body.
It is not superfhinus to say here a few words about
one of the most recent French State monopolies — the
telephone. The complaints under this head are uni-
versal. In the first place, the tariff is very high — 100
■francs, or nearly $80 a year in Paris, the aim of the
State being to get out of it as much as. possible — 40,-
000,000 francs gross. But this is not the only thing to
criticize. The apparatus is antiquated and the em-
ployees incapable. As a rule, it takes many minutes to
get a communication in Paris, and when you would
converse with other cities, even when they are not far
apart, the best plan is not to try.
* In my volume CoUecUvismc, flftU edlHon, pages 073 to
08.^, I linvp oxnmliiod this report In detail : but suffice It to
give here one single sentence, a rf-sunie of the whole: "In
the military posts and arsenals the waste of the public
funds Is simply beyond Iniaglnntlon."
As regards wireless telegraph)', the subject may be
dismissed in verj- few words: it is going to be a State
monopoly, too, and so the French public does not yet
enjoy the benefits of this new discovery.
Another and very striking example of the mediocre
ability of the State in industrial matters is furnished
by the Public Printing Office. This institution came
under Government control before the Eevolution of
1789, and at first was devoted exclusively to the print-
ing of works in the Oriental languages for which pri-
\ate concerns had neither the type nor the knowledge,
so there was ground for such a plant. But little by
little during tlie nineteenth century the functions of
the National Printing Office were extended until it
became transformed into an ordinary printing estab-
lishment doing all sorts of work, and doing it in such
a wasteful manner that the whole subject has been
brought before Parliament. The heiglit of the scandal
was reached when it was decided to reconstruct a part
of the building of the Printing Office, tliis work to cost,
according to the original estimates, 2,700,000 francs.
At the end of 1910, however, it was found that 12,000,-
000 had already been spent and 5,300,000 more would
be required to complete the work, making a total of
17,300,000 instead of 2,700,000 as originally called for.
That is to say, the work was going to cost more than
six times what had been stated in the estimates. So
an official investigation into the whole general manage-
ment of the Public Printing Office was set on foot,
when it was found that for the 1,300 printers employed,
there were 172 officials and superintendents of one kind
and another — that is, one for every eight workmen.
Among these officials, 135 belonged to the director's
department alone, one for less than every ten workmen,
whereas in a private establishment of the same im-
portance there would be one for every thirty-four work-
men— that is, four times less.*
If we take up the State railway system of France we
find all these shortcomings on a still larger scale. Prior
to 1875, there were no railways of this kind in France.
The plan generally adopted in France has been a con-
cession to a private company for a period of ninetv-nine
years. For some of these companies a little more than
half of the concession has now expired, and for others
nearly one-half. At the end of this period of ninety-
nine years — that is, between 1950 and 1960 for the
principal companies — the railways will revert to the
State, which does not mean, however, that the State will
have to take over their management. The State can
then make a new concession on more advantageous
terms for it and for the public, because if not all, at
• Journal Offlciel. November 25, 1010 ; Journal des Dibats,
Novonibor 2fi, 1910.
least the largest part of the capital used for the buildiog
of the roads will have been liquidated by the redemp-
tion, which the companies make every year, of a part
of their shares and bonds. In France the State origi-
nally aided in the building of its railway system by
moderate money subventions and by guaranteeing the
payment of the interest on the capital used for the
building of the secondary lines. The development of
traffic and of net profits has generally made it unneces-
sary for the companies to have recourse to this plan of
guaranteed interest, and the principal companies have
already paid back, or will eventually be able to pay
back, the sums advanced by the State for this purpose.
Thus, in the original plan of the French railway sys-
tem the State took no part in the management. About
the year 1875, circumstances threw into its hands a line
which at first was not of verj' great importance; some
small companies in the western part of France, between
Bordeaux and Xantes, failed or got into financial diffi-
culties, and the State, in order to preserve the share-
holders from complete ruin, did what was not at all
necessary — bought up the line belonging to these small
companies, and instead of passing it on to a large and
flourishing company decided to manage the line, at least
provisionally. But this temporary arrangement finally
became a permanent one, and gradually the line was
lengthened until it reached Paris, so tlwt there came
to be in western France a line linking the capital with
Bordeaux and Nantes. This line, known as "the old
State railway," is now about 3,000 kilometers in length,
thus forming about a sixteenth part of the total length
of the whole French railway system. The running of
this road is very expensive. Its net revenues do not
represent two per cent, on the invested capital. It has
had some terrible accidents of late, costing the lives of
scores of passengers. The last one was due to the bad
condition of a bridge over the Loire; the weakness of
this bridge had been common report for a long time.
In 1908 the State added to its small system a much
larger network of railways by taking over the important
Western Company, which controlled the roads of Brit-
tany, Normandy, and some neighboring departments,
and which, starting at Paris, had as termini the sea-
ports of Havre, Cherbourg, Brest, and Nantes. This
system embraces about 6,000 kilometers and brings up
the total of the State roads to 9,000 kilometers, or
nearly a fifth of the whole French system of railways.
For a long time the Radical party, which has been
in power in France from 1898 to 1911, inclusive, has
favored the policy of taking over the railways and hav-
ing them managed by the State. This was one of the
planks of the Badical platform as far back as 1889.
The Conservative part}', on the contrary, has always
opposed this idea. The Ministers of Finance of the
Third Republic, who have left the best names — M. Leon
Say and M. Maurice Rouvier — always combated the
proposal, whose tinancial and economic consequences
they held would prove to be most disastrous. In 1908
tlie Clemenceau Cabinet, in which M. Caillaux was
Minister of Finance and M. Barthou, Minister of Pub-
lic Works, took over the management of the Western
Company in the name of the State, notwithstanding tlie
almost unanimous disapproval of the measure by the
representatives of tlie region directly atlccted and the
protests of nearly all of the French Chambers of Com-
merce. The bill was carried through the Chamber of
Deputies without much trouble, but in the Senate it
required a threat of a Cabinet crisis to obtain the small
majority finally secured; and during the debate these
ministers just mentioned repeatedly assured the recal-
citrant senators that the transaction would cost the
French Treasury nothing, that it would be an operation
blanche, as the net receipts of the lines would cover the
indemnity which had to be paid the company. Now,
the State began its management in January, 1909 —
that is, four years ago, long enough for us to draw
some conclusions. And what is the result?
The State management of the Western Railway has
been from the very start, and continues to be, a great
financial and technical disappointment. For the first
two }'ears the whole line was in absolutely chaotic con-
dition. The trains were never on time and the worst
possible accidents were continually happening, whereas
imder the old management not a single passenger had
been killed in ten years. After many experiments, the
new management was forced to reduce the number of
trains and cut down the speed of the principal ones.
To-day the technical side is better than it was at first,
but not better than it was under the old company.
The financial results, however, could not be much worse
than they are, and are a great load on the State
Treasury.
In the year 1908, the one preceding the operation of
the road by the State, the old Western Company had a
net deficit of 27,000,000 francs, and consequently, in
accordance with the plan then in force, the company
borrowed from the State this sum with which to pay the
interest on its bonds and shares. In 1909, the first
year that the State had control of the roads, this deficit
ro?e to 38,500.000 francs, and continued to rise as fol-
lows during the succeeding years: 1910, 58,500,000;
1911, 71,250,000; 1012, estimated, 84,500,000, and
1913, estimated, 90,000,000 in round numbers. While
I am writing these lines M. Charon, Deputy and a
former Assistant Secretary, publishes a report on the
subject in the name of the Budget Committee of the
Chamber of Deputies. He belongs to the Radical party,
but has to admit that the figures of the estimated deficit
for the year 1913 are "very disquieting," and adds that
the estimated deficit for 1912, as well as that for 1913,
is largely attributable to salaries of the employees, the
increase under this head being 52,000,000 francs since
the State took over the road. M. Cheron declares that
he is "not accusing anybody," doubtless because he
knows it would be no good. He says he might be will-
ing to accept an increase in salaries and wages, but
points out that there is an excessive augmentation in
the number of employees. Here are his exact words
on this point : "As regards the increase of the per-
sonnel, it seems to me the administration has been
rather large. But the same thing is true of all the
departments." And then he concludes with these words :
"In til is matter of the augmentation of the personnel,
T understand it has reached the maximum." This
reflection of an out-and-out Eadical Deputy is very
characteristic. In the Government offices, at least in
France, there is always a tendency to over-increase the
number of the employed. But in this way more citizens
are made happy, and tlie party in power fares better at
the elections.
Tlius, as we have seen, the trial of State ownership
in France is directly against that system, and conse-
quently public opinion is now completely opposed there-
to, especially enlightened, as it now is, by the financial
and other shortcomings which have followed the State
operation of the Western Railway. It may be regarded
as certain that, notwitli.standing the seventy Socialist
Deputies in the Chamber, it will be a good many years
before another French Minister of Finance will venture
to propose the State taking over another railway.
The municipalization of city public utilities, such as
street-ligliting, motive power, tramways, etc., has not
gone far in France, thougli it has many supporters not
only among our Socialists, but also among our Radicals.
As most of the concessions for gas, electricity, water,
and the street-passenger traffic expired in the early years
of the twentieth centur}'. it might have been thought
for a moment that the Paris Municipal Council would
have municipalized these different services. But notli-
ing came of the very artificial movement in that direc-
tion set on foot by the Radical Socialist party. On
the contrary, the Paris Municipal Council has, during
the last fifteen years, made new concessions to private
companies in different forms and for varjnng terms of
years in the matter of all the services just mentioned.
This is a notable fact, for it was done though munici-
palization was advocated by a large and influential
group in the Council.
The concession which had been enjoyed for three-
quarters of a century by the Paris Das Company expired
in 1905. But the Paris ^lunicipal Council declined to
assume the responsibility of directing that industry. It
preferred the system by which it became simply "an
interested party" — that is, the gas-works belong to the
municipality, but the making of the gas is done by a
company which furnishes the working capital and wliich
shares the profits with the cit}'. In accordance with
this arrangement, the city may end the concession every
five years by giving the company two years' notice;
that is to say, the city is bound for seven years. The
first period of five years expired in 1910, without the
city making use of this right, so that the present
arrangement will last at least until 1915; and every-
thing pointij to its continuing even longer, especially as
the ilunicipal Council elected in 19 la for four years
is friendly to the present arrangement. In fact, at the
moment of writing, the city of Paris is negotiating a
loan of 200,000,000 francs with which to enlarge its
present gas-works and even to build new ones to be run
under the present concession.
A similar arrangement — that of "an interested ad-
ministration"" — e.\ists with the General Water Company,
and in 1910 the city renewed this arrangement for a
very long period.
Some thirty years ago concessions, beginning with a
period running from 1882 to 1889, were granted to a
half-dozen companies, each being given a fraction of
the city, called a secteiir. These concessions had to do
with electricity, heating, lighting, and motive power,
and all will ejcpire in 1914. Five or six years ago the
Paris Municipal Council united all the secteurs and
conceded the city's electricity and motive power for a
period of twent}'-six years — that is, from 1914 to June
;{0, 1940 — to a large financial group called the Paris
Company for Electrical Distribution. In the matter of
electric lighting and heating, this company has a
monopoly; but as regards electric motive power the
Municipal Council reserves the right to permit other
companies to furnish electric power to the city. Within
the last few months a grant of this kind has come up
for consideration, so that in this matter of electric power
it is higlily probable that the city of Paris will adopt a
competitive system.
In tlie matter of urban passenger traffic, the munici-
pality has had recourse also to the concessionary system
under different forms and conditions. There are in
Paris two distinct subway companies, the older and
more important being the Metropolitan, whose conces-
sion is for forty years after the opening of the last por-
tion of the road. The city assumes all the cost of tun-
neling, the company making the roadbed, building the
stations, furnisliing the rolling-stock, and running the
road. It gives the city one-third of the gross receipts
and a certain portion of the increased traffic when it
surpasses a fixed figure. The second subway company,
the North-South, lias made a different arrangement
with the city. The company does all the work of con-
struction, the city simply approving and supervising
the plans and their execution and sharing in the profits,
this share being based on the number of passengers car-
ried. This concession is for seventy-five years.
And lastly, the citj' renewed three or four years ago
for periods of fifty years, with large shares in the
profits, its concessions to all the tramway, omnibus, and
auto-bus companies.
Thus, from 1900 to 1910, inclusive, the Paris Munici-
pal Council has been handing over to private companies
under varying conditions for periods extending to 1943
and even to 1980, all the urban public utilities — elec-
tricity, water, and passenger traffic, as well as gas, on a
somewhat ditferent plan as explained above.
This system of concessions to private companies, pro-
ducing a considerable reduction in the prices paid for-
merly by the public for its utilities and offering the city
considerable participation in the profits, is now both
favorably received by Parisians and very advantageous
to the city treasury. In the case of long concessions,
the municipality has reserved the right, on certain con-
ditions, to take over the utility at the end of a fixed
time, generally after a lapse of ten or fifteen years.
But in the present state of mind of the municipality
and Paris public opinion, it is not probable that the
city will exercise this power. The public especially
approves of the plan by which the city participates in
the profits derived from the concessions. At the recent
municipal election in May, 1912, the question of the
municipalization of public utilities or of the city exer-
cising its reserved right of taking over any of them was
not brought up at all, and almost every one of the can-
didates for re-election who favored this system was suc-
cessful at the polls. If one or two of these were de-
feated, it was due to quite other and personal reasons.
As I have already said, this system is very beneficial
to the Paris treasury. For instance, during the year
1910 it brought in 83,000,000 francs, of which 34 to
35 millions were from gas, 27 to 28 from water, 18
from the subway, and the rest from electricity. The
last item is sure to increase rapidly and considerably.
It is true that these 83,000,000 francs must meet the
interest on large loans which the city was forced to have
recourse to in order to carry through some of these
enterprises. But it is safe to say that interest and
amortizements do not represent more than one-half of
the sums which the city receives from these sources;
and these sums are sure to increase gradually and nota-
bly. I estimate that, toward the middle of the present
century, 150 or perhaps even 200 million francs will
be the minimum sum which the city will derive from
these urban utilities under the present arrangement, of
which sum at least one-half, if not three-fifths or two-
thirds, will be net profit.
In the matter of urban utilities, most of the cities of
France have copied Paris more or less closely. The
exceptions are those towns where the municipal council
is Socialist or CoUectivist ; in which cases some of the
utilities, especially that of lighting, have been munici-
palized. But these are rare exceptions in France, and
the experiment has not, as a rule, been a success. The
city of Elbeuf, for example, offers almost a tragic case.
A few years ago the municipal council and the mayor
decided to municipalize tlie gas, and announced their
intention to extend this plan to various other indus-
tries. But their initial step proved most disastrous, and
the municipal gas company was run at a marked loss
to the city treasury. The mayor, who represented his
town in the Chamber of Deputies, was so affected by
the situation and the unpopularity in which he fell,
that he actually committed suicide. His death was fol-
lowed by a new election, when the victorious municipal
council immediately leased the city gas interests to a
private company.
As a result of all this, -municipalization is not in
good odor just now in France. A very striking proof
of this has recently been furnished. In consequence of
the widespread complaints over the increased cost of
living, the Caillaux Cabinet brought in a bill authoriz-
ing the Paris municipality to establish butcher-shops
and bakeries. But public opinion was so opposed to
this project that the Poincar6 Cabinet, which succeeded
the Caillaux Cabinet, promptly withdrew this bill.
It is true that the city of Paris has decided in prin-
ciple to call for a loan of 200,000,000 francs for con-
structing or aiding by loans, the construction of cheap
working-men's homes; and that the Government has
introduced a bill to enable French towns in general to
do this same thing. But the bill provides that the
towns must, as a nile, come to an arrangement with
some co-operative or ordinary stock company to whom
will be loaned, at a low interest, the funds necessary to
build these houses. So the general idea of the bill is
that the municipalities will neither construct nor man-
age these houses. Even tlie ilinister of Labor, M. L^on
Bourgeois, who belongs to the advanced Democratic
party, has concurred publicly in this riew.
I repeat, therefore, that State ownership and opera-
tion of public utilities, that municipalization, that the
participation of the departments or public authorities
of any kind is in disgrace in France, the final blow to
the system having been given by the lamentable failure,
still in progress, of the Western Railway management.
And I may add that a careful study of the nature and
working of the modem State and public bodies to-day,
especially in wholly democratic countries, shows that
reasons of the highest theoretical gravity add their
weight to those of a practical kind in favor of the
rejection of the idea of State operation of public utili-
ties of any sort. But my contradictors may point to
Germany, and especially to Prussia, as a proof that the
State can operate creditably great railway systems. My
reply is that Germany and Prussia are in no respects
democratic countries; that Prussia is not even a Par-
liamentary one, subject to electoral servitude and to the
instability of elective administrations. The Prussian
bureaucracy is very strongly organized, quite independ-
ent of Parliament, an autonomus body in no way influ-
enced by the sudden changes of the outside world.
Furthermore, we must take into account the German
character, and particularly the Prussian character, full
of discipline and deeply imbued with the military spirit
and functionary pedantism. In other countries, where
these conditions do not exist. State railways are far
from being above criticism. In Belgium, for instance,
which is, however, a very industrial and prosperous,
as well as a very calm and sensible nation, the State
operation of the railways has given rise in Parliament
to very severe and well-founded criticisms. In this con-
nection I need simply call -attention to the recent Par-
liamentary report of 11. Hubert, who has been several
times Minister. So strong is the blame in this docu-
ment that it places the operation of the Belgian roads
very much below that of private companies, and espe-
cially below that of the French Northern Company,
which operates a system similar to those of Belgiiun.
M. Hubert even goes so far as to suggest that it might
be advantageous to lease the Belgian roads to one or
more companies. Political reasons oppose such a radical
change as that, but the mere fact of it being proposed
condemns the State management of the Belgian railway
system.*
The weakness of State administration in such matters
springs from the ver}' nature of our modern contem-
porary governmental forms. As a general thing. State
functionaries advance by age, and even when promotion
comes through special choice the fortunate oflBceholder
owes liis success largely to the fact that he has served
faithfully for many years. It is safe to say that almost
never does a State functionary get to the top before he
is 50 or 55, often even 60, years old. In big private
concerns, on the contrary, you often find important posts
filled by men between 35 and 42 or 43 years of age,
which is a great advantage to these companies, for
energy, decision, and initiative are generally dulled
toward 60, and especially so beyond that year. Again,
the State ofiiceholder is governed by very narrow rules
from which he cannot escape; lie has no initiative and
is subject to a jealous control. Then there is State
accounting, often very niggling; credits parsimoniously
accorded which cannot be promptly increased, however
necessary and however much such an increase would be
• I Ko Into tills report In detail In the fourth edition of my
book Ij'Ktnt Moitcrnr rt sex ronctiomt, pages 258 to 268.
Purls: I.ibrairic; Filix Alcan.
to the public good. A State functionary is always
hampered, and when the unexpected happens his posi-
tion is not to be envied. There is much more red tape
in State accounts than in those of private companies,
with the result that every State enterprise is weighed
down by routineism. Another cause of the inferiority of
State functionaries arises from their not being able to
share in the pecuniary success of the business which they
direct. Their salary, which is always very modest,
remains stationary, whatever the profits of the busineea
may be. A salary of from 25,000 to 35,000 francs is
considered very high in the French oflBcial world. In a
recent Parliamentary report the idea was put forward
that no oflicehokler shouhl be paid more than a deputy
or senator — that is, 15,000 francs a year. But in big
private concerns the managers come in for a large share
in the profits. I know cases where engineers from 35
to 45 years old, and directors of insurance companies,
receive regularly from 120,000 to 200,000 francs an-
nually. Small salaries tend to produce inertness in
those who receive them, while salaries that grow with
the progress of the business have the contrari- effect.
But this does not close the list of circumstances which
oppose the operation of public utilities by the State or
municipalities. In our modern democratic countries
the Government and public men are beset by election
considerations. OfiBceholders are always thinking of
the elections, and are, furthermore, subjected to the
whims of the politicians, who can either turn them out
of ofiBce or prevent their advancement. The result is
that the State officials, whatever their grade may be,
are not free agents in matters electoral. The Govern-
ment in France does not hesitate, on the eve of an elec-
tion, to send officials a circular letter ordering them to
support the Government's candidates. The consequence
is that the liberty of choice at tlie ballot-box, and, there-
fore, political libertj', is sadly infringed upon in a coun-
try and among a people wliere the central Government
enjoys extensive powers. The transferring of officials
to another post and their dismissal on account of po-
litical hostility or even lukewarmness is a common oc-
currence in France.
Germany furnished recently a striking example of
Government pressure, though of a somewhat different
character from those just mentioned. I refer to the
Prussian Government stopping all orders of railway
material from the Graffenstadten works in Alsace, for
the openly declared reason that this concern had at ita
head a director who was unfriendly to Germany. The
company was given clearly to understand that this pol-
icy would be continued so long as this objectionable
person remained at his post. After some hesitation the
board of directors removed him. This pressure from
a Government operating an important railway system
is not always exercised in such a bold fashion, but it
makes itself felt almost always either openly or secretly.
The consequence is that here again tlie political liberty
of the citizen is infringed upon.
There is an objection of still another sort, and a very
grave one, against State ownership of public utilities.
To meet the demands of one kind and another which
they entail, the Government is obliged to be
continually borrowing. But repeated loans depreciate
public credit, so that in a grave crisis a Government
finds it difficult to obtain loans necessary to the very
life of the nation. Many examples of this might be
given. Take Kussia, for example. Before the outbreak
in 1904 of the Kusso-Japanese War the Tsar's Govern-
ment took over the larger part of the railways and began
operating them, which greatly increased tlie countr3-'s
debt; for the Government, to meet this expense and
make the necessary extensions, was obliged to negotiate
a big loan almost every year, the result being that at
the moment of the commencement of hostilities, the
debt had attained 16 or 17 milliards of francs. The
defeats came and then the credit of Kussia collapsed.
The public of England and France recalled that even in
peace times the Russian Government was forced to bor-
row .inmially, but it was not remembered 'that this
money was for the building of railways. So the Rus-
fiian 5 per cents, fell below 80. There can be no doubt
that if Russia had not squandered so many milliards
in buying and building railways, but had left all this
to private companies, her debt would have been less
and the moral effect produced by this immense total
would have been less harmful. It required four or five
years after the peace for Russian credit to recover itself,
and during that period the Government could borrow
only on very hard terms and could not renew the rolling-
stock of her railways or go on with their extension.
But if the roads had been in the possession of companies
with shareholders in France, Belgium, and Holland, for
example, the money would have been easily found. In
fact, the Russian Government has been compelled to
hand hack to private companies a large part of its roads
in order not to be obliged each year to go abroad seeking
money and thus weaken still further its foreign credit.
A similar but less pronounced example of this same
thing is furnished by Germany. It cannot be denied
that Germany is a prosperous country, and its situation
both at home and abroad appears to be very solid. Yet
the German public funds are relatively low, considerably
below the French. The difference is relatively enor-
mous, and there is a tendency for it to go on falling.
In 1808 the German -3 per cents, were only 5 or 6 points
below the French 3 per cents., the average figure of the
first being 95 and the second lOOVo. But in June of
the past year there was a difiference of 14 points, the
German 3 per cents, being quoted at 79 and the French
3 f)er cents, at 93yn. Several reasons have been ad-
vanced to explain this difference, but it seems to me
that the principal one has been overlooked. For twenty
years France has asked no public loan, the French Gov-
ernment, until the taking over of the Western Railway
in 1908, abstaining from any large scheme requiring a
great amoimt of capital, whereaa the German Govern-
ment, and especially tlie Prussian Government, owning
and operating the State railways, have been obliged and
are still obliged to borrow every year in order to better
the existing lines and to construct new ones. The
result is that the French public funds have never been
brought into competition with new loans, while the
existing German public funds have to meet, and are still
meeting every year, the competition and pressure occa-
sioned by these new issues of Government bonds. In
fact, this singular situation has come to pass : German
public funds are now lower tlian those of Italy, Swit-
zerland, and even Norway. At the end of last June
German S^A per cents, were selling at 90, while Italian
31/0, notwithstanding the war with Turkey, the uncer-
tainty as to how it will end, and the expenses occasioned
thereby, were worth 97.80; Swiss 31/0, 91 and 92; and
Norwegian 314, 91 and 93. This depression in the
public funds of Germany might also be partly attributed
to the expenses of the navy, but the fact remains that
if Prussia and the German States were not burdened
with the construction and the operation of the railways
of the country, the German Empire would not be asking
at every moment for money and its credit would not
stand so low as it does.
It is a source of unquestionable strength for a nation
to have good credit, especially at the moment of some
great crisis which may come at any hour. At such a
time those who have money to lend, knowing that the
French 3 per cents, have stood for more than a quarter
of a century in the neighborhood of par and even above,
would be more disposed to subscribe to a public loan
required by the circumstances of the moment and at a
rate that would not be a burden to the country. Our
fine position in this respect has, however, been some-
what marred since we took over and began operating
the Western Railway. In order to extend its system,
the Government this present year has had to borrow
300,000,000 francs, and this will have to be repeated in
the immediate years to come; so this loan, with the
8 to 9 million to follow, will unquestionably have a
weakening effect on French credit. Though these new
bonds are of a different sort from our 3 per cents., the
latter have already declined 2 per cent, and are now
vacillating.
I need not dwell longer on this question of State
ownership. From the point of view of pure political
economy there can be no question that it is an evil. Nor
is the conclusion less positive when the matter is con-
sidered from a sociological, a political, or a financia."
point of view.
Padl Leroy-Beaulibc
R.— 147
\
^
/
l^-icpn
cnc (If-
EXTRACTS
FROM THE
REPORT OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION
APPOINTED TO INVESTIGATE THE
POSTAL, TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE SERVICES
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA
V ^
ri ■«<• /'^ "^
v*^-
AUG 3 1915
l^
h'
{Reprinted from the Original.)
EXTRACTS FROM REPORT*
1. We, your Commissioners, appuinted by Letters Patent dated the 22nd
of June, 1908, to inquire into and report upon the Postal, Telegraphic, and
Telephonic Services of the Commonwealth, and more particularly in relation
to the following matters : —
(1) Management ;
(2) Finance ;
(3) Organization, including discipline;
(i) Extensions in country districts, and particularly in remote or
sparsely-populated parts of the Commonwealth;
(5) Complaints in relation to the services;
have the honour to report that we entered upon our inquiry in July, 1908, but
were prevented from holding continuous investigations through the interven-
tion of Parliamentary business.
2. The inquiry occupied 228 sittings, and your Commissioners visited
every State and took evidence at all the State capitals, and at Fremantle and
Kalgoorlie, Western Australia, and at Launceston, Tasmania. Personal visits
of inspection were made to all the General Post Office buildings, and many
branch telephone exchanges, and suburban post-offices of Sydney and Mel-
bourne.
* * *
DEFECTS IN MANAGEMENT.
Defects in manage- 9. Your Commissioners, during their inquiry into the management of the
men an sys em. p^^^ ^^^j 'f giggj-^p}^ Department, discovered defects which were due to lack of
efficient management as distinct from the system of control, and also defects
which were inherent in the system. In framing this Report endeavours have
been made to broadly separate the defects of system from those of manage-
ment. It is evident that an inferior system, even under sound management,
would make for an indifferent service. When, however, an inferior system
is associated with a weak and limited management, the results are disastrous.
* * *
Central Executive 32. Your Commissioners consider that the Central Executive in neglect-
'^esti°o"n"'''* '""^ ''"" '"^ ^° exercise ordinary foresight by making the necessary provision to meet
the demands of the public when the telephone rates were reduced in 1907, and
in failing to profit by the experience of other countries in similar circum-
stances, is responsible for the congested state of the telephone service, and
the consequent overworking of the officers of the Department. The evidence
discloses that the reductions in the telephone rates were made on the advice
of a subordinate officer, and in opposition to the advice of the Permanent Head
Reductions opposed ^^'^ Chief Electrical Engineer, and your Commissioners consider that the
^^ ^^^L'^'.'^t"} ".**'^ then Postmaster-General took action without having anv sound reason for
and Chief Electrical ,,.,., r^ .
Engineer. the drastic reduction made.
« * *
♦The extracts are an exact reprint from the official Report, which was ordered to be printed, October
.5, 1910. The Postal, Telegraph and Telephone services in .Australia arc all undtr the administration of the
I'o'itmaster-General of the Commonwealth. — Ed.
Continuity of policy.
Baneful influence of
Ministerial Head.
Interfering with de-
tails.
Post and Telegraph
Department not to
be use'l for political
purposes.
Condition of
Ices when
ferred.
serv-
trans-
Position
worse.
Alleged
funds.
getting
want 0*
DEFECTS INHERENT IN THE SYSTEM OF CONTROL.
Ministerial Control.
40. In the administration of the Commonwealth Post and Telegraph De-
partment it is desirable, in the interests of the public, that continuity of policy
should be maintained. The Central Executive attempted to formulate a
definite policy; but it was alleged that a continuous policy could not be
exercised by the Department because of its incompatibility with frequent
changes of the Ministerial Head. There have been nine Postmasters-General
since the inauguration of the Commonwealth, and the evidence discloses that
most of the Ministerial Heads endeavoured to efTect alterations of policy.
Ministers are apparently anxious to signalize their occupancy of office by
some new and distinct act of administration; but due regard does not appear
to have been paid to the effect of such actions. The baneful influence of
ill-considered interference in administration by the Ministerial Head is
strikingly illustrated by the alteration of the telephone rates in February,
1907, by the Minister of the time, in opposition to the advice of his admini-
strative and technical officers. The disregard of the effects of such drastic
innovations is detrimental to the carrying out of a continuous and definite
policy, even if formulated by the Central Executive. There also seems to
have been a strong inclination on the part of the Postmasters-General to
give too much consideration to, and interfere with, details, instead of con-
fining themselves to the broader principles of administration. Your Com-
missioners consider that it is impossible for a Minister to obtain a reasonable
grasp of the affairs of a Department of such magnitude as the Post and Tele-
graph Department, even with a longer tenure of office than has hitherto been
the case. Delays in the execution of administrative duties are also occasioned
by the enforced absence of the Minister from his Department on political
business. The Post and Telegraph Department is an institution daily affect-
ing almost every individual in the community to a greater extent than any
other Government Department in the Commonwealth, as it provides public
utilities of paramount importance. It supplies services to the public, the
control of which should be independent of political exigencies.
* * *
INEFFICIENCY OF THE SERVICES.
44. The evidence clearly discloses that the Department did not keep
equipment up to the requirements, this being common to all the States, with
the exception of South Australia, where the telegraph and telephone lines
were said to be in good order. With the above-mentioned exception, the
condition of the services when handed over to the Commonwealth was far
from satisfactory. This defect should have been rectified in the early days
of Commonwealth control. Since the time referred to. the Central Executive
has been continuously forced to neglect new works, and prevented from
placing maintenance on an effective basis, mainly in connexion with tele-
graph and telephone lines and switchboards. This phase of the investigation
will be more fully dealt with under the heading of "Finance."
45. The starved condition of the services is largely answerable for the
imperfect working of the telephonic and telegraphic installations. Evidence
was received that the position was getting worse, owing to the increased
volume of business making the adverse conditions more accentuated, but
recent action is remedying that condition to some extent.
46. The reason assigned by all the officials for the failure to place the
services in proper working order was want of sufficient funds. There is evi-
dence that the Department in 1901 endeavoured, through the Treasury of the
time, to obtain the necessary funds to place the services in an efficient condi-
tion by resorting to a loan, but Parliament reiu>cd to sanction this proposal.
The curtailment of funds at that period was apparently the result of the desire
to keep the cost of Federation within a limit of £300,000 per annum. The
adoption of that course, in spite of the demands of the Post and Telegraph De-
partment, is, in the opinion of your Commissioners, evidence that the system
of management is faulty, in that it permitted the Trea'-urer to assume financial
control of services for whose efficiency he was not responsible. This aspect of
the position is emphasized by the fact that the Treasurer was at that time
aware of the necessities of the Post and Telegraph Department, notwith-
standing which he returned to the State Governments the whole of the surplus
revenue beyond their constitutional proportion. In this connexion it would
appear that the Postmaster-General was too complaisant in respect to the
actions of the Treasurer. The Central Executive, though representing to
the Postmaster-General the omission to supply sufficient funds, should have
more persistently urged upon him the results that would occur from a con-
tinuation of the starvation policy. This matter will be further dealt with
in the financial section of this Report.
Effect of eurtall-
ment of funds.
Postmaster General
too complaisant.
FINANCE.
FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE DEPARTMENT.
66. Your Commissioners experienced considerable difficulty in procuring
satisfactory and definite information in regard to the financial position of the
Commonwealth Post and Telegraph Department. This was evident, not only
in connexion with the Central Executive, but was further emphasized when
close examination was made of the principal officials in the States. These
officials stated that they were unable to provide the requisite information
because the State Post and Telegraph Departments did not issue balance-
sheets. No attempt in this direction has been made under Commonwealth
control until quite recently. This inability to supply definite financial in-
formation is a severe reflection oii the Department for not providing that
primary essential of effective control — a proper system of accounts.
67. In their endeavours to obtain the necessary particulars your Com-
missioners requested the Department to furnish certain returns to enable them
to draft an approximate balance-sheet. The Department has complied with
the various requests made in this direction, and, in addition, furnished a return
(Parliamentary Paper, No. 41, 1909), prepared by order of Parliament, con-
taining certain detailed information. This return was confined to the year
1907. but, beyond conveying a general impression that the Postal Branch of
the Department was a profitable section, and that losses were incurred in
the telegraph and telephone services, it is not of much value in disclosing,
even approximately, the financial position of the Department.
No reliable data ob-
tainable.
Return furnished.
Return not of much
value.
70. The Department furnishes annual statements showing only revenue
receipts from its chief branches, and the total expenditure, including new
works, for all branches of the service. Such statements are absolutely use-
less for the purpose of supplying the requisite information to determine the
financial position of its several branches.
* m *
82. Your Commissioners therefore conclude that the Department's un-
sound financial position is due to the fact that telegraphic and telephonic
services are rendered at rates which do not return revenue sufficient to cover
all charges against capital account, and working expenses.
Annual
useless.
statements
Telegraph and Tele-
phone rates too low.
construction
methods.
PURCHASE OF MATERIALS.
103. Insufficiency of funds prevents the Department in all the States
from holding reserves of materials. The Chief Electrical Engineer, the States'
Electrical Engineers, and other responsible officers, complained of the want
^^sregar^ u s , n°e'^s s °^ reserve Stocks. So far as construction materials are concerned, the Depart-
methods. ment has been working in a most primitive manner, exhibiting an utter
disregard of ordinary business methods, and entailing a cumbersome and
expensive system of purchase. Your Commissioners recommend that six to
nine months reserve stock should be held.
* * ♦
CONDITION OF TELEPHONE SERVICES.
115. The result of unduly curtailing expenditure was pointed out re-
peatedly by the Department, and the required provision was made on the Esti-
No improvement in mates, but was reduced by the Treasurer. The longer reconstruction is de-
ferred and the longer installation of a new system is postponed the more
expensive the work becomes, on account of extensions made to the old system.
Construction methods were found to be practically the same as in 1901, as
the Department claimed it had been impossible to improve those methods
since that date, although the adoption of improved methods would obviously
have tendered towards economy. It may be mentioned that between 1886
and 1904 the New York Telephone Company's plant was reconstructed
three times to bring the equipment up to the highest standard, and to render
the service more efficient. From 1900 to 1907 the Bell Telephone Company,
United States of America, spent about £70,000,000 on telephone under-
takings.
* * *
NEW SOUTH WALES.
119. The telephone aerial wires and cables in the city and suburbs of
Sydney are seriously congested, and further undergrounding is necessary.
Sufficient funds and trained staff are not available for this purpose. The
magneto switchboard at the Central Exchange, Sydney, for flat rate sub-
scribers is out of date. Your Commissioners also found that the g^eat de-
mands made upon it impaired its efficiency. On the new common battery
board there is sufficient accommodation for all measured service subscribers,
but not for all subscribers. There are not enough transfer lines between
the common battery board and the magneto boards in the Central Exchange.
More junction lines are required with branch exchanges.
VICTORIA.
120. The Victorian telephone service was found to be in the most un-
satisfactory condition of any in the Commonwealth. In Melbourne the switch-
board and instruments were obsolete. The Chief Electrical Engineer stated
that he knew of only one other system in the whole world which was in a
similarly antiquated condition. The switchboard was condemned twenty
Antiquated switch- years previously, at the time when the State Government took over the
service from the private company which conducted it. The technical experts
reported at that time that metallic circuits and undergrounding were neces-
sary; but the State Government did not provide the funds requisite for the
purpose. The deplorable condition of the Melbourne telephone service when
bie. transferred to the Commonwealth is evident from the fact that at that period the
Electrical Engineers' Committee estimated that it would cost £226.000 to
place the service in an efficient condition. Although since Federation at,-
tempts have been made to improve the service by the provision of additional
junction lines, extra attendants, and new instruments at subscribers' premises,
Impaired efficiency.
Condition dcplora-
f
the funds provided are stated to have been inadequate even to extend the
old system, much less to replace it with a proper system. The evidence
disclosed that the Melbourne Telephone Exchange and lines were in much
the same condition as in 1901, the only difference being that the network
was larger, and, therefore, more expensive to reconstruct. Recently steps
have been taken to put the service in an efficient condition, and a common
battery switchboard is now in course of erection, and undergrounding of lines
and provision for metallic circuits are being proceeded with.
* * «
TELEPHONE TRUNK LINES.
125. In all the States necessary extensions of trunk lines were stated to
be delayed through insufficiency of funds.
* * *
ORGANIZATION, INCLUDING DISCIPLINE.
215. Your Commissioners desire to state that the bulk of the evidence
presented during the course of the investigation related to Organization.
Under this section are included all the ramifications of the Service, extending
from the office of the Central Executive to every State Branch and sub-
branch. In addition to examining witnesses, your Commissioners made per-
sonal inspection of the accommodation and the working conditions in the
General Post Office and other Post Offices in each State. The responsible
officers of the Department stated that the branches were insufficiently staffed,
and alleged that under existing conditions it was impossible for the Depart-
ment to render a thoroughly efficient service to the public. The evidence
disclosed the existence of an abnormal amount of discontent within the Discontent in serv-
ice*
Department. Your Commissioners consider that a sound system of organi-
zation is impracticable without an effective system of management, together
with highly competent support in the States' branches. It is also requisite
to provide proper working conditions, and ample and well arranged office
accommodation, in order to secure the necessary facilities for the efficient
transaction of public business, and to enable thorough supervision to be
exercised.
« * «
PUBLIC COMPLAINTS IN RELATION TO THE SERVICES.
1058. Notifications were issued to members of both Houses of the Com-
monwealth Parliament, and to Municipal Councils, Chambers of Commerce,
Chambers of Manufactures, and Stock Exchanges throughout the Common-
wealth, to the effect that any associations or public bodies desirous of ten-
dering evidence would be afforded an opportunity of doing so. In addition Evidence invited,
to associations or public bodies which availed themselves of this opportunity,
representatives of commercial firms in several States volunteered evidence.
1059. The following is a recital of the principal complaints received : —
NEW SOUTH WALES.
Evidence was tendered in this State by representatives of Sydney com-
mercial firms, the Farmers and Settlers' Association, the Country Store-
keepers' Association, the Country Press Association, the Typographical Asso-
ciation, and statement? were received from a number of Municipal Councils.
to the following effect : —
General evidence re-
ceived.
General.
(1) There is an absence of a business-like system, occasioning
circumlocutory methods in the Department.
Complaints stated.
(2) Excessive centralization exists and causes delays in public
business.
****** * * *
(5) Insufficiency of staff causes delays in replying to public
inquiries and complaints.
(6) There is a want of discipline among junior members of the
staff.
* * *
Telephones.
C38) The Sydney service is unsatisfactory, and delays occur in
the exchange.
* * *
VICTORIA.
1060. Evidence was received in this State from the Chamber of Com-
merce. Melbourne, the representative of the Amalgamated Society of
Engineers, and certain shipwrights formerly employed by the Department,
to the following effect : —
(1) There is an absence of business methods in the Depart-
ment.
(2) Errors occur in the sorting and delivery of letters which
display carelessness and lack of discipline.
****** * * *
(4) The Melbourne telephone service is most unsatisfactory.
(5) The Department employs untrained fitters at less than
standard rates.
(6) Pole dressing is executed by non-tradesmen.
* * *
SOUTH AUSTRALIA.
1062. Evidence was tendered in this State by the representatives of the
Adelaide Chamber of Manufactures, and an Adelaide commercial agent,
and statements were received from the Importers' and Agents' Association
of Port Adelaide, and several country municipal councils (vide Appendix
XXXI. to the Minutes of Evidence).
The main complaints received were as follows :
(1) More business-like management and decentralization are
necessary.
****** * * «
(7) Telephone service, Port Adelaide, is most unsatisfactory.
(8) Telephone service between Adelaide and Port Adelaide is
very bad.
****** ♦ * *
WESTERN AUSTRALIA.
1063. Evidence was submitted in this State by the representatives of
the Chambers of Commerce at Perth and Fremantle, the Superintendent of
Fire Brigades at Perth, and by several Municipal Councils, to the following
effect : —
****** * * *
(9) The telephone service at Fremantle is most unsatisfactory.
****** * * *
C18) Telephones are not efficiently inspected.
****** * * •
TASMANIA.
1064. Evidence was received from the representatives of the Chambers
of Commerce at Hobart and Launceston, and a Hobart commercial agent.
Statements were submitted by several country Municipal Councils. The
complaints made were as under: —
*«•**« « * •
(15) The telephone service at Launceston is very unsatisfactory.
(16> Tasmanian trunk line services are bad.
(17) Telephone service at Devonport is unsatisfactory, and not
private.
(18) Telephone facilities in country districts are insufficient.
1071. Your Commissioners consider that the number and magnitude of
the complaints received indicate the existence of strong dissatisfaction among
the public with the Postal. Telephone, and Telegraph services. Your Com-
missioners are of the opinion that the bulk of the complaints made were Compiainu justifia-
entirely justifiable, and are convinced that to obtain an efficient service it is
essential that improved methods of Management, Finance, and Organization
be promptly adopted.
We have the honour to be.
Your Excellency's most obedient Servants.
WILLIAM H. WILKS, Chairman.
HUGH de LARGIE.
D. STORRER.
WILLIAM WEBSTER.
Parliament House,
Melbourne. 30th September. 1910.
hn.i.
1^
3 '^- ' '
y\f'
Telephone Memoranda
A Few Facts and Opinionj^
Foreign and Domestic ^^'
In response to an inquiry, Theodore N. Vail, President of the American
Telephone & Telegraph Company, made this statement December 19, 1913:
Our telephone system has been the study of investigators from many
countries. It has been considered the world's model, not because it is
the largest, but because it gives the best service and is more useful to
the public than any other system.
Such success as we have achieved has come from our study of facts
and our willingness to be guided by them. We have not endeavored to
sell our telephone system to the govenmient for the reason that the facts
as we have gleaned them during the last thirty years from all parts of the
world, have not justified such a course.
Our people are personally familiar with every telephone system that
today exists. The telephone experience of Japan or France, is as closely
studied as the experience of one of our American cities.
We have freely given our aid to make the government systems in
foreign lands as good as possible, believing that every advance in the art
helped us to advance. We have never foimd any foreign subscribers as
well served as our subscribers, nor any foreign public receiving greater
advantages from the telephone than the American public.
We recognize our responsibility to the telephone-using public, which
is practically the whole public, and for that reason favor an intelligent,
painstaking, thorough, scientific study of the proposals for public owner-
ship. We cannot be content if facts which we know to exist are carelessly
ignored. But if all the facts are discovered, imderstood and exploited, we
are bound to be content with a decision based on those facts.
uurt:,^
J W .
f
ir\tr-t ir ■ v^ V • M MMiri>i4»t>
AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY
In
Information Department
NEW YORK
— /C^mf3.^
OUTLINE
Public Sentiment
Pages
Foreign 9
American 9-1 1
Public sentiment in Great Britain, the product of costly experience, is now practically
unanimous in condemning its Government telephone service ; enlightened public senti-
ment in the United States, as reflected in the press, shows that Americans intend to
profit by the experience of other countries, and that the proposal to substitute political
management of our telephones and telegraphs, for the highly efficient management of
private enterprise, will not be tolerated by our democratic spirit of initiative and self-
reliance.
Economic Aspect 11-15
The science of political economy is well epitomized, as to government ownership, in
the words of Thomas Jefferson: "Having always observed that public works are
much less advantageously managed than the same are by private hands, I have
thought it better for the public to go to market for whatever it wants which is to be
found there." Economists, from Adam Smith down, emphasize Government's "incom-
petency as a business agent," and warn us that it is fatal "to multiply the activities of i
government so as to bring about vexatious interference with liberty or to restrict legiti- '
mate enterprise." Although one economist. Prof. H. C. Adams, objected, in 1887, that
monopolies, under "private financiering," tend to maintain prices at the highest profit-
able point, his objection has since been overcome by the institution of public regula-
tion (see "Regulation vs. Ownership"). According to Prof. Adams, only industries of
"Increasing Returns" tend naturally to monopoly, and Adams doubted that the tele-
phone is such an industry, as did other economists.
Foreign Experience No Precedent 15-23
It is unsound to argue that Americans should adopt Government Ownership merely
because many Europeans have adopted it. Conditions differ. An easy-going, Govern-
ment-ridden European will tolerate much that the impatient, exacting "we-want-what-
we-want-when-we-want-it" American would not tolerate a minute. The American's
ideal of service is different: quality first, with as reasonable a price as possible, rather
than cheapness first, with what service cheapness will buy. Political systems differ ; long
tenure of office in Europe permits greater efficiency and continuity of management ;
public officials in America are turned out of office just as they begin to "learn the
ropes." Despite such advantages as European governments may possess, their expe-
rience with Government Ownership of telephones and telegraphs has not been such as
to recommend it to this country.
Arbitrary and Irresponsible Administration
Foreign (Official) 23-24
(Editorial) 25-26
American (Official) 27
(Editorial) 27-28
"From Government there can be no appeal." Private companies are subject to com-
^ plaints, but governments are subject only to petitions. Under Government Owner-
3
Pages
ship the public finds itself practically powerless to obtain relief from abuses. (See
"Regulation vs. Ownership.") Government employees, protected by a rigid civil
service, possess little eagerness to please the public. The heads of private companies
must account strictly to the stockholders and the public for the funds invested in the
enterprise, but governments are notoriously irresponsible in accounting for public
funds, so that taxpayers — unlike stockholders of a corporation — have no exact means
of finding out what is done with their money. Private concerns are strictly liable for
damages to persons and property ; public bodies limit liability, or evade it altogether.
Comparative Efficiency
Official 29-30
Editorial 30-34
Government management is never so efficient as private. It is handicapped by inertia,
red tape, and uncertain tenure of office among the executives. Private employees work
less by the clock than holders of government jobs. Their initiative is not circum-
scribed by definite limitations. Their inefficiency is not coddled by political influences.
Results, in the field of telephones and telegraphs, amply bear out the superior efficiency
of private management, both as to economic operation, and the extent and quality of
service.
Service
Foreign (Official) 35-38
(Editorial) 38^2
In point of service, there is no comparison between the government managed telephone
of foreign countries, and the privately operated telephone in the United States. Only
Americans who have traveled abroad fully appreciate why foreigners envy us our
privately operated telephone service. The delays, mismanagement and general inade-
quacy of Government telephones in Europe are illustrated by numerous instances.
Government telegraphs are equally uninviting. The only telegraph service abroad com-
parable with our own is that known as "preferred" or "urgent", for which double and
triple rates are charged. The bulk of European telegrams are "ordinary", and (<r. g. on
the Continent) must wait their turn — often for hours — before despatched.
Rates
Foreign (Official) 42-45
(Editorial) 45^8
American (Editorial) 48
The familiar cry of "cheap rates" under Government Ownership is misleading. Gov-
ernment Ownership is no panacea for rates : foreign Government telephone systems are
constantly harassed by rate dissatisfaction, which is aggravated by political pressure.
The doctrine "Political might makes right", renders impossible a fair and equitable
adjustment of rates under Government Ownership. Governments do not operate as
cheaply as private companies, and can not give cheaper rates without cheapening the
product (service), or producing a deficit. Deficits must be met by taxation, which
means a borrowing from Peter (the taxpaying non-user, who is apt to be poor, being a
non-user), for the benefit of Paul (the subsidized user, who is generally in better cir-
cumstances than the non-user). While, in some cases, foreign telephone rates are
cheaper than in the United States, it can be conclusively demonstrated that the average
charge for telephone service abroad is greater than in this country, when the same
units of measurement are used, notwithstanding that in the United States, service — in
quality and extent — is immeasurably superior, purchasing power of money less, and
employees' pay about twice as high. Telegraph rates, where length of haul and speed
of service are comparable, are less in the United States than abroad (See "Service").
4
Expense
Pages
Foreign (^Official) 49-51
(Editorial) 51-52
Atnerican (Official) 52-53
(Editorial) 53-54
To purchase the telephone and telegraph systems in the United States, the Govern-
ment would have to double its national debt. It would then acquire, not a financial
asset, but a liability, unless it raised rates or lowered service (See "Comparative Effi-
ciency"). None of the foreign systems are known to produce a profit. Many produce
hea\-y deficits. The Post Office is comparatively simple and inexpensive to operate, yet
annual deficits force it to the public purse for support. The infinitely more complex
and intricate management of telephones and telegraphs would impose a far greater
drain upon the public exchequer, which would invariably find its way to the taxpayer's
pocket (See "Rates" and "Taxation").
Mismanagement
Foreign (Official) 54-56
(Editorial) 56-58
From the fact that what is everybody's business is generally nobody's, that governmental
machinery- is designed for governing rather than for commercial administration, that
"the state has to submit to too many influences other than the needs of the public," that
continuous service of officials and thorough familiarity with their work — the essentials
of efficient management — are impossible under political administration, mismanagement
of Government telephone and telegraph systems has followed inevitably, as instances
from foreign experience strikingly illustrate.
Stagnation vs. Expansion
Foreign (Official) 58-60
(Editorial) 60-62
American (Editorial) 62-63
The contention that Government Ownership makes for "social utility" by serving profit-
able and unprofitable commimities alike, is not supported by the facts. The United
States, with 5.5% of the world's population, has 65% of the world's telephones.
Europe, with its Government-owned systems, has four times the population of the
United States, but much less than half the number of telephones. The British Post-
master General refuses to extend telegraph service to points where it will not pay.
European Government Telephone Departments have exploited the larger and more
profitable communities, and comparatively ignored the smaller and unprofitable ones
(See page 60). The true situation is, private telephone and telegraph systems serve a
country far more universally than Government systems, because lack of commercial in-
centive under Government operation breeds stagnation, whereas the watchword of pri-
vate enterprise is expansion. "Creative epochs in industry are the work of individuals,
not of Governments."
Financial Constriction
Foreign { Official) 63-64
(Editorial) 64-65
American (Editorial) 65
The high standard of American telephone service is largely the result of proper financ-
ing. Plans laid ten and twenty years in advance have been rigorously backed up by
5
Pages
the necessary investment. The money spent has at all times equalled the money needed
to maintain the best service possible. Government systems, on the contrary, have suf-
fered from financial starvation. Governments are incapable of consistent financing.
Plans are no sooner completed, than they are swept away by new administrations with
new plans. Appropriation bills are framed less with an eye to what is required, than to
what can be obtained. The appropriations voted are governed less by the commercial
needs of the service, than by the political needs of the moment.
Taxation
Foreign {Editorial) 65
American {Editorial) 66-67
Government cannot create something from nothing. Its bills must be paid by the tax-
payer. Any increase in government expense increases the taxpayer's burden, and adds
that much to the "high cost of living." Should the Government spend a billion dollars
on telephones and telegraphs, the taxpayer would have to foot the bill. Unless it in-
creased telephone and telegraph rates, the Government would have to run at a loss
(See "Comparative Efficiency"), which would mean an annual expense item to the
taxpayer, for the benefit of a new army of Government job-holders. (See "Ex-
pense.") A lowering in rates would be but a new form of class legislation: The very
poor could economize on telephones and telegraphs, but not on telephone and telegraph
taxes. (See "Rates.") The public debt has been increasing by leaps and bounds: wriy
magnify the burden?
Employees
Foreign {Official) 67-68
{Editorial) 69-73
American { Official) 73-75
(Editorial) 75-76
Government employment appeals mainly to those who are willing "to mortgage one's
better prospects and potentialities in the boundless world of individual endeavor," for
easy positions with small responsibility. Nevertheless, e.xperience shows that Govern-
ment is not a model employer. It overpays incompetents whose only asset is political
"pull," and underpays the meritorious. It recognizes seniority rather than ability.
Experience, foreign and .\merican, shows that the Government lags far behind private
enterprise in treatment of employees, not only as to pay for services rendered, but as to
l)ensioiis, compensation for injuries, and general conditions of employment.
Political Aspect
Foreign ( Offiicial) 77-79
{Editorial) 79
American {Official) 79-86
{Editorial) 86-92
Foreign officials admit that in their administration of telephones and telegraphs, their
hands have i)ecn tied by partisan influence, and their services debilitated by political
contamination. United States Congressmen admit that the "merit system," in the
making of appointments, has been "prostituted to politics." In the United States, bosses
are far more strongly entrenched, political machines far more potent, and partisan in-
fluences far more pernicious, than in Europe. A new government enterprise, especially
of such magnitude as the telei)hone or telegraph, would furnish new strength to the
boss, new fuel for the political machine, new fields for partisan influence. It would
weigh down civic reform with an added handicap, and might permanently engraft upon
our democratic institutions a system of centralized bureaucracy, "a huge political
I-'rankcnstein, created by Democracy for its own eventual destruction."
6
Regulation vs. Ownership
Pages
Official 92-93
Editorial 93-96
Public Regulation secures to the public all the advantages of private ownership, and
eliminates its disadvantages. The Government is in a better position to regulate and
check abuses of private corporations, than to regulate and check its own. For example,
it has rigidly enforced strict standards of accounting among private corporations,
though its own accounting is notoriously lax and inadequate. (See "Arbitrary and Irre-
sponsible Administration.") It would be the height of folly to embark upon Govern-
ment Ownership just when Government Regulation is beginning to show what it can do.
Post Office
Official 96-98
Editorial 98-102
Government management of the Post Office is no precedent for Government operation
of telephones and telegraphs. The postal service is unique in its simplicity of make-up
and ease of operation ; despite which it meets with annual dePcits, even though millions
in expenses annually incurred by the Post Office, are charged to other departments.
Its administration by the Government in this country has revealed defects which, in
more complex enterprises, would be fatal alike to good government and good service.
The argument that the parcels post is a precedent is equally unsupportable. It involved
no change in the nature of Post Office work, but merely increased its volume, throwing
the brunt of the added load upon private carriers.
PUBLIC SENTIMENT
(Foreign)
The Times, London, England, November 2, 1913:
The chorus of complaints against the London telephone service which has echoed through our
columns during the past week will, it may be hoped, serve as a corrective of the prevailing official sat-
isfaction with the British system.
The Times, London, England, May 18, 1912:
The experiment of the Manitoba Government with interior grain elevators seems to have resulted
in failure. * * * In a speech in the Legislature, the Hon. R. P. Roblin, Provincial Premier, explained
that the Government embarked upon the experiment as the result of a long popular agitation in which
it was represented that the grain dealers were robbing the farmers and that "the panacea is to be
found in Government-owned elevators." He added, "I took the voice of the demagogue as the voice of
the public, and I consequently made a mistake."
The Daily Mail, London, England, February 5, 1912:
The complaints of telephone users grow in force as they accumulate in numbers. Every class of
the community is represented in the increasing army of disgusted subscribers, and if a small percentage
of the complaints which pour into the office of the Daily Mail are duplicated to the newly formed
Telephone L-sers' Association that organization will find its hands more than full.
One indignant user asks what would be the advantage to the community of the nationalization of
the railways, land, and mines if the new telephone system is an example of efficiency under Government
control. Several subscribers write that complaints to officials only draw stereotyped acknowledgments.
Apparently the replies are suggested by that useful post office volume "The Excuse Book."
The Daily Mail, London, England, February 2, 1912 :
The widespread dissatisfaction with telephone services, expressed in many letters in the Daily
Mail recently, has led to the formation of a Telephone Users' Association, with Mr. Goldman, M.P.,
as chairman.
The Daily Mail, London, England, February 1, 1912:
Many complaints about the inefficiency of the telephone service continue to reach the Daily Mail.
The Post Office may say that the staffs and the system are the same as they were under the National
Telephone Company, but the fact remains that subscribers are almost unanimous in stating that since
the Post Office took over the telephones there has been a marked decline in their efficiency.
(American)
Washington, D. C, Herald, January 5, 1914:
If the voice of the press of the country affords any ckie to public sentiment, the people of the
countrj- have pronounced with practical unanimity against Mr. Burleson's proposal.
Paterson, N. J., Press, December 24, 1913:
The press of the country without discrimination of party, has with practical unanimity declared
the project («'. e., the proposal for government ownership of telephone and telegraph) untenable.
9
Brooklyn, N. Y.. Citizen. December 11, 1913:
There are so many other matters which will have to be dealt with before it can become worth
while entering into any detailed argument over what had better be done about the telegraph and tele-
phone lines that the question must remain in the academic list on this side of the Atlantic for another
decade at least.
It is, indeed, true that there are not a few intelligent people who think otherwise. They have
become convinced in various ways that it would be a good stroke of business to enter these fields right
away. But it is not doubtful that the great majority of the American people are in no such mood.
The complaints of the two services have been so few and are really so trivial, as compared with other
great branches of industrial life that call for attention, that the average American, who is nothing if
not practical, declines to bother himself much in the premises.
Philadelphia, Pa., Ledger (Quoted in the Rochester, New York, Post Express, October 8,
1913):
For Federal regulation of interstate concerns the nation will vote its indorsement. For
government ownership the nation will vote only its stoutest condemnation.
Rochester, N. Y., Union Advertiser, December 19, 1913:
We do not believe that the people want government ownership of the telephone, the telegraph
or the transportation service. The present laws for the regulation of the public service corporations
seem to be adequate.
Baltimore, Md., American, December 16, 1913:
It may also be said that the control of the wires by the government would be a precursor of
conditions such as exist in France, where the labor organizations have the telegraph and telephone
employes of the government in their fcUowshi]) and thus have the government in important respects
under their thumb. .Ml this leads to outright socialism. The United States wants none of it.
Pontiac, Mich., Press, December 23, 1913:
Wouldn't the acquisition of telegraph and telephone lines pave the way for the government
ownership of railroads? Would the service be any better than it is now and could the government
operate these industries without loss, or friction, or political interference? Wouldn't there be many
problems from which we are now free? In brief, is there a public demand, a public necessity, for
such a step, and would it be advantageous to the government and the public to undertake, in these cir-
cumstances, a move in a direction that may be wrong? Mr. Burleson seems to be confident, but as we
see it, is on very uncertain ground.
St. Paul. Minn., Dispatch, October 9, 1913:
Even a Congress of radical Democratic persuasion would gag at the thought of plunging the
country into a system which is unsuccessful abroad and from which the three leading foreign nations
would gladly escape if they could enjoy the benefits of modernized American services.
Jacksonville, 111., Courier, December 19, 1913:
We arc justly jealous of the extension of government activities, and we have not as a nation felt
called on to do for the people what other agencies could do as well.
Chicago, 111., Journal, December 22, 1913 :
The best thing about the peaceful dissolution of the telegraph and telephone trust is the evi-
dence it affords that President Wilson has no intention of adopting the suggestion of his postmaster
general, and moving for immediate government ownership and operation of telegraph and telephone
lines.
•**•♦**♦»♦♦*
The country is to be congratulated on the very evident fact that his recommendations are not to
be followed.
10
Buffalo. N. Y.. Enquirer, December 22. 1913:
Those who question the wisdom of government ownership merely as a business proposition,
however, are only a part of the array in opposition. Another very strong corps of objectors hold that
running telegraph and telephone systems is not suitable work for the United States government.
Mansfield. O., Nezcs, February 5, 1914:
The more closely this policy is examined, the more hopeless does it appear. The question, of
course, is a pvolitical as well as a business one. If we desire a great, powerful, centralized Govern-
ment we can go far toward the realization of our wish by putting it in charge" of the railroads and
other business enterprises. By so doing, we shall greatly weaken, and perhaps destroy, those very
institutions designed by wise men to hold despotism in check and to safeguard the independence,
initiative, and freedom of the citizen. We should have an army of voters bound to the state — that is,
the administration — by the closest and most selfish ties, and strong enough to mold it to their purposes.
Men are, we believe, beginning to see the dangers inherent in this whispered program. Many
who in I heir hearts oppose it and shrink from it, have made the mistake of talking and thinking of it as
"inevitable." Nothing is inevitable as long as there is the slightest chance of preventing it. Those who
are proposing to "accept" what they think they can not head off, ought, we think, to express them-
selves clearly and forcibly. We believe, as we have said, that public opinion, as a whole, is far from
favorable to this plan. It is a grave mistake to interpret silence as acquiescence.
Syracuse, X. Y., Journal, December 18. 1913:
There is no general demand for the Federal government to buy the telegraph lines. There is
no great necessity for such an act. Widespread as is its use, necessary as it has become in business
circles and great as is its convenience in the home, it has not yet reached that place in the affairs of man
where Uncle Sam should feel even the suspicion of a need to take over the mighty system in order
that he might furnish cheaper service.
ECONOMIC ASPECT
Speech of Representative Lewis on Telephones and Telegraphs before Congress on December
22, 1913:
Mr. Speaker, there is a science of political economy ; it speaks with an authority, not to say
with a thoroughness of analysis and breadth of view, which I could not claim. It speaks, too, with a
responsible sense, a knowledge of these perplexing varieties and complexities of modern society and
industry.
From statement made by Thomas Jefferson in 1808:
Having always observed that public works are much less advantageously managed than the
same are by private hands, I have thought it better for the public to go to market for whatever it
wants which is to be found there.
From "The Wealth of Nations," by Adam Smith (1776, Vol. II, Bk. V., Ch. II. p. 300:
The Post Office is properly a mercantile project. The government advances the expense of
establishing the different offices, and of buying or hiring the necessary horses or carriages, and is
repaid with a large profit by the duties upon what is carried. It is perhaps the only mercantile pro-
ject which has been successfully managed by, I believe, every sort of government. The capital to be
advanced is not very considerable. There is no mystery in the business. The returns are not only
certain, but immediate.
11
From "Principles of Economics," (1911, Volume II, Book VII, Chapter 62, Page 409), by F.
W. Taussig, Professor of Political Economy at Har^'ard University:
The continued progress which it (i. e. government ownership) should maintain calls for keen-
ness, vigor, enthusiasm, single-minded devotion to jjrofessional tasks on the part of trained adminis-
trators and experts. Only an intelligent and self-restrained democracy, or a very capable autocracy,
can enlist such men and get them to do their work in the best spirit. The German Empire and the
German states, in their post office, telegraph and telephone, perhaps in their railways, unmistakably
in their military organization, have maintained a high spirit of ambition and emulation. But the
Australian colonies se£m to have secured simply humdrum management ; honest, to be sure (and for
this much we in the United States, to our shame, must pay our tribute of respect), but devoid of life
and vigor. No democratic community, with the possible exception of Switzerland, has shown in its
public industry a spirit of progress comparable to that of private industry.
From an article by Dr. Jacob Gould Schurman, President of Cornell University, published in
the New York Tribune, February 25, 1912:
In the United States the central government possesses under the Constitution a minimum of
governmental functions. Yet even among us the public business is conducted with much less energy
and efficiency than private business. Although some European states own and manage the railways
— never, however, with great success — we hesitate to invest our government with this function because
of its incompetency as a business agent and the inefficiency to which it is doomed by partisan politics.
From "Public Finance," (3rd Edition, 1903, Book II., Chapter 3, Pages 228-229), by C. F.
Bastablc, Professor of Political Economy at the University of Dublin, Ireland:
One difficulty common to most forms of state industry arises from the necessity of dealing
with large numbers of employees. The tasks of the modern State are sufficiently varied and compre-
hensive to take up all the ability and time of administrators, without adding unnecessarily to their
duties. Public industries, however, require for their efticient working a body of organized hands,
obtained by free contract. An unavoidable consequence is the possibility of disagreement between
the State and its helpers, culminating perhaps in the last weapon of industrial war — strikes. * * *
That this is not an imaginary danger is proved by the fact that in July, 1890, there were "strikes" at
the municipal gasworks in Leeds, at the London Post Office, and in the Metropolitan Police, and also
a "mutiny" in the Guards!
Frum "Railroad Transportation" (1885, Chapter 13, Page 257), by Anhin T. Hadley, LL. D.,
President of Yale University :
Government ownership of the telegraph prevailed in Continental Europe, because each country
was more or less of a bureaucracy ; that is. the civil service governed the country, ^nd was so well
organized that it extended itself as a matter of course. In America the civil service is not so well
organized, does not govern the country, and is not allowed to extend itself as a matter of course.
Political reasons decided the question in favor of a government telegraph in Europe. Political
reasons form the main ground against a government telegraph in the United States.
From the i.rcfacc to "The History of the British Post Office," by J. C. Hemmeon, Ph.D., pub-
lished under the direction of the Department of Economics, as Volume VII of the Harvard Economic
Studies (January, 1912) :
Possibly a democratic type of government should, from the financial point of view, interfere
least in the direct management of economic institutions, on account of the pressure which can easily
be brought to bear upon it for the extension of such institutions on other than economic grounds. If
non-economic principles are to be substituted in justifying the initiation or increase of government
ownership, a popular form of government seems the least suitable for the i)rcsentation of such as shall
be fair to all concerned, not to mention the dilTicult proi)lem of dealing with those members of the
civil service who do not hesitate to make use of their political power to enforce their demands upon the
government.
12
From "The Principles of Political Economy," (1864, 5th edition. Part 1, Chapter 9, Pages 218
and 231), by J. R. McCuUoch:
Perhaps, with the single exception of the conveyance of letters there is no branch of industry
which government had not better leave to be conducted by individuals.
It cannot, however, be too strongly impressed upon those in authority, that non-interference
should be the leading principle of their policy, and interference the exception only; that in all ord-
inary' cases individuals should be left to shape their conduct according to their own judgment and
discretion; and that no interference should ever be made on any speculative or doubtful grounds, but
only when its necessity is apparent, or when it can be clearly made out that it will be productive of
public advantage.
From "Expansion of Races," (1909, Chapter XXVIII, Page 433), by Charles Edward Wood-
ruff, A.M., M.D:
Hugo R. Meyer, formerly Professor of Political Economy in the University of Chicago, has
investigated this matter for many years, * * * He proves conclusively that it is always a disaster
to the society if the ruling units take charge of matters which the working units alone are able to do.
The delusion is widespread that if government only take charge of something it is done properly, even
though it has not the brains or bodies to work with. It is forgotten that the brains of the country are
apt to be in the employ of corporations and will not work for the poor pay of government office. The
delusion arises in the lower layers of society— -the less intelligent ruled elements — which always look
up to the rulers to initiate and manage everything for them. It is the Russian peasant's stupid way
of demanding everything of "The little father" — the Czar. It is the sign of racial childishness and the
opposite of the Aryan democratic spirit. Meyer proves that State ownership or regulation invariably
paralyzes industry because it interferes with that private initiative which has made America the leader.
* * * In the great public utilities, telegraph, telephone, trolley lines, railroads, lighting power, we
lead the world. State management in Europe has paralyzed advancement — individual liberty in
America has pushed it.
From a speech by Charles E. Hughes, Justice of the United States Supreme Court and ex-
Governor of New York; delivered before the Republican Club of the City of New York, January 31,
1908:
Our government is based upon the principles of individualism and not upon those of socialism.
We do not seek to multiply the activities of government so as to bring about vexatious inter-
ference with liberty or to restrict legitimate enterprise. We deprecate all unnecessary governmental
action. But our individualism does not justify unbridled license. Its aims may demand, and fre-
quently do demand, the intervention of government with necessary restrictions and regulations, not to
curtail the liberty of the people, but to protect it.
From the Congressional Record, January 15, 1914, p. 1753:
MR. MOON. * ♦ * If you shall adopt the policy of the purchase of the telegraphs and tele-
phones, you will have proceeded far to the federalization of power. You will have added thousands of
offices to your Government. If you should go further and become the owners of the railroads, you
would see a vast army of people who would be in control, a Federal menace to human rights and
human liberty under a Constitution and laws in which the people have no part in selecting the officers
to administer.
Macon, Ga., News, December 19, 1913 :
John Stuart Mill, one of the clearest and most profound thinkers of the nineteenth century,
13
applied his practical philosophy to the subject of government ownership, and among other things he
said:
A cogent reason for restricting the interference of government is the great evil of
adding unnecessarily to its power. Every function superadded to those already possessed by
the government causes its influences over hopes and fears to be more widely diffused, and
converts, more and more, the active and ambitious part of the public into hangers-on of the
government. If the roads, the railways, the banks, the insurance offices, the great joint stock
companies, the universities, and the public charities, were all of them branches of the gov-
ernment; if the employees of all these difTerent enterprises were appointed and paid by the
government, and looked to the government for every rise in life; not all the freedom of the
press and the popular constitution of the legislature would make this or any other country
free otherwise than in name. And the evil would be greater, the more efficiently and scien-
tifically the administrative machinery was constructed.
He declared also that the perfection of government ownership would establish an in-
iquitous bureaucracy.
Philadelphia, Pa., Public Ledger, October 26, 1913 :
In the new edition of the "American Commonwealth," James Bryce says that the railroads can-
not be taken over in this country and worked by the National Government as the railways of Switzer-
land and many of those in Germany and the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. And he added:
"Only the most sanguine state socialist would propose to impose so terrible a strain on the virtue
of the American politician, not to speak of the effect on the constitutional balance between the States
and the Federal authority."
St. Louis, Mo., Times, December 22, 1913:
Incentive to achievement along individual lines cannot be taken away from a people save to
their great detriment. The fundamental principles of Republican form of government are best exem-
plified by as little government as possible, and not by as much as possible.
San Antonio, Tex., Express, December 19, 1913:
The argument that the United States is the only one of the leading countries of the world that
is not 0])erating telegraph lines is * * * specious, because this country lias a form of government
different from that of most of the other great nations, which cost many thousands of lives to estab-
lish, and that has been the admiration of all the world. This, the people of the United States will not
willingly relinquish for a monarchical or centralized form of government, towards which it might be
headed were Mr. Burleson's policy carried out.
Philadelphia, Pa., Public Ledger, December IX. 1913:
Mr. Burleson might go further; if communication of intelligence is important, so is transporta-
tion of both human beings and freight, and therefore the next logical step would be the ownership of
our twenty billions of dollars worth of railways. Transportation of foodstuffs is important, but more
important yet is the food. How can a prudent and wary Government permit the nation to be endan-
gered by allowing the farmers and other busy-bodies to retain in their private possession the very staff
of life? That would be foolish, of course, and therefore a beneficent paternal Government should,
logically, control the means of production as well as the instruments of transportation and of commun-
ication. But whence originate the food-stuffs and other necessaries of life? From this goodly earth;
from the land, which, combined with labor, is the source of practically all wealth : is it safe to leave the
land in private hands? I^gic — the Burlesonian communistic, socialistic, Texas logic — compels a
logical statesman to conclude that the land must be owned, controlled and tilled by the Government.
From "The Science of Finance," by Professor H. C. Adams (1898: Part II, Bk. I, Ch. 2,
Pages 274-5) :
If it be true, as has been argued in the courts, that an increase in the volume of the telephone
14
business beyond a certain point necessitates a corresponding increase in expenses, this fact exclutles
the telephone industry from the class of industries industrially monopolistic.
From "Economics," by Professor A. T. Hadlev. President of Vale University (1896, Pages
170-1):
Shall telephone charges be based on the message, as in long-distance business, or on the instru-
ment, as in the ordinary local business ? The former is the more logical basis, but it involves decided
difficulties. The public, in local telephone exchanges, distinctly prefers the latter method. But if a
company charges by the instrument and not by the message, we are brought face to face with the
remarkable fact that the expenses per unit increase with an increase in the volume of business done.
In a town with only 100 telephones in operation, the expense to the company per instrument and the
rate which can be profitably charged is far less than in a city with 1,000 instruments. In the one case,
it need only be prepared to make ninety-nine connections for each subscriber ; in the other, it must ar-
range for nine hundred and ninety-nine. This will serve to illustrate the highly experimental character
of the problem of rate-making in the newer forms of industry. It is difficult enough for the investors to
find agents who can be trusted to experiment with projierty uiulcr these conditions. Still more difti-
cult is it to find public officials who can be trusted to experiment with other people's property.
From "Introduction to Economics," by Professor H. R. Seager, of Columbia University (3rd
Edition, 1905, Ch. 23, Legal and Natural Monopolies, pages 450-2) :
It («. e. the telephone service) is not subject to the law of decreasing expense. On the contrary
electrical engineers maintain, and with apparent reason, that the larger the number of subscribers
served through one exchange the larger is the expense per subscriber of rendering the service. This
is because the exchange stations must be so arranged that each new subscriber — or pair or quartette
of subscribers where two or four party lines are used — may have his wire connected readily by each of
the many operators required in a large office with that of any other subscriber. If one operator is able
to attend to the calls of fifty subscribers and the office serves one thousand, this necessitates twenty
diflferent terminals at the exchange for each wire. If the number of subscribers doubles, each separ-
ate wire must be let in at forty points. If five thousand subscribers are to be served, each wire must
have one hundred distinct terminals. In this way the expense at the central office increases by multi-
plication rather than by addition. For five thousand subscribers not five times, but twenty-five times
as many connections are needed as for one thousand. Xor is there the saving of expense outside the
central office in the telephone business that is to be found, for example, in connection with electric-
lighting. For the best service it is necessary to have a distinct wire for each new subscriber. Fair
service can be given to two parties on the same line. Four-party lines are less satisfactory. Lines
serving more than four have been found to work so badly that they are now little used in cities. Thus
as regards outside wiring the expense grows uniformly with the number of subscribers. There are,
of course, on the other hand, economies in administration, etc., which result from an increase in the
number of subscribers and which must be taken into account. On the whole it appears to be true,
however, that increasing rather than diminishing expense is the law of growth in the telephone busi-
ness.
FOREIGN EXPERIENCE NO PRECEDENT
From "Modern Industrialism," (1904, Part III. Chapter 4, Pages 270-1), by P. L. McVey,
President of the University of North Dakota.
What may be accomplished under a monarchy by a centralized government is a markedly
different thing from the results likely to come from a government under a democracy. .Australia
stands as an example of democratic administration. The governments are by no means so free from
political influences as those of Germany and do not ofTer such excellent results. But on the other hand
the experience of Australia would be nearer what might be expected in England or America, were the
state system introduced rather than that of the German States.
15
The administration of the AustraUan railroad is pretty well typified by a statement of Sir
George Turner to the effect that no man of the class (naming a number of high grade managers)
would leave England to enter the services of an Australian colony. The parliaments have insisted upon
the retention of staffs created under political managements of former administrations and have inter-
fered with the transactions of the railroad departments for political reasons. The railroads are
starved because of the heavy demands upon the treasury for other purposes, the result is poorly
equipped roads carrying small train loads at high cost per ton mile. Expenses are not always paid
out of current income and resort is had to borrowing that materially increases the public debt.
Demands of all kinds are made by every class, from every section and these are of such a nature
that they preclude anything like management on the long-sighted principle ; the roads are run for the
present and with the future in view. The errors of judgment are not written off as in the case of a
private company but are laid upon the taxpayer, whose very industry is burdened by a condition over
which he has no control. The results in Australia may be summed up in three brief statements: (1)
Systematic borrowing until the State Debt is beyond any reasonable limit ; (2) dependence upon the
State for employment without reference to the product; (3) reliance upon government borrowing for
continuance of prosperity. These in addition to high rates and inefficient management complete the
record of the Australian systems.
From "Aspects of Public Ownership," by Sydney Brooks, published in the North American
Review, August, 1911, Pages 206-207:
Another set of considerations that are even more relevant concern not so much the kind of
undertaking that it is proposed to nationalize or municipalize as the kind of people who will have the
management of it when it passes under public control — their political traditions and habits, their
administrative e.\perience and efficiency, their standards of official honesty, the whole environment
and atmosphere in which they will be called upon to discharge their functions. Here, again, it is not
possible to lay down any hard and fast rule. But at the same time, it is not merely possible and
permissible, but vitally essential to insist that the differences between towns and countries in external
circumstances, political formation and character, industrial instincts and administrative aptitudes, are
just as great as between individuals, and that these differences profoundly affect the problems of
Public Ownership and make it more than usually imperative to submit the argument from analogy
to a merciless dissection. Local and national ownership and operation of the chief public services
will be one thing in a country, like Germany, where the bureaucratic tradition is strong and individual
initiative perceplii)ly weaker than collective initiative, and another thing in a country, such as the
United States, where the best brains are to be looked for outside of the municipal. State and Federal
Governments and where the unit has consistently shown itself iinmeasurably more enterprising and
efficient than the group. * * * An enterprise that is conducted successfully and with economv under
a stable administrative system may break down altogether under a regime that favors a succession of
officials on short or precarious tenures or that is exposed to the unremitting pressure of commercial
or political interests.
From "Principles of Economics" (1910, 6th edition, .\ppendix A, Page 753), by Alfred Mar-
shall, one time Professor of Political Economy at Cambridtjc University:
In Germany an exceptionally large part of the best intellect in the nation seeks for employment
under Government, and there is probably no other Government which contains within itself so much
trained ability of the highest order. On the other hand the energy, the originality and the daring which
make the best men of business in England and America have but recently been fully developed in
Germany ; while the German people have a great faculty of obedience. They thus diflfer from the
English whose strength of will makes them capable of thorough discipline when strong occasion
arises but who are not naturally docile. The control of industry by Government is seen in its best
and most attractive forms in Germany ; and at the same tinie the special virtues of private industry,
its vigor, its elasticity and its resource are beginning to be seen in full development there. In conse-
quence the problems of the economic functions of Government have been studied in Germany with
16
great care, and with results that may be very instructive to Enghsli-speaking people; provided they
recollect that the arrangements best suited for the German character are perhaps not quite the best
for them; since they could not, if they would rival the Germans in their steadfast docility, and in
their easy contentment with inexpensive kinds of food, clothing, house-room and amusements.
From 'Municipal Ownership In Great Britain," by Professor Hugo R. Meyer, 1906, Chapter 6,
p. 114:
In the days of Adam Smith, speakers and writers on questions of public policy, when con-
fronted with perplexing problems, used to surmount the difiiculty by saying, "It has been done in
China." The public speakers and writers of to-day make a similar use of Germany, Australia, and
New Zealand, countries concerning which the general public has acquired more misinformation than
an energetic and well-informed man could correct in a lifetime.
From 'Principles of Economics" (1911, Volume II, Book VII, Chapter 62, page 409), by F.
W. Taussig, Professor of Political Economy at Harvard University:
The continued progress which it (i. e. government ownership) should maintain calls for keen-
ness, vigor, enthusiasm, single-minded devotion to professional tasks on the part of trained adminis-
trators and experts. Only an intelligent and self-restrained democracy, or a very capable autocracy,
can enlist such men and get them to do their work in the best spirit. The German Empire and the
German states, in their post office, telegraph and telephone, perhaps in their railways, unmistakably in
their military organization, have maintained a high spirit of ambition and emulation. But the Austra-
lian colonies seem to have secured simply hundrum management ; honest, to be sure (and for this
much we in the United States, to our shame, must pay our tribute of respect), but devoid of life and
vigor. No democratic community, with the possible exception of Switzerland, has shown in its public
industry a spirit of progress comparable to that of private industry.
From "Railroad Transportation" (1885, Chapter 13, Page 257), by Arthur T. Iladley, LL.D.,
President of Yale University :
Government ownership of the telegraph prevailed in Continental Europe, because each country
was more or less of a bureaucracy; that is, the civil service governed the country, and was so well or-
ganized that it extended itself as a matter of course. In America the civil service is not so well or-
ganized, does not govern the country, and is not allowed to extend itself as a matter of course. Poli-
tical reasons decided the question in favor of a government telegraph in Europe. Political reasons
form the main ground against a government telegraph in the United States.
From The Nation (New York), March 14, 1912:
We subscribe to no such dogma as the "impossibility" or "absurdity" of government owner-
ship or management of public utilities. It is all a question of expediency — a question, to be sure,
turning often on extremely broad and deep considerations, and not merely on the immediate facts of
a given case, but still a question of expediency. It is fair to acknowledge, and to take for what it is
worth, such an experience as that of Switzerland, especially as Switzerland is a democratic republic.
But before we jump to conclusions regarding our own country, we must look certain large and vital
facts in the face. Of these, the most obvious relates to the mere geography and history of the coun-
try. The United States is a vast new country, whose area — we speak of the contiguous territory, not
counting Alaska, or the insular possessions — is 3,000,000 square miles; Switzerland is an ancient and
fully settled country, with an area of 16,0(X) square miles. Texas alone could swallow up sixteen
Switzerlands, and the population of Texas is barely more than that of Switzerland. It would take
nine Switzerlands to make a Montana, but the people of Montana are only one-tenth as many as those
of Switzerland. Evidently, the problem of reconciling the demands of the present, and of weighing
the needs of the future, for this vast Continental area, filled with a restless, energetic and rapidly
growing population and big with mighty changes almost from year to year, is not to be compared with
that presented by the transportation problems of the compact and ancient little mountain republic of
Europe.
17
From "Aspects of Public Ownership," by Sidney Brooks, published in the North American
Review, August, 1911, pages 200-201 :
* * * One of the most common and preposterous fallacies of our times is to suppose that there
are any political dogmas which are universally true or any political prescription which can be applied
indiscriminately or any political machinery which does not depend for nine-tenths of its value upon
the engineers and the local conditions under which they work. * * * The t)'pe of mind which argues
that because Glasgow has made a success in owning and operating the local service of street-cars,
therefore Pittsburg or San Francisco would be equally successful and should at once follow in Glas-
gow's footsteps, is a type of mind that really ought not to be allowed to meddle with politics. It is
fundamentally incapable of appreciating the fact that the forces which determine the success or fail-
ure of any and every political experiment are infinitely more local than general and more personal
than mechanical.
New York Tribune, December 19, 1913:
It is to be borne in mind, too, that governmental service in some other countries is possible up-
on the theory exactly the reverse to ours. Their theorj' is that the Government should be compre-
hensively paternal and so should do as much as possible. The American principle is, everything
should be left to private initiative, which the general welfare does not require to be done by the
Government or which the Government cannot do very much better than private individual or cor-
poration. The burden of proof of one of these latter conditions, therefore, rests with the advocates
of the change.
Extract from an editorial in the Seattle, Wash., Times, September 23, 1913:
That the acquisition of the telegraphs would constitute a grave issue none can question. The
question of governing the union employes of the present corporation, much as it is to the fore in
present discussions of the subject, would be one of the smallest items.
There is no real comparison between the situation in European governments, where telegraphs
are publicly administered, and those that would be developed in the United States.
In Europe, they are under national control as a war measure or because the governments need
the financial returns accruing from their operation. Neither of these needs is present in the republic.
San Francisco, Cal., Post, October 13, 1913:
England, on the other hand, is thickly settled ; there are no "dead lines" through unprofitable
territory and the Government has not been required to make extension into isolated districts to be
operated at a constant loss.
From "Public Finance" (1899, Part II, Chapter 10, Page 264), by W. M. Daniels, formerly of
the Department of Political Economy, Princeton University, and recently appointed by President Wil-
son member of the Interstate Commerce Commission :
If we are to make use of analog)' as a guide in such matters, the experiment which deserves our
most careful study is the English experiment with the telegraphs. Here was a nation whose industrial
habits were most nearly like our own. Here was an industry whose acquisition cost far less than the
railroads, and whose administration was immensely simpler. Moreover, conservative financial opinion
had pronounced in favor of the experiment. So careful a student as Jevons had concluded that state
telegraphs would be successful largely for the same reasons which had made the state management of
the post successful. It was found, however, that the economics secured by unity of management were
offset by the higher salaries paid to employes, and that the government had to obtain a monopoly for
the state telegraph, though formerly such an intention had been disclaimed. The financial failure of
the experiment is hardly in question. A successful pressure of the telegraph personnel for higher
pay, and an invincible demand by the public for lower rates, proved to be the upper and nether mill-
stones between which the financial success of the undertaking was ground to powder.
18
New York Times, December 28, 1913 :
Conceivably the service which might suit English customers would not serve the want of Amer-
icans, but the fact is that the British envy us what the Representative (Mr. Lewis) describes as un-
fit for our approval. It is sure that no American will envy England's telephone service as described
in the leading British Journal.
According to the London Times "the history of the telephone in the United Kingdom has been
of a lamentable tale of bureaucratic blundering tolerated by a community which has failed to conceive
the potential method of communication, and to insist upon its effective organization on a business
basis." The fact which shows British inappreciation is that the telephones per 100 population are
1.4% in England to 8.1% in the United States. London has 2.8% per 100 and New York has more
than London, Berlin, Paris combined, although London alone has a larger population. The reason
for the British backwardness, which Mr. Lewis wishes us to emulate, was the British ownership of
the postal telegraph. * * *
In the opinion of those who have experience of the British system "the money value of the
time and temper wasted by the public from a bad service is a far more serious consideration than any
reasonable charges imposed for a good one, on the principle that speed and reliability are more im-
portant than cheapness."
Providence, R. I., Journal, January 1, 1914:
That the telephone is a vexation in England, is shown by the comparison of the telephone and
the mail; 17.7 is the percentage of telephone messages and 80.5 is the percentage of the communica-
tion sent by mail. The preference for the niail in Great Britain thus is nearly 5 to 1. In the United
States conditions are reversed: The mail takes less than 41 per cent, of the messages, while more
than 58 per cent, is handled by the telephone companies.
Philadelphia, Pa., Public Ledger, December 22, 1913:
The London Times has had an expert review the situation for the benefit of its readers. His
conclusion published a few days ago, ought to be interesting on this side of the ocean, also.
He points out that the Government decided several years ago to take over all telephone lines and that
the private company, which was operating under a terminable franchise, did not make the improve-
ments in its plant that it would have made had it anticipated retaining control of its business. But he
says, even if telephone progress had not been retarded by the impending Government control, "the
rapid advance that is a vital commercial necessity to the country is not being made for the simple rea-
son that a Government department is, to judge from experience, unable to carry on a great profit-
making commercial concern on a sound business basis." During both periods, therefore, the period
of private control and since the Government has taken over the private lines, he concludes that the
telephones and the public "have suffered, and still are suffering from the influence of government
control."
San Francisco, Cal., Chrotiicle, December 31, 1913:
In many countries with Government-owned 'phones, the system is a joke. Indeed, it is a mark
of social distinction to have a "number." As for the telegraph, it is closed down for 24 hours every
week in certain government ownership countries and it is impossible to send messages after 9 o'clock
at night or before 8 o'clock in the morning.
Lowell, Mass., Courier-Citizen, December 24, 1913:
Meantime the telephone service of this country is the most efficient in the w^orld. No foreign
service that Mr. Lewis can find so much as approaches it either in extent or in excellence. Com-
pared on the basis of the number of available exchanges to be talked with, the rate in the United
States is infinitely lower per subscriber than it is in any other country on the foot-stool. The rate is
constantly decreasing; the number of new telephones is steadily rising.
19
New York Evening World, December 22, 1913 :
How many Americans have had actual experience of government ownership as it exists in
other countries ? How many Americans understand how foreign are most of its results to our habits
of personal freedom and to our standards of efficiency?
In England the increasing burden of the government telegraphs upon taxpayers has been no-
torious. Germany makes its government telegraph system a handy instrument of espionage. France,
although a republic, does much the same. Government in both these countries is essentially bureau-
cratic. Wherever even a degree of militarism prevails, government ownership is bound to lend itself
to spying and repression.
Moreover, any American who has ever done any telephoning in France does not need to be
told of the exasperating inefficiency and slowness of the French system. The same applies to Italy.
Switzerland hasn't found out yet whether it likes goverimient ownership or not. The system
was adopted on a theory of unification that may work in a country the size of Switzerland. Govern-
ment ownership for less than four million people is a different thing from government ownership for
one hundred million.
Japan took over its railroads, telephones and telegraph to provide war assets. The result has
been in every way bad. The Japanese Government, forced by military burdens to economize, has
found itself unable to make extensions. Not fifty miles of new road have been built since govern-
ment ownership became a fact. It takes six months to get a telephone installed, and the less said about
the service the better.
Americans who are used to enterprise, initiative, rapid improvement and wide extension in
their public utilities, to say nothing of personal liberty and freedom from surveillance in their conduct
and business, will find government ownership as it works in other countries a poor argument for foist-
ing it upon Uncle Sam.
Utica, N. Y., Herald-Dispatch, December 20, 1913:
If Government control of wire systems could anywhere be made a success from a financial
standpoint, it would be in Great Britain, where political influence is reduced to a minimum in the op-
eration of public utilities. Yet the British Government has notoriously failed to make either the tele-
graph or telephone branch of the Post Office service self-sustaining. It is, therefore, reasonable to
suppose that with the vastly greater temptation which the numerous wire systems of this country
would offer to intriguing politicians, the ventures of government operation would be a disastrous
failure.
New York Evening Sun, December 19, 1913:
But there can be little doubt that if a referendum were taken among the people who have had
a chance to try Government-owned systems of Europe and the privately-owned systems of the United
States, the Government ownership proposal in this country would be snowed under.
Boston, Mass., Advertiser, December 11, 1913:
Where Mr. Burleson could find such example is difficult to imagine. Surely not in England
where the Christmas mail was recently threatened by a strike of Government employes. It was only
the announced determination on the part of the British authority to call out the troops and use them
in the interest of the Post Office, which prevented the strike from being called. Should Mr. Burle-
son turn to France for his illustration, he would have to explain away the terrible strike which tied
up French railroads some years ago.
Had not the Premier called the military reserve and set them to the task of running the rail-
roads, France would have nearly starved in a very short time.
Mr. Burleson ought to know that in Canada there are several Government-owned railroads
which are in a plight to which the present condition of the B. & M. is as nothing.
Brooklyn, N. Y., Eagle. December 18, 1913:
Over his Government telegraph lines an Englishman may send a telegram for 6 pence, but at
20
the end of the year the taxpayers, as a whole, must make up the heavy deficit due to a combination of
low rates with the expensive management which government operation of public utilities everywhere
entails. Mr. Burleson is not fortunate in citing the British system as an argmuent in favor of his
policy, and there is also a Government telephone service in Great Britain, and it is notoriously among
the worst in the world.
Brooklyn, N. Y., Times, December 18, 1913:
But the main objection to the proposal arises from the fact that a distinct deterioration in
service would be the inevitable result of the acquisition by the Government of these great public utili-
ties. As President Vail of the Telephone Company well points out, there are more telephones in New
York City than in the entire United Kingdom where the Government operates the system. In for-
eign countries the telephone is not a necessity. Indeed, it is in a sense a luxury. With us it is as
necessary as the trolley car or the restaurant.
Chicago, 111., Manufacturers' News, December IS, 1913:
Since England took over the telegraph lines, it has been confronted with an annual deficit of
approximately $6,000,000. This does not prevent the telegraph employes from asking for a 15% ad-
vance in wages.
The English ministry is opposed to further advance in the postal and telegraph employes' wages
for reasons that their wages and pension allowance have been twice advanced during the last six years.
The public also resents the demand made at the holiday season.
The present ministry is having an exceedingly hard fight to give the Government employes and
working men, in general, everything they asked for, including old age pension, insurance and higher
wages without running the country so badly into debt that it will never get out of it.
New Haven, Conn., Register, December 13, 1913:
Fortunately government ownership of telephones, either national, state or municipal has been
tried out in a good many parts of the world. While it seems in some instances to be working fairly
well, its failure has been so marked in many well observed cases as to lead to the suspicion that it
really is a failure everj-where. For even the fact of a good service would not alone serve to commend
it. We need to know that it promotes economy in the use of the peoples' money, and conscientious
accounting for the great capital entrusted. This has not been the showing.
Lawrence, Kansas, Gazette, December 4, 1913:
Government ownership does not seem to help things along to any great extent. In England,
where the Government owns the telegraph as well as the postal lines, there is a strike coming on
that threatens to trouble the Kingdom grievously. The government employes want an advance in
wages ; the Government refuses to grant it ; the employes have ordered a Christmas strike, and have
begun the trouble by destroying records, smashing typewriters, short-circuiting the wires and play-
ing other little jokes of the kind.
Erie, Pa., Dispatch, December 8, 1913:
That strike in Great Britain of the Government's postal and telegraph employes, 100,000 of
them, was averted just in time. It would have been a particularly nasty time for such a strike.
That, by the way, is one of the pleasant possibilities of Government ownership. The only difference
would be that in this country the number would be so much greater and the cliances proportionately
SO.
Chicago, 111., Inter-Ocean, October 7, 1913:
It may be expefhent to take over or destroy the present telephone and telegraph companies:
The Inter-Ocean is among those who believe it is not expedient. In other countries "Government-
ownership" has made lower efficiency and high costs.
21
Some years ago it was figured, nor was the accuracy of it denied, that British government
ownership of the telegraph had loaded upon the taxpayers a loss of $175,000,000, increasing at the
rate of $5,000,000 a year.
Boston, Mass., Truth, November 22, 1913 :
Public ownership of railroads, telephone and telegraph would mean socialism; and if anyone
wants to know what that means let him spend a few months in New Zealand, as Mr. Geo. W. Moore,
of Brookline, Mass., recently did, getting first hand information in the Socialist hot-bed of the world.
"The country," said Mr. Moore, "is run by labor leaders for the benefit of labor leaders and
is practically bankrupt. English capitalists have furnished the money to keep the Government going
so far, but further loans have recently been refused.
♦ ♦♦********♦
"Practically the only right enjoyed by the alleged freeman is the right to be poor and abstain
from work."
* * » * » * * ** * * *
"Graft, inefficiency, laziness, indifference, poverty and vice seem to be the principal products
of the system, and in the production of these it is all that can be desired of the vicious opponent of
modern civilization."
Lawrence, Mass., American, November 14, 1913:
Mr. Samuel found, to be sure, as we all know it is true, that on this side of the Atlantic long
distance calls do not always get through, that there are exasperating delays and that wrong numbers
are sometimes given here as well as in England. But more important to know is his remark that
in his official opinion the British Government telephone will some time become as efficient as he
found the American private system. That means, of course, that if we make telephonic communica-
tion a government service, it is more likely to deteriorate than improve ; for the British Post Office is
so efficient that it would be folly to expect that American Government telephone would be as well
administered as the British.
Leslie's Weekly, New York, November 6, 1913:
Governmental telegraph ownership is not an open question, however. Great Britain has en-
joyed government ownership and operation of telegraph lines for the past forty years, and in that
time its Post Office telegraph monopoly has produced a total deficiency of $87,000,000. At present
taxpayers of Great Britain are paying at the rate of $4,200,000 annually to enjoy the luxury of gov-
ernmentally operated telegraph lines. The principal reason for this is uncommercial and extravagant
management due to political control.
New York Commercial, October 31, 1913:
The British taxpayer and telephone user is growing highly indignant over the delay in revi-
sion of telephone rates. He knows that the present telephone rates are a burden and a cause of
confusion, and he evidently believes that the telephone business has been in the hands of the Post
Office Department long enough to give its officials a chance to plan a permanent system and rate of
charges for the use of the telephone.
The Liverpool Daily Post, a staunch government organ, has recently devoted considerable space
to the scandalous break-down in the telephone service in that city and to the utter inefficiency of the
postal authorities when handling this branch of their work. The telephone business is in its infancy
in England and its growth has been completely stunted since the government got hold of it. With
the post office in charge of the telephone service in Liverpool the suburban post offices in that city
close very early in the evening and the telephone switchboard closes with the rest of the post office.
The result is that telephone service is practically suspended through the residence districts and a
large part of the business section of a city that is the third port in the world, and from eight
o'clock in the evening until seven o'clock in the morning two-thirds of the subscribers to the telephone
service find their communication completely cut off.
22
Boston, Mass., Co>nmercial Bulletin, October 11, 1913:
According to the London Times, Parliament was induced to transfer the telegraph lines to the
State in 1871, in the belief that the monopoly would be a lucrative one for the country. To what
extent this expectation has been borne out is disclosed by the statement that the forty years of Gov-
ernment monopoly of the telegraph have produced a loss of more than $87,000,000.
That the Government has not made a commercial success of the telegraph is due, says the
Times, to extravagant management and political control. Traffic has shown a steady increase and
innumerable improvements have been made in equipment and methods of working, yet it costs the
Post Office appreciably more to handle a fifteen- word message of to-day than it cost to handle a
thirty-word message of twenty-five years ago.
St. Paul, Minn., Dispatch, October 9, 1913 :
England went into the experiment with the telegraph, found the estimate cost quadrupled, and
after doubling the Government investment encountered an annual deficit of over $5,000,000, and now
coldly proposes to deteriorate the service and increase the rates to balance the books. With our rap-
idly increasing efficiency of service and cheapening of cost, what would America think of a proposal
like that ?
Minneapolis, Minn., Tribune, October 8, 1913 :
France has one telephone for each group of 171 inhabitants. We have a telephone for each
group of 12. Our service is so superior to that of the French that their journals are now calling for
improvements in the direction of the "American standard."
England has had an extremely unhappy experience with her state-owned telegraph system.
She paid four times the estimated cost to obtain it ; and she has since doubled her capital expendi-
ture. The investment has never earned interest; it has failed to pay operating expenses. The New
York Times gives the commercial loss of the transaction at "$175,000,000 some years ago," and states
"that the current loss is $5,000,000 annually."
Germany owns both telegraph and telephone. Her Government managers have estimated the
annual depreciation of the plant at 45,000,000 marks. A sinking fund has been maintained several
years at that rate. The maintenance has lately required so large an increase that this allotment has
been reduced to 25,000,000 marks.
Seattle, Wash., Times, September 23, 1913:
In Europe they are under national control as a war measure because the Governments need the
financial returns accruing from their operation. Neither of these things is present in the republic.
The experiments along these lines previously have not been distinguished by their success.
The Government cable to Alaska is a case in point. Seattle residents have had a bitter experience
with the high rates imposed on communication with the territory.
ARBITRARY AND IRRESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATION
{Foreign — Official)
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, p. 632:
Mr. Alan Sykes: * * * With regard to the question of the telephone service * * ♦ I
may mention a case * * * which also happened to an hon. Member on this side, and the hon.
23
Member happens to be myself. My telephone, which is often out of order, was out of order on a
certain occasion, and I sent a message to the officials. Nothing was done, and it was still out of
order the next day. I sent another message the next day, but nothing was done. I did not send a
message the next day, but I sent one the day after. Still nothing was done. I then took advantage
of the fact of being a Member of the House of Commons, and addressed a personal letter to the Post-
master-General and put the position before him, and with his usual courtesy he took it up, and the
question was inquired into. The reply he sent me was to the effect that no record had been made
of the first complaint, that an operator had received the second complaint and had considered that
the machine was all right, and had not reported it to the engineer, and that the engineer had exam-
ined the third complaint and could not find anj'thing wrong, and it was only when I communicated
with the right hon. Gentleman and the engineer made another examination that it was found that
there was something omitted and that the telephone was not in proper order. If I had not had an
opportunity of communicating with the right hon. Gentleman the telephone would in all probability
still be out of order, and I should probably have done what a good many others do who use the tele-
phone, got tired of making complaints and perhaps thrown up my telephone.
Truth, London, England, December 11, 1912:
His Honour Judge Gye made some very strong comments last week at the Portsmouth County
Court upon the iniquity of telephone contracts. He had to determine a claim by the Postmaster-
General for telephone rent. The subscriber had given notice of discontinuance. The Post Office
authorities cut off communication, but left the instrument and then sued for the rent. This under
the contract they are empowered to do. Judge Gye remarked that it was "a shockingly immoral con-
tract," and he said so "advisedly and intentionally." He had no option but to decide for the plaintiff,
for the case was governed by a decision in the High Court, though he was convinced that an injus-
tice would be done the defendant. He, however, marked his opinion by making an order for pay-
ment of the amount claimed at the rate of 6d. a month. His Honour's condemnation of the contract
is not a whit too strong, and I trust his remarks will be brought to Mr. Herbert Samuel's notice.
Anyone who has read the contract through knows that it is inequitable, and places the subscriber
absolutely at the mercy of the department.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, May 20, 1912:
Mr. Godfkey Collins: I desire to draw the attention of the Postmaster-General to three
points on his estimate. The first is the misleading profit shown by the Post Office. The second is
the large and growing loss on the telegraph service ; and the third is the danger that the telephone
service may show a loss to the public in future years. According to the House of Commons Paper
No. 96, the profit on the Post Office is £5,153,000. Naturally, the House and the public think that is
the true profit ; but when we come to analyse these figures more closely, we find that the Post Office
do not charge themselves with the cost of works and buildings, amounting to £569,000, nor with rates
and taxes, amounting to £126,000, nor even with stationery and printing, amounting to £196,000. In
other words, the profit is a fictitious profit to the extent of 20 per cent., and the figures which I
have mentioned include these and other charges amounting to £890,000. So, therefore, the profit
made was positively some 20 per cent, less than the statement issued by the Postmaster-General led
us to anticipate.
From the Report of the Royal Commission .Appointed to Investigate the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Services of the Commonwealth of Australia (ordered to be printed October 5, 1910) :
70. The Department furnishes annual statements showing only revenue receipts
Statemenia ^'■°'" '** '^^^'^^ branches, and the total expenditure, including new works, for all branches
"••'*" of the service. Such statements are absolutely useless for the purpose of supplying the
requisite information to determine the financial position of its several branches.
24
{Foreign — Editorial)
The Times, London, England, December 26, 1913:
"Hope Deferred" sends us the following details of his experiences in obtaining the telephone.
Commenting on the state of "hopeless confusion" they indicate, he says: — "In our case it was stated
that 'special steps' were being taken. The result of these "special steps' was that we had to wait for
the telephone 23 days after handing in the agreement. If such unwarrantable delays occur with
'special steps,' whatever must it be like without them?"
November 5, 1913.— Applied to Vauxhall Bridgeroad Post Office, asking what to do to obtain
a telephone. They directed me to the Westminster District Post Office. They in turn directed me to
the Contracts Office, 34, Gerrard-street, Soho, to whom I wrote on November 5.
November 11.— Having received no reply, I applied to a third post office and was given a third
different address — namely, 144a, Queen \'ictoria-street. I went personally here and found what I
needed — the telephone agreement, which I filled in and signed then, November 11.
November 14. — Wrote to the Controller, but received no reply.
November 17. — I wrote to the Secretary, G. P. O., complaining of the excessive delay and
difficulty in getting the telephone. This resulted in a printed form by return of post saying that the
matter should receive attention.
November 19. — Still dead silence from the Controller's oflice, so T wrote again reminding them
that we were wanting the telephone and that they had had the agreement eight days, etc.
November 20. — No reply. Wrote again to the Controller.
November 21. — Received a letter from the Controller (dated 20th inst.) saying that the mat-
ter had been referred to the sectional engineer and that the matter would receive "prompt and
adequate attention," etc. I spoke to the sectional engineer by telephone, and he knew nothing about
us, but promised to send a man round to-morrow (22nd).
November 22. — Again spoke to the sectional engineer by telephone. He denied his promise
of yesterday ; said that they were busy, that they were making special efforts in our case, and that
we should have to wait.
November 24. — Practically all my letters to the Controller are com])letely ignored ; wrote to
him once again to remind him about our telephone.
November 25. — Received a letter from the Controller dated 22nd, and altered in pencil to
the 24th, acknowledging my letters of the 19th and 20tli inst., and saying, inter alia, "special steps are
being taken to complete the circuit at an early date." It is interesting to observe that it took two days
to post this letter. Another letter about the entry in the Telephone Directory dated 22nd, and altered
in pencil to the 25th. shoW'S a period of three days between writing and posting.
November 27. — I received two different letters of the 26th inst. from the Controller giving our
"probable" telephone number. One of these letters also states "the completion of the installation is
receiving special attention."
On November 28 and 29 the instruments were put up in our offices, and it had been promised by
the sectional engineer, by telephone, two or three times, that the installation should be completed by
the 29th at the very latest without fail.
December 1. — I telephoned to the sectional engineer, and he said, "Oh, isn't your telephone
completed yet?" lie advised me to ring up the Controller's office, which brought forth the usual
promises, but no result.
December 2. — Wrote a formal letter of complaint to the Secretary, G. P. O. Communicating
with the sectional engineer by telephone, I was now informed that there was some more outside work
to be done, but that we should have the telephone in a few days.
December 4. — The telephone was actually completed, and we were able to use it from about
4 p. m., 23 days after the handing in of the agreement.
Leicester, England, Mail, December 23, 1912:
In reference to the State acquisition of the telephones, with which we dealt in a leading article
last week, a local correspondent calls our attention to the onerous and one-sided conditions which the
25
Postmaster-General has inserted in the form of contract which subscribers have now to sign. He
objects particularly to the seventh and ninth paragraphs of the "general conditions" under which the
Postmaster-General can break the contract without penalty or responsibility while, if the subscriber
is guilty of the slightest lapse in any matter whatever, he is liable to a fine in the form of "liquidated
damages" where no damage is done. Under the tenth paragraph enormous powers of inspection are
given, not only to the subscribers' premises, but "all other premises under the subscribers' control,"
while another paragraph provides that the certificate of any subordinate official of the Post Office shall
be "conclusive evidence" of the matters certified. Our correspondent wrote to the Postmaster-General
pointing out clause by clause the objectionable points in this agreement, only to be told that it had been
drawn up by a solicitor and could not be modified. "Those who think," adds our correspondent, "that
the State ever can run a business at its best, speak without knowledge."
The Times, London, England, December 19, 1913:
Charles Straker and Sons (Limited), Bishopgate-avenue, who were sued in the City of London
Court, yesterday, by the Postmaster-General, for 18s. 9d., balance due for telephone calls, complained
that they had been charged for 30 times as many calls as they had had and said they defended the
case in order to make a public protest.
Mr. Registrar Wild, in giving judgment for the Postmaster-General with costs, told the
defendants that there was no remedy, no matter how much they were overcharged, as they had signed
an agreement admitting that the Postmaster-General's books were unquestionable, however inaccurate
they might be. The defendants must go to Parliament and get the agreements altered. They could
not do without the telephone, and yet they could not get it without signing an agreement under which
they had no voice in the question of the number of calls.
Troy, N. Y., Record, October 6, 1913:
Prince Charles Wreed, captain of a cavalry in the German army, has been fined $7 because
poor telephone service caused him to tell the girl operator that he considered iier office a hog pen.
The Prince's offense comes under the head known as beamtenbeleidigimg. Being a Government
employe, the girl could insist that her service should be respected. In extenuation of his act the
officer said that the service was really almost worthless. While the prosecution acknowledged this con-
dition, the fact that he had been discourteous could not be overlooked. Fortunately for many of our
people, they are not using the telephone service which is under Government direction.
Rochester, N. Y., Post-Express, October 6,1913:
Complaint against the wretched telephone system of one of the Government exchanges in a
European city brought out the official threat that if the expression of dissatisfaction did not cease, the
telephone service in the city would be discontinued for one year.
There is talk of the nationalization of .American telephones and telegraphs.
The Daily Mail, London, England, September 16, 1912:
The Englishman's home is supposed to be his castle. Alas! it is nothing of the kind. Every
person who signs a telephone contract opens his gate to the wooden horse, and from that moment
the particular Briton becomes the veriest slave, helpless, without redress, and minus the most ele-
mentary rights, save the right to pay and overpay — in advance. The amazing thing is that the Briton
does it, but he does.
The Daily Mail, London, England, Februan,- 6, 1912:
Most serious of all the com])laints against the telephone service is the financial loss entailed by
wrong calls.
Correspondents protest against their helplessness in tiie matter. They have no remedy in check-
ing the calls debited against them. They must pay for whatever number of calls the authorities state
is registered against them. Argument, the subscriber's own record of his calls are of no avail. If
he does not pay the official reckoning, his telephonic connection is peremptorily severed.
26
(American — Official)
Congressional Record, January 15, 1914:
Mr. Calx)Er: * * * _\n employe of a railroad or any other corporation or employer can
bring suit in a civil court for damages for injuries received, and can recover an amount assessed by
a jury. An employe of the Government is estopped from bringing any such action, no matter what
the cause of his injuries may be. and he has no redress whatever.
From official statement issued by Postmaster-General Burleson, for publication in morning news-
papers of May 30, 1913:
* * * Notwithstanding the great zeal displayed in the effort to place the Department on the
so-called paying basis and the resultant injuries to the service, the claim of the former Postmaster-
General that the service actually yielded a profit in 1911 has no foundation in fact. * * *
It is to be further noticed that the balance-sheet as heretofore prepared concerned itself en-
tirely with the revenues from postage and the operations of the Department and expenditures under
the appropriation for the service of the Post Office Department. In addition to this, the Department
should be able to make a complete statement of its financial status, which should include the admin-
istrative expenses of the Department, the expenses of the Auditor's office, and a fair charge for the
maintenance of Federal buildings used exclusively or in part for post-office purposes as items of cost.
It has not been the custom to include these in the balance-sheet.
From the Message to Congress by President Taft, January 17, 1912:
Notwithstanding that voluminous reports are compiled annually and presented to the Congress,
no satisfactory statement has ever been published of the financial transactions of the Government as
a whole. Provision is made for due accountability for all moneys coming into the hands of officers
of the Government, whether as collectors of revenue or disbursing agents, and for insuring that
authorizations for expenditures as made by law shall not be exceeded. But no general system has
ever been devised for reporting and presenting information regarding the character of the expendi-
tures made, in such a way as to reveal the actual costs entailed in the operation of individual services and
in the performance of particular undertakings; nor in such a way as to make possible the exercise of
intelligent judgment regarding the discretion displayed in making expenditure and concerning the
value of the results obtained when contrasted with the sacrifices required.
(American — Editorial)
New York Sitn, December 22, 1913:
A wise and virtuous Congress has decreed that the post-offices over which Mr. Burleson presides
shall sternly repress the habit of correspondence on Sundays, and every conceivable obstacle is cour-
ageously interposed between the man who wants a letter and the object of his desire. Would a Gov-
ernment telephone be conducted on the same high principles ?
It is notorious that many frivolous conversations are carried on over the wires on the first day
of the week. Moreover, these conversations are frequently for the promotion of plans that have not
the approval of those who would restore the New England observance of the day to a country which
has somewhat discarded it. Could a Government telephone system countenance such trivialities?
Certainly not: the exchanges would shut up on Saturday nights and open on Monday.
St. Louis, Mo., Times, December 22, 1913:
It is a perfectly simple proposition that those who seek to govern large public services should
be amenable to the law. So long as individuals seek to perform these public services, there are
always methods of redress when injustices have been done. If these methods are not practicable or
if they are not applied, the fault is one that can be remedied.
But the government is greater than the law; and into its composition there go large numbers
of men who are incompetent and others who are dishonest.
27
Chicago, 111., Inter-Ocean, May 27, 1913:
In connection with the collapse of the recreation pier at Long Beach, Cal., on Saturday, by
which thirty-six persons were killed and nearly twice as many seriously injured, there are circum-
stances which should give pause to some eager advocates of "public ownership" and of the "more
government" proposition generally.
The pier belonged to and was erected by the city of Long Beach, which is a seaside suburb of
Los Angeles. It was built eight years ago, and is stated in the Associated Press dispatches from the
scene to have received since no repairs on the part which fell, directly in front of the "municipal
auditorium" which was a part of the structure.
In a word, public ownership did not secure any better attention to the safety of the public using
the pier than would have been given by the most "greedy and reckless" private ownership. In fact, it
probably secured less attention, for had the pier been a private enterprise the responsible public
officials would have had somebody else instead of just themselves to inspect and regulate and keep up
to the mark, demanded by considerations of public safety.
Saturday Evening Post, December 14, 1912:
There is hardly a state, city or town in this country that makes an intelligible statement of its
fiscal operations and condition.
Every state, city and town publishes once a year a thing it calls a treasurer's report or an audi-
tor's report — usually a very bulky thing, containing an interminable maze of figures. We venture to
say offhand that, as to about two-thirds of these reports, the best expert accountant in the United
States could not construct from them such a concise and intelligible showing of income, outgo, indebt-
edness and cash on hand as the New York Stock Exchange requires from every corporation whose
securities it lists. As to three-quarters of them, we venture to say that, if any such confused, occult
statement were laid before the directors of a railroad, those directors would stand up in righteous
indignation and discharge the whole accounting department on the instant.
New York Times, April 3, 1912:
There are those who arc urging that we should administer the telegraph and telephone through
the government, and who support the proposal by pointing to the success with which the Post Office
is administered. This current year the Post Office reports a surplus * * * But the Post Office sur-
plus disappears if it is charged with the cost of the buildings in which it transacts its business. If
it were to be charged with all other unitemized costs, it might appear that the stamp which costs 2
cents at the Post Office window really cost the buyer as much again. It is sure that the Post Office
itself has no idea what it costs to carry a letter or newspaper either one mile or a thousand miles.
In other words, the Post Office shows a profit by ignoring the burdens carried by all commercial un-
dertakings and transacts its business in defiance of the first conditions of solvency in private affairs
and contrary to the principles it enacts for the guidance of common carriers. To-day the franking
privilege burden on the Government rivals the former pass burden on the railways. Depreciation is
an unknown entry in Government accounts. Income is so far despised that it is proposed to operate
the Panama Canal without tolls, although there are other than financial reasons to the contrary.
From "Principles of Economics" (1911, Vol. II., Bk. VII., Ch. 62), by F. \V. Taussig, Pro-
fessor of Political Economy at Harvard University:
* ♦ » Every person who has looked into the accounts of a railway or iron works or large
manufacturing concern knows how necessary it is to analyze the figures, and, above all the state of
the capital account, before judging whether the management has been good. To supervise public offi-
cials, and to judge whether their administration has been efficient, becomes the more difficult as plant
is larger and more complex. The more one is disposed to entertain general doubt as to the probable
success of public officials, the more is one averse to intrusting such business to their hands.
28
COMPARATIVE EFFICIENCY
(Official)
Coiigrcssioiiiil Record. January 19, 1914, page 1973:
Mr. McClmber: * * * 2s'o one will deny that we can not expect the same personal interest,
the same curtailment of expenses, the same unfailing watchfulness when the Government has to pay
the bills as when we must pay them ourselves. Government ownership of railways, telegraph lines,
and other public utilities means bad service, extravagance, and a menace to the rights of all the
people.
Extract from a paper by R. C. Erskine (Civil Service Commissioner, Seattle, Washington),
read at the First Annual Conference of the League of Pacific Northwest Municipalities, October 24
and 25. 1912:
The other day I asked four large employers in Seattle which they would rather hire of two
men of equal natural capacity and training, one having worked for a city and the other for a private
employer for the five years since leaving school. Three of these employers said they would hire the
man who had been with a private concern and the fourth said that while private employment was
more apt to develop a good worker than public, it was the policy of his house not to hold a man's past
business experience too much against him and he would give either of the applicants a chance to make
good.
From "The U. S. Government's Shame" (1908), by Edwin C. Madilcn, Third Assistant Post-
master General from July 1st, 1899, to March 22nd, 1907, pp. 25-26:
The average time of Postmasters General is less than two years. They come in at the head of
a service of which they know practically nothing and never stay long enough to learn. If all the Post-
masters General for the past twenty years could be taken one at a time and ciuestioned, it is doubtful
if one of them would be able to tell offhand the rates of postage on mail matter, much less any of the
vast details of the great system.
British Parliamentary Debates, Oflicial Report, May 20, 1912, pp. 1599-1600:
Sir G. Doughty : * * * I listened with very great interest to the right hon. (jcntleman's state-
ment respecting the telephone service. I know it is very bad, and it requires very great changes before
it might be called decently comparable with either the United States or Canada. * * * In the United
States they have over eight million telephones in constant use, and they can do it on the very best
lines owing to their long experience and their method of working.
British Parliamentar)- Debates, Official Report, June 19, 1911, p. 86:
Mr. Morton : * * * I am sorry to hear to-day that the Americans are so far in advance of us
in this matter of the telephone. We pride ourselves, I suppose, on being as much advanced as other
people, but it is worth while bearing in mind, now we are told that the Americans are a long way in
advance of us in their telephone service, that the service there is under a private company and that
they are obliged to look after their customers better than a Government Department.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, June 19, 1911, p. 52:
Mr. Herbert Samuel (Postmaster-General) : * * * We have been closely watching the de-
velopment of the telephone system in the United States — the country which was its original home, and
where it has reached its highest development. For many years representatives of my Department have
been visiting the United States in order to acquire information there. The head of the telephone
branch of the Post Office has been to the United States, and the chief engineer has also made an ex-
haustive study of the telephone system there. The telephone traffic manager has only just returned.
We have established a system of travelling scholarships for Post-Office engineers which will enable
29
them to go over to the United States for considerable periods in order to make a minute study of the
telephone in that country.
From the Report of the Royal Commission appointed to Investigate the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Services of the Commonwealth of Australia (ordered to be printed October 5, 1910) :
Disregard of ^^^- * * * So far 35 coHstruction materials are concerned, the Department
metho^ds '""'""' has been working in a most primitive manner, exhibiting an utter disregard of ordi-
nary business methods, and entailing a cumbersome and expensive system of purchase.
9. Your Commissioners, during their inquiry into the management of the Post
and Telegraph Department, discovered defects which were due to lack of efficient
management as distinct from the system of control, and also defects which were in-
man"gem?nt hercut in the system. In framing this Report endeavors have been made to broadly
and system. Separate the defects of system from those of management. It is evident that an in-
ferior system, even under sound management, would make for an indifferent service.
When, however, an inferior system is associated with a weak and limited manage-
ment, the results are disastrous.
Report of Select Committee on Post Ofiicc Servants (ordered printed by House of Commons.
July 24, 1907) :
Salaries of Sorting Clerks and Telegraphists {In the Provinces).
Par. 254. Representations were * * * made (to the Committee) that the minimum estab-
lishod wage was * * * insufficient.
Par. 256. The department replied that in their opinion the rates of pay and the avenues of
promotion were adequate. * * * "That the Government was obliged to tolerate, owing to Parlia-
mentary pressure, a degree of inefficiency which in private employment would lead to dismissal of the
employee."
(Editorial)
The Daily Mail, London, England, January 2, 1914:
Why is it that Government ownership and management of the telephones is practically always a
failure? Why is it that for every thousand Europeans there is only one telephone, while for every
thousand Americans there arc fifteen? Why is it that the country which has done most to improve
the telephone, both technically and commercially, and to popularise its use is the country in which its
operation and development have been, and still arc, exclusively the work of private enterprise? Why
is it that not one of the innumerable discoveries that have transformed the telephone industry in the
last thirty years has emanated from a Department of State, that European Governments have been the
last to adopt them, and that the verdict which experts arc obliged to pass upon them, with, perhaps,
two partial exceptions, is that they have not learned their business? Why is it that there are great and
famous towns in Europe at this moment where methods and machinery that were abandoned twenty
years ago in .Xmerica arc still in use? Why is it that throughout the length and breadth of Great
Britain and the Continent hardly a single efficient long-distance service is to be found? Why is it that'
in New York one can invariably get the number one wants, and get it at once, while in London one
has often to wage a prolonged and embittering battle with a slow operator, insufficient lines, and a con-
versation— if any conversation ensues — that is only audible when it is interrupted?
The broad answer to all these questions is that the alertness and enterprise that are essential to
telephone development cannot be expected from a Government Department. The characteristics of
the bureaucratic mind and temperament forbid it. The organization of a Government office, with a
virtually irremovable staff, forbids it.
30
The Daily Mail, London, England, December 27, 1913:
Mr. Samuel has recently returned from a visit to the United States and Canada. The contrast
batween the telephone service he encountered there and the parody of it over which he presides at
home must have filled him with mortification. Nor can he well have escaped realising that the es-
sence of a telephone system, and the sole test by which its value can be judged, is its efficiency ; that
it is either efficient or it is nothing but an exasperating mockery ; and that a cheap service which is
also unreliable is far more expensive than a comparatively dear service that can always be depended
upon.
The Times, London, England, December 3, 1913:
On the other hand, the fact remains that in .America the exchanges, with practically the same
equipment as is used in London, are able to give their subscribers a much more prompt and efficient
service, as a matter of practical certainty. The shortcomings of operators in this country must not,
therefore, be attributed entirely to the arduous and harassing nature of their work.
The root-fault appears to lie in the system, in the conduct of the telephone business by a Gov-
ernment Department instead of by private enterprise.
The Times, London, England, July 20, 1910:
In most European countries the need for rapid electrical cGninuini:ation is just as great as it
is in America, and were the supply as efficiently organized as it is in America there would be almost
as great a demand for the telephone service here as there. The fact that there is only one European
telephone to ten American telephones must point to some general cause of slow or arrested develop-
ment.
From the National Telephone Journal, London, England, reprinted in the Financial Times.
London, England, February 22, 1910:
In America, on the one hand, the telephone service is rapidly being developed to its utmost
limits ; in Europe, on the other hand. State-controlled, the telephone system is either, at best, moder-
ately developed, or else absolutely starved. There is no doubt that in a well-organized company the
freer stimulus given to individual merit and capacity, and the reaction of the latter both on the quality
and earning power of a service, benefits a far wider circle than the shareholders — namely, the public
at large.
New York Press, February 15, 1910:
U. N. Bethell, vice-president of the New York Telephone Company, has received a letter from
M. Millerand, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs in France, asking if the New York Company will
take on six young telephone officials from Paris and give to them a thorough practical training in the
telephone business in all its branches.
Bulletin des Abonncs an Telephone (Telephone Subscribers' Bulletin), Paris, France, Febru-
ary, 1909, p. 3 (Translation) :
In New York it takes 13 seconds and a half to obtain a local conimuiiicalion. In Paris, are we
assured of obtaining a local connection at the expiration of 13 minutes?
Telephone Engineer, Chicago, 111., December, 1913:
Former Postmaster-General James, a very high authority, has never favored Government own-
ership of the telephone and telegraph business. He has gone so far as to say that were the Post Office
department managed with the same skill, energy and business capacity that characterizes the manage-
ment of our great corporation, it would be practicable to reduce letter postage from 2 cents to 1 cent
and still leave a balance in favor of the Government.
There is not a particle of doubt that a better mail service than we now have could be had under
competent private management at a cost at least $50,000,000 a year less than the people are now pay-
31
ing. Neither our Government nor any other, can manage the telephone and telegraph with half the
economy and efficiency of private ownership and direction.
New York Press, December 27, 1913:
The Government will owe a billion dollars, say, but for all practical purposes of the Govern-
ment it will be as if the deficit didn't exist. The Government will have to pay $40,000,000 a year in-
terest, say, but for all practical purposes of the Government it will be just as if it wasn't paying any
interest at all. The Government will have to pay into the sinking fund several more millions a year,
but for all practical purposes of the Government it will be just as if it weren't paying in a cent.
That is to say, this will all be so if the Government can and does operate the wire service as
efficiently and as profitably as it is now operated. If it doesn't, of course, that will be a horse of a
different color. And that is really the whole question.
Waterloo, Iowa, Reporter, December 23, 1913:
When the Government owns and operates the railroads, the telegraphs and telephones, rates
will be much higher than they are now or else the Government will become bankrupt, as it cannot do
any business as cheaply and efficiently as it would be done under private management, if interest on
bonds necessary to acquire the properties is taken into consideration.
Philadelphia, Pa., Inquirer, December 22, 1913:
Telephone and telegraph companies are run on a scientific basis. Expenses are watched with
great care. If anything goes wrong the remedy is promptly applied. Could the official red-tape of
the Government be relied upon to reduce the efficiency of the private corporation? We seriously
doubt it. England runs its telegraph through its Post Office Department, but financially it is a great
loss. The deficit for forty years has averaged more than $2,000,000 annually. ' The present deficit is
more than $3,000,000, and the recently acquired telephone service is another expensive experiment.
Albany, N. Y., Journal, December 20, 1913:
Again it is the question of efficiency of service. Would efficiency be maintained at the stand-
ard established by the private corporations? These have every incentive to give the best service pos-
sible. They need all the patronage they can obtain, since they are in business for private interests.
The better they satisfy their patrons the more I)usiness they are likely to get. And they know that
if they fail in any inqwrtant particular, complaints can and will be made to agencies of the Govern-
ment.
New York Sun, December 20, 1913:
The Telegrai)h and Telephone companies arc among the best administered institutions in the
world. Their systems are the result of long and sharp competition and the enlightened application of
the best science and the most expert encrg)- to the betterment of their systems. They are constantly
meeting new demands of the business and they are voluntarily reducing rates wherever business
permits.
The Postal service— but perhaps it is better merely to say that for years to come there will
be work enough for the Government in improving the machinery in its present field of operation,
without undertaking the preposterous and unnecessary extension of functions which Mr. Burleson's
annu.tl report so complacently proposes. This is the plain truth of tlic matter.
New York Press. December 20, 1913:
Whoever knew a Government building to be constructed as quickly, as cheaply and as success-
fully as a corporation or an individual constructs a similar building?
Whoever knew a Government service to be performed with the dispatch and efficiency a
similar service is |)i,'rformed by a jirivate enterprise?
Whoever knew Government employees to work the hours that other men work?
Whoever knew Government employees to put into their work, long hours or short hours, the
steam that other men put into theirs?
32
Whoever knew the highest talent for organization, for administration, for business manage-
ment, to seek Government jobs?
All this has a direct and vital bearing upon the proposal of men close to the administration to
put the United States Government into the telephone and telegraph business.
Saginaw, Mich., Courier-Herald, December 19, 1913:
Government ownership works ven*- well in countries which have a comparatively stable admin-
istration, in short there are no frequent changes of officials or reversals of policy. It is very ques-
tionable just how well it could be expected to work in a country like our own in which there is likely
to be a complete change of administration and an entire overturn of Governmental theories and prac-
tices ever)' four years. A business cannot be most successfully conducted which is likely to be placed
in wholly different hands at short intervals, whose governing officials are likely to be appointed not
for efficiency, but for political considerations, are likely to have had no experience with the depart-
ment in which they are placed, and may fly off on entirely new and unexpected tangents.
Indianapolis, Ind., Netvs, December 18, 1913:
We know, as a matter of fact, that Government management is always more costly than pri-
vate management — and usually far less efficient. In England at the present time tliere is much com-
plaint of bad telegraph service. Even our own postal service is far fron. what it ought to be.
The Times, London, England, December 1, 1913:
There is no doubt that the superiority of the American system has been attained in a great
measure by administrative ability in its organizers and the wide field of opportunity, with few serious
obstacles of competition, in which they have worked. Their outlook has been steadily national, not
parochial. They have realized that defective telephonic communication is, in every sense, bad busi-
ness, and that the factors constituting good service, in the order of their importance, are (1) speed
and accuracy in securing connections ; (2) volume and clearness of sound transmitted ; and (3) cost.
They have realized that the money value of the time and temper wasted by the public over a bad
service is a far more serious consideration than any reasonable charges imposed for a good one, and
they have therefore proceeded on the principle that speed and reliability are more important than
cheapness.
Telephone Engineer, Chicago, 111., November, 1913 :
Thousands who are responsible for good telephone service to-day have studied it with intense
concentration for thirty years. We would respectfully urge that all politicians who contemplate the
advocacy of Government ownership devote at least an equal period of time to its investigation. By
that time either the political efficiency of the country will be wonderfully changed or they will have
decided that the thing cannot be done.
Boston, Mass., Herald, November 28, 1913 :
Of all the agencies under heavens among men for conducting ordinary business, the Govern-
ment of the United States is the least efficient. Its long range of operations — for Washington is a
good ways off — its log-rolling by Districts and States, its necessary subordination to the demands of
its organized employees, its redundant pay-rolls, all spell inefficiency. The general public pays the
price, partly for the service at the time it is performed and later in general taxation. This is the way
it is now paying for the Post Office and for the parcel post and for everything else.
Government ownership once secured, would mark the end of improvement in the transmission
of intelligence by these two agencies. Do you realize how private enterprise would run the light-
houses? By an automatic arrangement, just as the electric street signs arc flashed on and ofT and
without the need of individual attendance aside from supervisors. Will the Government ever do this?
Never. Its aim is not to save labor, but to make it. Is Congressman Curley studying to find ways of
33
reducing the pay-rolls in the Charlestown Navy Yard? If he were would he remain Congressman
long? * * *
The visitor to the National Capitol, taken into the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, will there
be shown presses turned by human hands, with the suave explanation of the Government-paid atten-
dant that the work is of such a delicate character that no form of mechanical power can be safely ap-
plied. This is sheerest humbug! There is not a shred of engineering testimony to that effect. If
anything, the electric power of the present day is superior in uniformity and responsiveness to any
that the human arm can supply. This is only one of the countless devices for making work, and
openly advocated as such by the legislative agent who forced the requirement from a timid Congress.
Springfield, Mass., New England Homestead, October 18, 1913:
It took twenty years' persistent public effort to induce Congress to authorize parcel post. How
awful it would be if, every time we wanted some improvement in railways, telephones or telegraphs,
we had to wait for Congress to grant it.
New York Times, October 4, 1913:
It is interesting to note that it is always the prosperous private undertakings which the Gov-
ernment covets in the interest of the people. The Government never pioneers and develops and pro-
duces profit where none was before. The Government specialty is spending $2 in the place of $1,
and hiring two men in the place of one. It is true that Government officials sometimes have delu-
sions of grandeur in this respect, but the realization of the dreams are subject to such sad awaken-
ings as overtook the British Government's dabbling with wireless communications.
The Saturday Evening Post, February 15, 1913:
The statement that Collector Loeb, of the port of New York, will resign promptly on March
fourth is only one among many instances which remind us that business wants able men, but the Gov-
ernment does not.
We understand Mr. Loeb has made an exceptionally good record as collector of the port of
New York. If he had made an exceptionally good record for the Steel Trust or a railroad or bank
the employer would naturally be anxious to retain his services. To that end it would make him every
reasonable assurance of permanent tenure, higher position and better pay — without inquiring to what
political party or church he belonged. .As an employee of the United States Government he might
have made a record that astonished the world, but the employer would have no use for him after
March fourth — no inducement of permanent tenure, higher position and better pay to offer him.
Brooklyn, N. Y., Life, February 8, 1913 :
Professor Pupin of Columbia recently took exception to the casual remark of a gentleman who,
being asked what he considered the three greatest institutions in the world, answered: the Roman
Catholic Church, the German Army and the Standard Oil Company. Professor Pupin told him he
was right only as to the last, for the three greatest institutions in the world were the Standard Oil
Company, the General Electric Company and the American Telephone and Telegraph Company.
Whether the professor was right or wrong these institutions testify to our organizing ability and if
our government were run as they are, Germany would be taking lessons from us and one might talk
of municipally operated subways without being popularly regarded as lacking in the upper story.
From an article entitled "The Government and the Railroads," by Arthur T. Hadley, LL.D.,
President of Yale University, published in Youth's Companion, April 18, 1912:
♦ ♦ ♦ An employee of the United States Government feels less assured of the permanence of
his position than an employee of most of our private corporations. He is less certain that efficient
service will result in promotion, and far more apprehensive of outside interference with his work by
people who know nothing of the real conditions under which he labors.
34
SERVICE
( J-orctgu — Official)
Extract from Minutes of Proceedings of a Deputation from the London Chamber of Com-
merce, which waited upon Postmaster-General Samuel, July 4, 1913:
* * * Those of us who visit America are quite satisfied that the trunk (long distance) serv-
ice in this country is not in anything like the shape of the trunk service in the United States. I do
not think anyone who visited the United States would say that the trunk service here could be com-
pared with the trunk service over there.
Letter from R. P. Houston, M. P., to Herbert Samuel, British Postmaster-General (The Daily
Mail, London, England, June 13, 1913) :
If the present chaotic and maddening telephone service you supply to the public is to continue
I would suggest that the Government provide special lunatic asylums for those subscribers who will
be driven mad by the use of what I believe to be the most inefficient and exasperating telephone serv-
ice in the world.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, pp. 621-622:
Mr. Long : * * * Since the telephone was taken over by the Post Office the actual service
has in many cases not been so good, and complaints have enormously increased. I speak as one who
has used the telephone himself at his own residences under the National Telephone Company and to-
day under the Post Office. I have found nobody whose experience differs from my own, and I say
that there were less, complaints then than there are now, that I had less interruptions in the conversa-
tions which took place, and that the system worked better and more smoothly.
British Pariiamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, p. 594:
Mr. Goldman: * * * There is no comparison between the trunk (long distance) service
here and that in the United States. In the United States the trunk service is known as a no-delay serv-
ice, while in this country it is known as an all-delay service.
Statement by C. S. Goldman, M. P., in an article in The Daily Graphic, London, England,
March 3, 1913:
Our telephones may truly be described as "the get-them-when-you-can service." This is not
good enough. The post is regular. Deliveries can be relied upon to be made at a certain hour ; even
telegrams have some certainty in time ; and when one person at one end of the wire wishes to speak
to another person at the other end of that wire he should be able to do it quickly and well. The tele-
phone in this country is a disappointment as a vehicle of efficient and reliable communication.
From Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, Great Britain, May 20, 1912:
Mr. Baikd: I wish to say a few words about the telephones in London. I think the transfer
of the telephones to the Government has been a proof of the calamity of pushing upon the Govern-
ment the control of a monopoly upon which the comfort of the public depends. After a considerable
experience of telephones in a great many countries, I have no hesitation in saying that there is noth-
ing, even in Abyssinia, half as bad as the telephone service in London to-day.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, May 20, 1912, p. 1660:
Sir Gilbert Parker ; * * * that reform has not been carried out in the telephone system is
evident to everybody who has suffered as I have from morning until night, having a good deal of
business to do over the telephone wires. There has been nothing said to-day in criticism of the tele-
phone system which is not abundantly justified, because if you go to the utmost corners of the world
you will find a better system in existence than is to be found in this country, and particularly in
London.
35
The Daily Mail, London, England, February 9, 1912:
Lord Devonport, chairman of the Port of London Authority, wrote in The Times yesterday as
follows :
"As Parliament is not at present available, may I be allowed through the publicity of your
columns to inquire of the Postmaster-General on what date he hopes to restore the telephone service
to its normal state of efficiency and usefulness? At the moment, so far as the Port Authority is con-
cerned, it has ceased to be a reliable aid to business."
From "La gestion par I'Etat et les municipalites" (State and Municipal Mismanagement), by
Yves Guyot, Ex-Minister of Public Works, France, 1913, pages 349-50 (Translation) :
In 1905, on returning from the United States, I found again, in Paris, all the charms of the
telephone. I rang, but it was only at the end of one or two minutes that the operator answered. I
heard calls, other numbers, conversations ; and I waited until they were good enough to say, "They
don't answer," — referring to houses where employees are stationed at the telephone permanently, — or
else the refrain, "Line is busy," which, of course, cannot be verified until later on.
I took a notion to complain. As a result, I had to do penance for a fortnight. No one could
get connection with me, nor could I get connection with anyone else. I felt that I had earned a re-
ward for my patience. The Administration, obsessed by this subscriber who complained so persist-
ently, said to me at last:
"Come and see the Gutenberg exchange."
I went to see the Gutenberg exchange. I spoke of the United States, where, in New York,
even in the busiest hours, all connections are made almost instantaneously.
"What do you expect?" said the official who accompanied me, and whom I met in New York.
"Those are private companies!"
From Official Report, by Senator Emile Dupont, in the 1912 Budget, Post & Telegraphs, in
French Senate Document No. 35, Appendix to Stenographic Report, Session of January 30, 1912,
pages 74-75 (Free Translation) :
COMPLAINT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE OF THE CITY OF VALENCIENNES.
* * * We are bound to state that, at present, it is useless to count on the telephone as a rapid
means of communication between Paris and our city. The Postal Administration has known this fact
for several years. At the end of the year 1908 it made arrangements for the construction of a third
circuit between Paris and Valenciennes. The work of line construction commenced at the beginning
of 1909. At the present moment it is not yet finished. Now each time that this subject is brought by
our Chamber of Commerce to the attention of the .Xdministration the answer is received that opera-
tions are continued without interruption, that they are pushed with vigor, but there is no result. Now
what is the need of taking three years in order to construct a telephone circuit of 230 kilometres (143
miles)? Isn't this disconcerting?
Statement of Deputy Joseph Noulcns, Reporter of the Committee of the French Chamber of
Deputies on Posts and Telegraphs (as published in Le Journal, Paris, reprinted in the National Tele-
phone Journal, London, England, September, 1908, p. 24) :
The universal indignation aroused by the Paris telephone service is fully justified. Prolonged
delays in answering calls, bad hearing and repeated interruption of conversation, are the ordinary fea-
tures of the Paris telephone service, and are daily endured by the unhappy subscribers.
From the Report on the French Budget for Posts and Telegraphs for 1907, by Deputy Steeg,
p. 67 (Translation) :
The average time for connecting two subscribers in Paris is 1 minute and 50 seconds, if we
are to believe the Administration. In America, the time that elapses between the subscriber's call and
the moment when be obtains connection is, at most, 16 or 17 seconds. The difference is appreciable!
36
New York Herald, Februar)- 9, 1905 :
M. Marcel Sembat, who is charged with the duty of reporting on the estimates for this branch
of the public ser\ice, remarked that in other countries, notably in America, the telephone service is
more satisfactory than in France. He added:
"In America particularly it has reached a degree of perfection that we dare not even hope for
in France."
Proceedings in the Dresden, Germany, City Council (Translated from the Drcsdncr Anzeigcr,
July 5, 1913) :
Resolved, that the council ask the executive board to present to the Imperial Postal Adminis-
tration a petition for removal of the shortcomings in the Dresden telephone service, which are not
alone to be explained by the change to the semi-automatic system.
Councilman Kohlmann : * * * It makes no difference what the cause may be : the present
condition is unbearable. If, as I have been told, the threat to shut down the telephone for months if
the complaints do not stop, is true, even that might be better than having a telephone which can be
used only occasionally.
************
Councilman Kiihn : Gentlemen ! The opinion is unanimous that the present condition of the
Dresden telephone service is unbearable and deserving of the severest criticism. It might seem that
Herr Kohlmann had said enough, but I believe that the arbitrary way the Postal Administration has
dealt with the complaints, in view of the scandalous conditions, should make it our duty to criticise
very sharply.
Criticism of German Telephone Service by Herr Haberland, Deputy, on February 18, 1913,
during a debate in the Reichstag:
The average time to get a connection (long distance) in Berlin is IJ/2 hours. Unless the call
is classified as urgent, the connection takes several hours.
From an article by A. Bartolini, Royal Commissioner for the Reorganization of the Postal and
Telegraph Service in Italy, published in Rivista dellc Comunkaciom (official organ of the Italian Min-
istry of Posts and Telegraphs), October, 1913, pp. 848-9 (Translation) :
The criticisms directed against the Postal and Telegraph Administration are numerous and
varied. To realize their importance, one need only read the political and technical papers each day,
and keep track of the proposals and suggestions made by the reporter for the Postal and Telegraph
Budget each year.
************
All this might be attributed, in large measure, to the easy and quick susceptibility of the Latin
and particularly of the Italian temperament ; but that is not so. There still ring in the ears of those
who were members of the Commission which investigated the postal and telegraph offices throughout
the Kingdom, the vehement invectives uttered by the Chambers of Commerce of Genoa, Turin, Milan,
Venice, Naples, Palermo, etc., against the manner in which the postal, telegraph and telephone service
is conducted in Italy. These bodies, giving direct expression to the needs of commerce and industry,
said, in substance :
"If the State is incapable of conducting the postal and telegraph service as it should be con-
ducted, let it be entrusted to us without more ado, and we will operate it directly, providing the neces-
sary capital and adopting suitable administrative and accounting methods."
From a pamphlet printed in 1910 by the Italian Postal Telegraph Clerks' Association, Hon.
Filippo Turati, Member of Parliament, Italy. President (Translation) :
The (telegraph) service will continue on its road to ruin, and the country will endure the losses
37
and the jests. The Ministry of the Post and the Telegraph will then perhaps decide to send its tele-
graphic functionaries to Canada and Venezuela in order that they may learn there the great progress
of the science.
Report by United States Minister Charles J. Vopicka, Bukharest, Roumania, printed in Daily
Consular & Trade Reports, January 9, 1914:
The Director of Posts and Telephones has issued a statement to the effect that a direct wire is
now open between the cities of Bukharest and Vienna. Until further notice only one city in this
country will be able to have direct telephone communication with Vienna, Cernovitcz, Lemberg, and
Cracovia. The telephone rate for three minutes between Bukharest and Cernovitcz will be 3.50 francs
(68 cents) ; between Bukharest and Lemberg, 4.50 francs (87 cents) ; between Bukharest and Cra-
covia, 5.50 francs ($1.06) ; between Bukharest and Vienna, 6.50 francs ($1.25). In the event of a
demand for the quickest possible connection, the regular rate is tripled.
(Foreign — Editorial)
The Daily Mail, London, England, December 27, 1913 :
Since the Government took over the working of the lines and public interest in the efficiency of
telephonic communication became proportionately vigilant, a catalogue of errors and misdemeanors
has been compiled that would have driven any private company out of business.
Article by Charles Brunning, in the Liverpool, England, Evening Express (reprinted in the
Boston, Mass., Herald, July 26, 1913:
Foreigners mistake the e.xcellence and quickness of the American system for hustle. The Amer-
ican does things more easily than we do. In the first place he doesn't write so many letters — he simply
telephones.
And here let me voice my admiration of that wonderful institution, the American telephone.
"Wiretalking" in America is all done so quietly, so comfortably, so easily, so surely — either local or
long distance — that one wonders how a civilized people like we are presumed to be can stand our
ridiculous English telephone system. Truly we are a long suffering people.
Rarely does an American shout in his telephone. He speaks in a soft, easy voice, for all the
world like a man saying his prayers in church.
Pall Mall Gazette, London, England, December 11, 1913:
In the closing days of that corporation the service was notoriously defective: an out-going ten-
ant cannot be expected to show much zeal for improvements. But since the new management came
in, bad has gone to worse, and dissatisfaction is more em]ihatic and general to-day than at any time
since the invention was introduced to this country. Mr. Samuel asks further indulgence, but we are
entitled to have a time-limit set to the invocation of the old familiar excuses and extenuations. The
present state of matters is a handicap on every kind of national interest. All foreigners confess that
until they tried to use our telephones they h^d never realized the self-abnegation and moral loftiness
of the British character.
From a letter to the London, England, Times, December 9, 1913, by Sir Francis Trippel :
Sir: — In a large nursing home in Fitzroy-square, where 30 patients are lying more or less ser-
iously ill, the telephone got out of order about 6 p. m. on Saturday. Every effort was made by the
lady superintendent to have the matter put right, but the telephone officials said that nothing could be
done on a Saturday night or Sunday. Repeated applications were unavailing, and the nursing home
remained cut off from telephonic communication during Saturday night and all day and night yester-
day. * ♦ * It was not till after 40 hours' interrupted service that the telephone was in order again,
and it required only a couple of screws to be fixed in the receiver — a few minutes' work.
Now, Sir, this disgraceful state of organization in the telephone service must cease to exist.
When it may be a question of life or death at any moment, the public has a right to demand that
38
instant provision should be made for such an occurrence never to happen again between Saturday
night and Monday morning, and, if left undone, the responsible authorities lay themselves open to a
charge of criminal neglect. Vours faithfully,
Claridge's Hotel, Dec. 8. Francis Trippel.
Metropolitan Magazine, New York, August, 1913 :
The telephone, for instance ; if you want a nice test of temper, try to get a number at the Hotel
Cecil in London ; or, better still, spend a happy morning in ringing up people on the telephone in
Paris. In America it is either done for you at once or you know it cannot be done, and the matter is
settled.
The Standard, London, England, August 13, 1913:
As an instance of the delay and muddle of the State telephone system nothing has yet surpassed
the treatment by the authorities of a Birmingham correspondent, who has vainly sought to be connected
since November last. The Post Office actually suggested that he had better move to another house,
so that his request could be the more easily complied with.
New York Times, August 10, 1913:
A subscriber writes to the (London) Daily Mail, telling this story:
Sir: I have found that numbers of friends who have tried to rinj,- me up have always been in-
formed that no reply could be obtained. On one or two occasions my bell rang, and when I put the
receiver to my ear I could distinctly hear the operator saying "No reply" or "Engaged" to the person
who was trying to ring me up.
I determined to test this, and, leaving my secretary one morning with the telephone in front of
her, went out to a call office near. I asked for my own number, and, after waiting three minutes, was
informed that the operator could get no reply. I asked her to try again, and, after wating five min-
utes, was informed there was no reply. I then repeated the number and asked her to try once again,
and in about half a moment the engaged signal began to go. I waited until this buzzing had ended,
and then I said to the operator:
"I think it is only right to tell you that it is my own number I am trying to ring up from a call
office just outside my flat, and my secretary is sitting waiting for this call."
I was put through immediately, and my secretary informed me that she had not moved away
from the telephone, and no bell had rung.
Electrical Industries, London, England, December 4, 1912:
There is a certain amount of satisfaction in the fact that Mr. Winston Churchill got so angry
over the freaks of the telephone the other day that he flung his receiver on the floor. As a member
of the Government which purchased the telephone system, he deserves all the torture that Post Office
working can inflict. But his rage, and the delicate remonstrance which he doubtless addressed to his
right honorable colleague on the subject do not, unfortunately, make the organization any better for
the average subscriber.
London, England, Clobe, September 12, 1912:
Apparently, the Postmaster-General is of the oijinion that a policy of masterly inactivity will
eventually force the public, in sheer despair, to cease from grumbling, and give the telephone author-
ities some rest. If that is his belief, we can only say that he is mistaken. We English are a patient
race, but we do not intend to put up with the worst telephone service in the world forever.
The Standard, London, England, January 2, 1914 (Letter from its Paris Correspondent) :
I went to the Bourse Centrale soon after eleven the other night and found one employee busy
in taking down applications for calls from a crowd of impatient journalists and men of business of
all nationalities. From time to time he would shout out a name, "Popolo," "Secolo," "Tribuna," and
a joyful Italian would spring forward and be allotted one of the nine cabins. His joy was premature,
39
apparently, however, for during the next few minutes a string of stentorian complaints echoed from
within, "Nome di Dio ! Rispondete ! Dunque ! Non mi intendete ! Santissima Virgo !" Then would
come a Berlin line open, and a repetition in German of "Donnerwetter ! Scandal, Gotteswill!" etc.
Through all this the weary operator imperturbably sat on, impervious to objurgations and en-
treaties. There was a short circuit somewhere, and it was no use swearing at him. In pity I asked
him how long he was expected to stand this work. "I come in at nine in the evening and stay till eight
in the morning," was the reply. One wretched man for eleven hours to meet the whole interprovin-
cial and international telephonic requirements of Paris!
Springfield, Mass., Union, September 23, 1913:
It is a sad commentary on the French telephone service that Aviator Gilbert on Sunday flew
100 miles from Paris to Reims in 55 minutes, and that he arrived at his destination before news of
his departure could be telephoned.
Le Temps, Paris, France, August 31, 1913:
To-day our colleague, "L'Auto," protests against the difficulties which assail one when one
wants to use the telegraijh or telephone.
"A telegram which was handed in, in Deauville, the 28th of August at 9.15 p. m.," says our
confrere, "was received in the office of 'L'Auto' the next morning, August 29, at 2 o'clock.
"A telegram which was handed in, in Leipzig, the 28th of August at 9.30 p. m., reached the
office of 'L'Auto' the next morning, August 29, at 6 o'clock.
"As for the telephone, it is no better: Of the 15 cities constituting the relay points for the
bicyclists' tour of France, we were able to get telephone communication willi only five or six. The
exchanges answered regularly: 'Such and such city * * * line out of order,' 'Such and such a city
♦ * * line out of order!'"
"Those lines which we had taken the trouble to have reserved for June 12 for our interurban
conversations, were not actually free until the latter half of July: the Tour of France, by that time,
was two-thirds accomplished !"
Article by C. F. Bertelli, of Paris, in Leslie's Weekly, May 15, 1913:
What would the New Yorkers who grumble at a few seconds' wait do if they were at the
mercies of the Administration des Postes Telegraphes et Telephones, or "P. T. T.," as it is familiarly
called? An authoritative series of tests carried out a short time ago showed that the Paris system is
at least seven and a half times slower than the American ! Whereas the average time required to get
into communication in New York is, according to latest figures, eleven seconds (beaten by several
other cities in New York State), the French capital is content to wait 1 minute, 20.8 seconds! The
tests were perfectly fair, being made at the time of day when there is least rush. They were made
from all parts of the city, and from all sorts of places — post-offices, private apartments, hotels, busi-
ness offices, cafes, etc., and the greatest possible variety of subscribers were rung up.
Letter from a French telephone subscriber to Le Petit Phare de Nantes, reprmted in the
Bulletin de I'Association des Abonnes au Telephone, Paris, France, September, 1912 (translation) :
Sir: — In one of your recent issues of the Phare, mention was made of the protest of a sub-
scriber, who, having asked for connection with Rennes, was informed that he must wait eleven hours
in order to obtain it. This record seemed unbeatable, and justly so.
But to-day I found I had to talk with Saint-Malo, and, wishing to be put through quickly, I had
my name inscribed on the waiting list first thing in the morning ; the operator told me — though very
ainialily, T nuist confess — that I would have to wait thirteen hours and ten minutes (you are reading
it right) in order to be put through.
Zeitschrift fiir Sclnvachstromtechuik. Munich, Germany, September, 1913 (translation) :
In an earlier issue we reported the stormy scenes which the disturbances in the Dresden tele-
phone service occasioned in the Dresden council meetings. These disturbances have been manifest for
40
several months, beginning with the installation of the semi-automatic system, and have made the tele-
phone practically useless for a largo number of the subscribers. This disorder has increased to such
a degree, and has lasted so long, that many subscribers have decided to refuse to pay their telephone
bills. This will probably give rise to more or less activity in the courts.
Article by Dr. R. Luther, Head Professor at the Dresden Technische Hochschule, in the Dres-
den, Germany, Anzeigcr, June 28, 1913 (translation) :
It is an irony of fate that the American engineers who came to study our "nrodel technical
works" should have visited us just at the time of this telephone anarchy. When they get home, these
gentlemen can relate, with pitying superiority, that in the year 1913, thirty-si.x years after the dis-
covery of the electro-magnetic telephone, in the age of the beginning of wireless telegraphy, one of
the largest cities of Germany, Dresden, with over half a million inhabitants, is without adequate tele-
phone facilities.
New York Times, May 5, 1913:
Berlin, May 4. — Remarkable evidence as to the effect of the telephone upon the minds of
people using it was given in a trial yesterday. Dr. Strauch, a commissioner in lunacy, said that even
phlegmatic men might have their mental balance upset by exasperation at getting no reply from "Cen-
tral." He mentioned the case of one of his own patients, a well-known doctor, who became completely
insane through telephone exasperation.
Dr. Paechter, another witness, asserted that he could bring evidence to show that Government
telephone girls had been permitted by the inspectors to utilize one of the big exchanges for the recep-
tion of their fiances. One amusement of the girls of this exchange was to look up all subscribers
having the same name, to connect all of them., ring them all up, and laugh loudly at the result.
New York Times, September 18, 1912:
Berlin, Sept. 17. — Three engineering officials of the German Post Office Department are about
to sail for the United States in order to investigate American telephone systems. * * * Ameri-
can telephones are regarded in Germany as the best in the world, and the hopes and prayers of busi-
ness men and householders accompany the Post Office Department's Commissioners to America.
Mattino, Naples, Italy, November 6, 1910 (translation) :
At a meetmg of the Chamber of Commerce on November 4, 1910, the President, referring to
the Royal Commission appointed to investigate the complaints of the telegraph, postal and telephone
services, stated that he had brought to their attention the great deUys in the delivery of telegrams
and the execrable telephone service, and that he was obliged to sa} that, since the Government had
taken over the telephone company, the service was far worse in every respect, and that he had taken
steps to send a full report to the Commission.
From I'ltalie, Rome, Italy, November 5, 1910 (translation) :
Meetings have been held at the various chambers of com.mprce throughout It; ly, but it seems
that nothing is done to remedy the existing state of affairs, and every one is complaming of the utter
impossibility of relying upon the telegraph service. ^
From I'ltalie, Rome, Italy, November 5, 1910 (translation) : -"bei,
A telegram sent from Paris yesterday, at 2.37 p. m., was received i"~""'he at 8.20 p. m.
Six hours for transmission ! "
And this telegram was not given a messenger until 9 p. m. ^
Forty minutes for it to pass from the receiving room into the pocket ^ the messenger!
This message was very urgent, and asked that certain documents be jcnt off at once by mail.
As the mail train starts for France at 8.40 p. m., it was, of course, impossible for the recipient, a
reporter, to do as requested, and this delay caused serious inconvenience.
41
\
The Italian Telegraph administration takes undue advantage of the fact that the Government
incurs no legal responsibility for the telegraph service !
From the Die Zeit, Vienna, Austria, reprinted in the Elektrotechnische Zeitschrift, Berlin, Ger-
many, April 24, 1913 (translation) :
For some time, it has been difficult to connect new telephones in the Vienna Exchange. The
Postal Administration has several thousand unfilled applications, some of which have been put aside
for years, and it cannot be expected that these applications will be filled for some time. This state of
affairs exists in almost every part of Vienna; in some parts construction work has been entirely sus-
pended, in others it is only carried on in a desultory manner. ♦ * * Jhe dissatisfaction among
Vienna subscribers, and among those who might become subscribers, is very great.
New York Press, December 23, 1913:
When anybody on one side or the other of this debate talks rates and costs, they ought to be
careful to make it clear what service is given the public, for the cost in each case and what the rela-
tive rate is. Mr. Lewis must know, for example, that when you hand in an ordinary telegraph message
in virtually any Government office on the whole continent of Europe your message may go through in
forty-eight hours ; it may by accident go through in thirty-six hours ; it may by a miracle go through
in twenty-four hours ; but if you want to get it through in a few hours you have to pay double and
even triple rates.
The Government service in France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland did not make any pretense
of getting an ordinary telegraph message through — even short distances — within many, many hours of
the time you can flash an ordinary message in this country from one side of the continent to the other
and have an answer back on top of it.
RATES
{Foreign — Official)
From the Minutes of Proceedings of a Deputation from the London ChanAer of Commerce
which waited upon the Right Hon. Herbert Samuel, M. P., Postmaster-General of Great Britain, July
4, 1913:
Mr. Faithfull Begg: * * * There is one other very important point to which I am asked
to refer and that is the question of the rates themselves. Now at the time of the transfer I think it
may be fairly said that specific assurances were given or general assurances that the result of the taking
over by the Post Office would net be anything in the nature of a general advance in rates, and I think
the public, rightly or wrongly, concluded that as a matter of fact they would get their telephones for
less. I never shared that view, but I ihink it was a more or less general view, and we are told — and
I think there is e>-idence throughout the country — that there arc very serious complaints of increases
in rates. ♦ * * Genergi'- y speaking, the Committee is of opinion that it can be shown that the
changes which have iskcd '^ce have in the main been in the direction of a considerable increase
in rates. »' Th
British ParliaP"" -cbates. Official Report, April 24, 1913, page 594:
Mr. Goldman :\s-^ * The Postmaster-General himself has stated that he would give us ser-
vice equal to that of t\. . Jnited States, if we were prepared to pay rates such as they are paying,
say, between Liverpool and London, a rate of 5s. instead of the existing rate of 2s. 6d. The Post-
master General should no\forgct that 2s. 6d. in this country is almost equivalent to 5s. in America.
• I only want to p<Smt out to the Postmaster-General himself, who wanted to make out that
he could give us an equivalent service if we were ready to pay 5s. instead of 2s. 6d., which we are
42
V
paying now, that, wages being three times as high in the United States and the money not going as
far as in this countr>-, we ought to get at least as good a service for 2s. 6d. as they get for 5s.
British ParHamentar>' Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, page 576:
Mr. Herbert S.amuel: * * ♦ Jhe time is approaching for a revision of the telephone rates
of charge. That is essential in view of the inequalities of charge between subscribers in the various
districts.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, p. 591 :
Mr. Goldman ; * * * xhe question which the Postmaster-General raised with regard to
rates will only be received in this House and outside with modified satisfaction. He is only able to
promise that he hopes in the future to be able to deal with the rates, which he ought to have dealt
with at least two years ago.
* * * The Postmaster-General has acknowledged the urgency of dealing with these rates,
because, in reply to a speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Devizes, he stated that the efficiency
of the telephone service, and its development and extension, largely depended upon fixing the revision
of the rates, and the delay in the development and improvement which a large number of subscribers
are suffering from to-day owing to unfair rates, which he himself acknowledges, is largely due to
delay on the part of the Post Office in dealing with the question of rates
British Parliamentarj' Debates, Official Report, May 20, 1912, p. 1566:
Mr. Herbert Samuel (Postmaster-General) : * * * I am considering the introduction of
a system of urgent telegrams at triple rates between this country aiul the Continent of Europe.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, May 20, 1912, p. 1584:
Mr. C. S. Goldman : * * * Although the system may be more expensive in this country
than in Germany, I do not believe that people mind spending more money if the system is satisfac-
tory, but they object to paying these high rates for an unsatisfactory system, because no one can be
satisfied when they have to wait half an hour or even an hour before they can get a connection.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, May 20, 1912, p. 1586.
Mr. C. S. Goldman ; * * * Perhaps the most controversial point in connection with tele-
phones is that which refers to rates. This question has also been the subject of much discussion.
The Postmaster-General will remember that only last year he received a big deputation from over one
hundred municipalities in England urging him to deal with this question of the rates. * * *
Report on the French Budget for Posts & Telegraphs, 1911, by M. Charles Dumont, Deputy
(translation) :
Finally, telephone service in Paris is subjected to all the inconveniences of a flat rate: — a high
subscription which deprives small and medium sized merchants from competing with more wealthy
concerns — subscribers whose lines are occupied almost continuously (cafes, restaurants, etc.), and who,
for the sum of 400 francs, cause the Administration a hundred times more work than an ordinary sub-
scriber— the difficulty in putting through calls on the lines of these subscribers, which are almost
always occupied, and, consequently, repeated losses of time for the operators — finally useless conver-
sations, babbling and gossiping by telephone, which even the smallest message rate would discourage.
From the letter of the Belgian Minister of Railways, Post', & Telegraphs, transmitting to the
King a draft of the law providing for the abolition of flat rates, -ind the adoption of measured rates,
published in Le Moniteur Beige, Brussels, September 16, 1911 (translation):
The system known as the flat rate system, at j)resent in eflFect in our country, has gradually been
abolishtd by foreign countries; it has been considered irrational and unju.st, and as forming the
greatest obstacle to the popularization of the telephone.
4.^
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report. June 19, 1911, p. 85:
Mr. Morton ; * * * There is a general feeling that the cost of using the telephone might
be considerably reduced.
British Parliamentarj' Debates, Official Report, June 19, 1911, p. 54:
Mr. Herbert Samuel : * * * I am, however, now being pressed to promise immediate reduc-
tions in the existing telephone rates, and those who complain that the Post Office is not to be trusted to
manage the telephones in a business-like way because it is too much open to pressure are often themselves
the first to bring political and other pressure to bear in order to secure an immediate reduction to rates
which might be to unremunerative amounts.
From the Report of the Royal Commission Appointed to Investigate the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Services of the Commonwealth of Australia (ordered to be printed October 5, 1910) :
?p^sed°by 32. * * * The evidence disclosed that the reductions in the telephone rates
fnd"chie"* **""* were made on the advice of a subordinate officer, and in opposition to the advice of
Electrical Engineer, ^he Permanent Head and Chief Electrical Engineer, and your Commissioners con-
sider that the then Postmaster-General took action without having any sound reason
for the drastic reduction made.
ratSi."^'"" *^ '° 187. This section of the Report will be confined to the telephone rates and
charges imposed upon the public during the period of Federation. The evidence dis-
closed considerable confusion as to the basis of the charges to be adopted. Your Com-
missioners are of the opinion that the present charges are grossly inequitable to
certain sections of the public.
wft'h^urftn"*""^ ^^- From the evidence, your Commissioners are forced to conclude that these
consideration. ^ates vycre established without full consideration of the ultimate result, and a total
disregard of the experience of other countries.
From the Report of the' Royal Commission, appointed July 10, 1910, to investigate the telephone
service in Italy (translation) :
The present rates are not proportionate to the expenses caused by the various classes of sub-
scribers, and. thus, those who reap the least profit suffer the most, and those to whom the service is
of greater advantage pay the least.
Statement in the German Reichstag, April 16, 1910, by the Secretary of State for the Post
Office, Published in the Deutsche Vcrkeltrszeitung, Berlin, Germany, April 22, 1910 (translation) :
* * * I am well awarti that during the first deliberation of the proposed rate law various
objections were raised by members of the House against the rate law. * * *
The renewed presentation Vf the rate law has led to many harsh criticisms in the dailies.
Report on the French Buotet for Posts & Telegraphs, 1909, by M. Chautard, Deputy (trans-
lation) :
The flat rate system, which Is in effect in the larger cities of France, precludes a good service,
whatever the excellence of the personnel and the equipment may be ; this is to-day the unanimous
opinion of engineers and telephone managers in every country, and it is an opinion definitely and
scientifically established, because it is\based on ven*- wide telephone experience.
44
Elektrotechinsche Zcitschrift, Berlin, Germany, December 16, 1909 (translation) :
A commission of the Hansa-Bund, brought together from all circles of German trades and
industries for consideration of the proposed changes in the Telephone Rate Law, has unanimously
voted the following resolution, which is to be sent to the legislative authorities : —
"The telephone ought to be a tool for daily use, yet in Germany, as opposed to other coun-
tries, especially Sweden, it has not obtained the popularity and usefulness due it, chiefly because
its use heretofore has been much too costly for large circles of business, particularly for the mid-
dle-sized and small trades and industries, as well as for officers and householders.
"Consequently, we regard the proposed increase in cost of this indispensable and yet tech-
nically imperfected means of communication as a measure which must injure not only these wide
circles of the people, but also the Government Postal Department itself. We are of the opinion
that the surplus expected from this increase in rates would be obtained sooner by a reduction
than by an increase, and that the urgent popularization of the telephone can be attained by a gen-
eral cheap base rate and a measured conversation tax, which would be established not by individual
count, but by blocks, and which could eventually be graded according to use."
Abstract from Debate in the Reichstag, Germany, March 3, 1909, published in Archiv filr Post
& Telegraphie, Berlin, April, 1909 (translation) :
The Secret.\ry of State for the Post Office: * * * It is well known to you that soon
after the introduction of the Telephone Rate Order the desire arose to ojtain a greater equalization.
The new rate order was arrived at as a result of experience and the demands of the House.
They were carefully considered in conference with the South German Postal Government. After
conclusions had been made, the chief commercial associations were asked to name a number of men
whom they considered competent to advise the Government in this matter. The plan was submitted
to these men for advice and suggestions, and a majority of them supported the new schedule. The
objection all came from the smaller class which will suffer disadvantage from the new order; but they
only amount to about 30 or 35 per cent., and the rest of the people are pleased with it. * * *
The objection is made that we pay the operators and general personnel too little; and that the
hours are too long. But where is the money coming from, especially when there is a constant cry
for reduced rates !
From the Report on the French Budget for Posts and Telegraphs for 1905, by M. Marcel Sem-
bat, p. 61 (translation) :
Moreover the high subscription rate, 400 francs, prevents a great number of little shop keepers
and little business men from having the telephone.
(Foreign — Editorial)
Liverpool, England, Daily Post and Mercury, October 29, 1913:
Mr. Ogilvie's speech to the Advisory Committee affords rather cold comfort to those of us who
have been hoping that under Government control telephone rates would be materially reduced. We
seem to remember that another distinguished official expert more than once declared that the ambi-
tion of the Department was to lay on the telephone like gas and water into every house, and that this
could not be done unless the existing charges were brought down by a large amount. Instead of this,
we have the Secretary to the Post Office, one of the most progressive and enterprising officials in the
service, telling us that he does not anticipate any immediate increase of rates, but that "it will be almost
impossible to have a permanent rate for telephone service, and rates will have to be reviewed from time
to time." Furthermore: "The authorities are not very sanguine that much of a reduction in the
rates will be possible." This certainly is not what the public expected when the Government took over
the service. It was felt that charges which enabled the old company to pay a good dividend, and a
45
very big royalty to the State, ought to be capable of reduction under Government administration when
those items were abolished.
From an article entitled "Public Ownership in France," by Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, in the North
American Revietv, March, 1913.
It is not superfluous to say here a few words about one of the more recent French State monop-
olies— the telephone. The complaints under this head are universal. In the first place, the tariff is
very high — 400 francs, or nearly $80 a year in Paris, the aim of the State being to get out of it as
much as possible — 40,000,000 francs gross.
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Tribune, December 29, 1911:
The Tribune learned this afternoon that strong and probably effective pressure of a party polit-
ical nature is being brought to bear on the Local Government to suspend the proposed new telephone
schedule, and substitute one that will be within a measure of reason. * * * At any rate, the
Tribune is assured that the new rates will not prevail, for the simple reason that the public will not
stand for them. * * *
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free Press, December 28, 1911:
.\t the annual meeting of the Winnipeg Builders' Exchange last night the following resolution
was passed unanimously :
"Resolved, that the Winnipeg Builders' Exchange, at this annual meeting, do hereby emphat-
ically protest against the proposed increase in the schedule of telephone rates in this city, believing
the same to be excessive and unjust, and further affirms that in its opinion no increase in the rates
should be proposed until a full statement in detail of the cost of the system, and of operating the same,
has been placed before the people, who are the owners of the property, and that such statement should
show the cost and the expense of operating that portion within the city of Winnipeg, and the revenue
derived therefrom."
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free Press, December 22, 1911:
The medical men say they are out to beat the proposals of the government in the matter of
telephone rates. One of their number states that a meeting of the practitioners in the city will be
held at an early date, and the whole matter brought up for consideration and action.
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free Press, December 20, 1911:
The storm of protest against the Manitoba Government telephone new rates is now taking
more material form, and the various bodies of business men who are organized in the city are taking
the matter up in public, and moving in the direction of having the rates repealed.
At the same time the protests continue from every quarter of the city and the province.
Every shade of political opinion and every class of society is represented by the subscribers, who
feel that the new rates are an injustice to those who have patronized the telephone system for so long.
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free Press, December 14, 1911:
Many have said that under the new schedule they will have to do without the 'phone. Others
have suggested a boycott. One prominent man of business says that the subscribers in the city
should band together and abolish the 'phone, thus meeting the authorities on their own ground. They
have not been consulted regarding the change, and it is simply outrageous. Another says, "The post-
card is cheaper and will serve my purpose as well."
And not only is the denunciation of the rates confined to the small householders or the small
business men of the city. The leading men of the city are out against the proposed rates. The
Board of Trade will take the matter up at its next meeting. It will be considered by the Builders'
Exchange, and a committee of the Industrial Bureau has been appointed to take the matter up. It
is not, therefore, the cry of one single class or section of the community that is heard, but the uni-
versal voice of the community.
46
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free Press, December 14, 191 1 :
Yesterday the Manitoba Telephone Commission issued a statement of the new telephone rates.
* * ♦ The new schedule which is announced makes a number of changes which are of importance
and the cost of the telephone in the house and the ofhce will be materially increased.
A number of business men in the city who had gone into the rates as announced are strong in
the condemnation of them, and say that many of their customers will as a result of the changes
dispense with the telephone, and as a consequence business will suffer greatly. A storm of protest has
come from private telephone users all over the city.
Zeitschrift fiir Schwachstromtechnik. Munich, Germany, October, 1911, No. 20:
The Guild of Trade Agents in Prague has begim energetic agitation against the increases in
the telephone rates which are to take effect in Prague on January 1st of next year. A petition, with
reasons fully explained, will be presented shortly by this Guild to the Minister of Commerce at
Vienna.
Blatter fiir Post und Telegraphic, Berlin, Germany, October 15, 1911 (translation) :
The new Telephone Rate Law, which according to the plan of the Government was to have
gone into effect on April 1, 1911, is at the present moment still being discussed in committee — a proof
of what vast importance the proposal must be for almost everyone, and an evidence of the widely varied
convictions of the different parties in the Reichstag. The proposed law received — almost without
exception — an unfavorable reception in the daily press; however, it must be noted that only the
sentiments of those received expression who — rightly or wrongly — thought their own rates would be
increased, so that the public press cannot be considered as the true reflection of public opinion.
Elecktrotechnische Zeitschrift, Berlin, Germany, February 9, 1911 (translation):
During the first meeting of the Executive Committee of the Berlin Trade and Industrial Asso-
ciation, Januan,-, 1911, the new telephone rates were discussed, and after deliberation the members
voted to oppose the Government's proposition. According to the views of the Committee, these
rates do not meet the wants of commerce and industry.
Statement by Leon Gerard before the Chamber of Commerce, Brussels, Belgium, published
in the Bulletin of the Chamber, January 15, 1911 (translation) :
We have learned that the government has planned to modify telephone subscription rates. The
plan which it proposes to adopt has caused great protest, and we have thought it necessary to call at
once a meeting of the Executive Committee, in order to deliberate without delay upon this question.
For several years, Belgium's trade and commerce have raised complaints both about the organi-
zation of the telephone service and about the height of the telephone rates. These complaints, set
aside for a long time by every possible dilatory means, have finally succeeded in causing the admin-
istration to elaborate a new tariff schedule.
The first glance at this tariff schedule has been sufficient, because of the rate increases which it
necessitates, to cause outcries of public opinion.
Elecktrotechnische Zeitschrift, Berlin, Germany, January 5, 1911 (translation) :
With regard to the attacks which the new rate schedule of the Administration has occasioned
in trade circles, the matter has been submitted to expert opinion by the Board of Trade in addition to
the Chamber of Commerce of X'ienna. At the recent meeting representatives of the Government
were also present. The management of the entire telephone system was discussed, and it was urged
that operation be carried on on a more commercial basis than formerly. * * ♦
* * * The meeting reached the decision that the De[)artment of Commerce be requested
to remodel the rate schedule and in doing so to have regard to the points recommended by the Board
of Trade.
47
The Frankfurter Zeitung, Frankfort, Germany, June 2, 1909 (translation) :
At the end of 1907 a committee of representatives of the three German Postal Administrations
met and agreed on a bill for the new regulation of the German telephone rates — apparently on the
proposal of the Bavarian Government. This bill, in January, 1908, was placed before a committee
of the different circles interested, called together y the German Post Office, and, after lengthy con-
sideration, was practically declared to be acceptable. But when the bill with the supplementary memo-
randum was made public, general opposition arose and fifteen months of most vigorous discussion
followed. On the 10th of February, 1909, the bill and memorandum were placed unaltered before
the German Reichstag, and at the present time the bill is resting in Committee.
It will be seen that the injustices of the proposed tariff are quite of the magnitude of those
of the existing tariff.
(Note. — Agitation for a revision of rates began in 1906. The Government immediately rec-
ognized the need for a general rate revision, and has since then been planning the revision. Latest
advices show that no action has as yet been secured during the eight years of rate planning.)
(American — Editorial)
From "Alaska — An Empire in the Making" (1913, Chapter XVI, pages 205-7), by John J.
Underwood. (The information contained in this book was gathered during an almost continuous resi-
dence of fourteen years in Alaska and the Yukon Territory) :
There is at present one good example of government ownership in Alaska in the telegraph sys-
tem of the Territory, which is owned and operated exclusively by the government under the direction
of the Department of War. The tolls charged on this system are such as would force a private cor-
poration to keep a hydrant playing on its stock books to keep down the dividends to a point where
they would not create a public scandal.
Mile for mile the government charges at least 280 per cent, more for service in Alaska than
does cither of the large companies operating in the United States.
The rate charged for a message of ten words from Seattle to Nome, a distance of 2,340 miles
by steamship course and 2,879 miles by the telegraph and cable route, is $3.80 and thirty-eight cents
for each extra word. The rate charged by either of the commercial companies for a ten-word day
message from Seattle to New York, a distance of 3,000 miles, is $1.00, and seven cents for each addi-
tional word. The rate for telegraph and cable messages from Seattle to London or Berlin, a distance
more than twice as great as that from Seattle to Nome, is $2.90. Messages between points in the
United States are transmitted on about an equal mileage basis.
New York Press, December 22, 1913:
To find the exact relationship between British and American charges for telephone service will
require scientific investigation into all those conditions, with technical adjustments to make true com-
parisons and expert measurements of what really comes out as service for what really goes in as cost.
Meanwhile, we do know positively that, whatever the actual cost comparison, we have something over
here worth, in what it does for us, a very great deal more than the British service is worth.
As for the French telephone service, it is both poor and dear. It is so wretchedly poor that
nobody in Paris, for example, will have a telephone in the house if he can possibly do without it. It
is both so low in efficiency and high in cost — for what is done — that Paris doesn't make the relative
telephone showing of an ordinary American village. Technical measurements of those facts also
must be forthcoming before any final judgment of the true balance will be reached.
48
EXPENSE
{Foreign — Official)
From the Report of the British Postmaster-General for the year 1912-13, p. 34. No allowance
has been made for : (a) Interest on capital invested since September 30, 1873 ; (b) Depreciation ;
(c) Interest on accumulated deficits. "No rent is charged in respect of premises owned by the
Postmaster-General and used for the purposes of Telegraph business." — Official Report.
Telegr.\phs. — The telegraph revenue of the year, including the value of services rendered
to other Departments, was £3,167,410, an increase of £19,705; and the telegraph expenditure, includ-
ing the interest on the capital — £10,867,644 — expended on the purchase of the telegraphs, was £4,124,-
976, a decrease of £309,897 upon the previous year. The net deficit was thus £957,566, or £329,602
less than last year.
Financial results of the combined telegraph and telephone toll service in New Zealand, for the
year ended March 31, 1913, as published in the Official Report of the Post and Telegraph Depart-
ment:
£ $
Gross Telegraph and Telephone Toll Revenue (including Miscellaneous Rev-
enue) 321,951 1,564,682
Value of Government Messages 4,931 23,965
Total Value of Telegraph and Telephone Toll Business 326,882 1,588,647
Total Telegraph and Telephone Toll Expenditure (excluding interest charges) 388,464 1,887,935
Official Net Profit (excluding interest charges) of the Combined Telegraph and
Telephone Toll Services —61,582 —299,288
From telegraph statistics for Spain, for 1911, published in Le Journal Telegraphiquc, Berne,
Switzerland (official organ of the International Bureau of the Telegraph Union), May 25, 1913 (trans-
lation) :
Total receipts Fr. 10,622,159 ($2,124,432)
" expenses Fr. 12,153,718 ($2,430,743)
Deficit Fr. 1,531,559 ($ 306,311)
From telegraph statistics for the Union of South Africa, for 1911, published in Le Journal
Telegraphiquc, Berne, Switzerland (official organ of the International Bureau of the Telegraph Union),
May 25, 1913. (Telegraphs in the Union of South Africa are State owned) :
Total receipts Fr. 8,271,900 ($1,654,380)
" expenses Fr. 9,530,588 ($1,906,118)
Deficit Fr. 1,258,688 ($ 251,738)
From the Official Report of the Minister of Public Instruction, Post and Telegraphs, Ecuador,
for the year 1911-1912, p. 26 (translation) :
To be perfectly candid, I can do no less than state in this report that the accounting of the
telegraph branch still suffers from "routine-ism" and really woeful inefficiency. And without proper
accounting, it is difficult to exercise any control, or to make just criticism. The result is, that in a
service whose income should suffice to meet its needs and to yield an assured profit to the exchequer,
there occurs, year after year, a greater and greater deficit, as can be proved by simply making a
comparative analysis of figures and dates.
49
Limiting myself to the year with which this report is concerned, the financial standing of the
telegraphs for the last six months of 1911 was, approximately, as follows:
Receipts SI. 169,586.62 ($ 82,588.68)
Expenditures SI. 230,486.17 ($112,246.76)
Deficit SI. 60,899.55 ($ 29,658.08)
In the first six months of this year the revenue and expenditures were as follows:
Receipts SI. 139,804.63 ($ 68,084.85)
Expenditures SI. 221 ,650.28 ($107,943.68)
Deficit SI. 81,845.65 ($39,858.83)
Financial results of the combined telegraph and telephone toll service in New Zealand, 1907-08
to 1911-12, inclusive, as published in the Official Reports of the Post and Telegraph Department:
Year
ended
March 31
Grow Tele-
graph and
. Telephone
Toll Revenue
(incL Miscellan-
eous Revenue.)
i
Value of
Government
Messages.
Total Value
of Telegraph
and Telephone
Toll Business.
£
Total TelcEraph
and Telephone
Toll Expenditure,
including charges.
£
Official
interest
bined
phone
£
Net Profit (excluding
charges) of the Com-
Telegraph and Tele-
ToU Services.
$
1908....
227,398
4,499
231,897
275,757
—43,860
—213,160
1909....
238.104
4,821
242,925
307,166
—64,241
—312,211
1910....
250,212
4,851
255,063
322,485
—67,422
—327,671
1911....
272,943
4,874
277,817
344,046
—66,229
—321,873
1912....
295,334
4,832
23,877
300,166
364,613
— 6+,447
—313,212
Totals
1,283,991
1,307,868
1,614,067
—306,199
—1,488,127
Statement of Herr Reiiihold Kraetke (Postmaster-General of the German Imperial Postal Ser-
vice, including the Telegraph and Telephone services) made in the course of a debate in the Reich-
stag on March 27, 1912 (published in the Deutsche Verkehrsceittmg, April 5, 1912) :
The gentlemen know that the Telegraph Administration is run at a very heavy loss.
From the Report on the French Budget for Posts and Telegraphs, 1911, by M. Emile Dupont,
Senator, Senate Document No. 189, p. 117 (translation):
The consequence is that, taking everything into account, the operation of the telegraphs results
in a deficit. ♦ * * In his Supplementary Report on the Budget for Posts and Telegraphs for
1905, Hon. M. Sembat tried to draw up a balance sheet for the three great branches of the service.
With definite reservations, he indicates a deficit of 9,777,000 fr. ($1,886,961) for the telegraphs.
From the Official Report of the Postmaster-General of the Union of South Africa (Department
of Posts and Telegraphs), for the year 1911 (p. 12) :
After debiting the telegraph account witli all direct charges incurred and a proportionate share
of the cost of administration and other general expenditure, and, on the credit side, including the
value of work undertaken free of charge for other Government Departments and of the concession
represented by the reduced rates to the Railway, it is found that the working of the Telegraphs of the
Union resulted in a deficit for the year of over £60,000.
From the Report of the Postmaster-General of the Union of South Africa, for the year 1910:
Although every effort has been made to reduce expenditure, there is little prospect of the
Telegraph Department paying its way. The Reports of all the Provinces prior to Union showed
losses in working, the amount in the Cape Colony and Transvaal being at the rate of £37,000 and
£34,052 per annum respectively.
50
The general position of the Telephone Account of the Union for the calendar year 1910, was:
Capital Expenditure £893,239
Revenue, 1910 167,271
Expenditure, 1910, including interest and depreciation 189,049
Deficit 21,778
From the Annual Report on the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service of The Netherlands
for the year 1910:
Total Telegraph Revenue Fl. 2,543,679 ($1,017,472)
Total Telegraph Expenditure Fl. 4,180,227 ($1,672,091)
Deficit Fl. 1,636,548 ($ 654,619)
From the Report of the Royal Commission Appointed to Investigate the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Services of the Commonwealth of Australia (ordered to be printed October 5, 1910) :
Accepting the most liberal reading * * * the estimated loss on the transactions of the Depart-
ment from the inception of the Commonwealth to 30th June, 1909, amounted to at least £2,300,000.
The information furnished would make it appear certain that the postal section of the Depart-
ment returns a profit as a whole but the extent of such profit was not ascertainable. * * *
Your Commissioners therefore conclude that the Department's unsound financial position is
due to the fact that telegraphic and telephonic services are rendered at rates which do not return rev-
enue sufficient to cover all charges against capital account, and working expenses.
From report of a speech of Representative Dr. Paasche in the German Reichstag, February
15, 1901, as given in the Arcliiv fiir Post und Telegraphic (an oflficial publication), for April, 1901
(translation) :
In accordance with information furnished by the Secretary of State of the Imperial Post Office,
an attempt has been made to estimate the financial result of some branches of the Postal Administra-
tion, by applying ordinary commercial principles. Using correct rates for depreciation, and a proper
interest upon the capital invested in the telegraph, it appears that this service requires annually a con-
tribution of 15,000,000 marks, being, therefore, a losing business.
From a speech delivered at Tourcoing, France, Xovember 17, 1913, by the Marquis de Monte-
bello. President of the Association of Telephone Subscribers, printed in the Bulletin des Abonnes an
Telephone (Bulletin of the Telephone Subscribers' Association), Paris, France, December, 1913
(translation) :
The State in France has not even a proper accounting system for the telephone. It does not
know whether the telephone yields a profit or whether there is a loss. A senator has calculated that
the State probably loses about eight millions each year.
(Foreign — Editorial)
Telegraph and Telephone Age, New York, February 16, 1912, page 121, quoting from the
London Spectator, in regard to the British telegraph service:
When all these facts are taken into account — namely, the original capital which has never been
repaid, the advances from Parliament upon which no interest is charged, and the annual deficiencies
on working expenses — it will be found that the aggregate commercial loss to the country by the state
purchase of the telegraphs is not less than $175,000,000. Nor can we console ourselves with the re-
flection that for this $175,000,000 tlie state has a valuable asset, for that asset, such as it is. involves
every year on its working an additional loss of over $5,000,000. From a commercial point of view
the purchase has been an unmitigated failure.
51
Boston, Mass., Transcript, December 22, 1913: ,
It is to be hoped that such gayety will not become contagious, for if it does there is no saying
how soon we shall be imitating the example of Australia, which in its zeal for public ownership has
accumulated a bonded debt fully fifty per cent greater than the United States. This may seem a start-
ling statement to make with regard to a commonwealth which has less than 5,000,000 inhabitants, but
figures bear it out. The total public debt of the States composing the Commonwealth of Australia
was: June 30, 1912, about $3,365,000,000, or, deducting the sinking fund, $1,335,000,000. This was
accumulated through government ownership, and represents bond issues for the State railroads and
State proprietorship of public utilities generally. The railroads, all of which are State owned, cost for
construction and equipment $766,000,000, though they have a mileage of but 16,078 in operation. Their
gross receipts are about $89,000,000 a year, their operating expenses about $56,000,000. Inasmuch as
the population of the United States is about twenty times that of Australia and our railroads have
250,000 mileage, it will not require a very elaborate calculation to reach what would be the cost if we
should imitate Australia.
Providence, R. I., Journal, December 15, 1913:
The assumption of Senator Hoke Smith, of Georgia, that "the profits will ultimately pay back
the original cost," is not warranted by the experiences of other countries with the telegraph and tele-
phone. In 1869 the British Parliament thought that in fifteen years the profits of the telegraph would
wipe out the cost and that large sums would be available from them for "the relief of taxes."
The companies were paying 6% dividend, which disappeared when the government took the
properties. In two years losses were reported and the deficit, according to the report of the Post-
master-General, now exceeds $4,500,000 annually. And this does not include the loss of interest on
the original investment and on the money put into extensions, which, it is estimated, brings the total
loss up to $6,000,000 a year.
There was a like experience when the Government acquired the telephone, the result has been
that the service has deteriorated ; that no profit is shown and that the Government employes are most
arbitrary in their demands. As these employes have votes they are in a position to obtain concessions
from the Government which are not justified on business principles. Presumably the American labor
unions would not overlook the opportunities offered by political control of the long distance telephone
field, and under their domination neither cost of operation nor standards of efficiency would be con-
sidered.
(American — Official)
Statement by George French, author and editor, in a letter to the New York Times, dated
October 10, 1913, and published October 13, 1913:
It happened a few years ago, during the reign of Roosevelt, that I was commissioned to ex-
amine the Government Printing Office, as an expert in printing and economics. The work was done
for a Senate committee that was then looking into expenditures. About the first thing that happened
to me was symptomatic of the Washington atmosphere. I asked an attendant in one of the Senate
offices for a glass of water. The man looked at me with surprise written all over his face. Recover-
ing himself, he said, "Water? Why do you wish to drink water? Look here." Then he showed me
a closet full of all kinds of mineral waters, beer, and sundry other beverages, in distinguished looking
bottles. "The Government pays for it. Drink whatever you like, and if your special drink is not
there I will send out and get it." It was not easy to get cool water in the building — just plain water.
It was too inexpensive. .'\nd the Government pays for something better, or at least more costly.
From Report of W. S. Bissell, Postmaster-General of the United States, year 1894, pp. 48-^9:
It would seem that a comparatively small country, territorially, like Great Britain, with its large
population, great commercial interests, and tlistrihution of cities, would furnish as favorable condi-
tions for the operation of a successful governmental telegraph system as any in the world; yet the
report of the British Post Office Department to the House of Commons, dated November 27, 1893,
52
shows the cost of the plant, up to the end of the fiscal year 1893. to have been $52,930,388. Interest
upon this amount, at the rate of 2y^^c per annum, is charged in the current account anil amounts to
$1,455,584.
In the operation of the service there was a further loss of $811,741, so that the total deficit
for the year amounted to $2,267,325. The deficiencies have been continuous since 1876, and have
agg''cgated, since 1872, $24,005,432, and in the last ten years the average deficiency has been nearly
$1,700,000. In Great Britain the postal service proper yields a large revenue to the Government, and
so, in one sense, it can be said that it can afford the luxury of a postal telegraph. Under our postal
system, however, partly undeveloped as it still remains, a telegraph system would be operated at a
great loss to the Government : and this burden, it seems to me, should not be added to the Post Office
Department.
If the establishment of a telegraph plant in a compact country like Great Britain would cost
over $52,000,000, what would be the cost of establishing a plant for this country? I will not stop to
make a computation, but one can see at a glance that the cost would be many times that of the British
plant, and the annual interest charged many time.* $1,455,584; and if the loss in operation were over
$800,000 in that country in one year, I should think it would be many millions of dollars in a country
the size of ours, with its unequal distribution of population.
Report by Raymond B. Fosdick, Commissioner of Accounts, in the matter of the Investigation
of the Accounts of the Municipal ferries operated by the Department of Docks and Ferries, City of
Xew York :
"Our examination shows that the net loss to the city from operation of the municipal ferries
for the six years and sixty-seven days beginning October 25, 1905, and ending December 31, 1911, has
been $6,625,606.86, or an average of $2,934.93 per day."
(American — Editorial)
New York Times Annalist, December 29, 1913:
The unanimity with which those who would socialize the railroads and the telephones, and
what not else, hit upon 3% as the probable cost of capital to the government, is extraordinary. Pos-
sibly it is necessary to make it 3% for the sake of getting a profit at the end. Mr. Lewis reckons that
the telephones would cost only $900,000,000. He would a little less than double the national debt.
Clifford Thorne, to socialize the railways, would increase it many fold, but always at 3%. Among the
great nations of the world this one is remarkable for borrowing so little and spending so much out of
current income, and its credit on that account is high, but its Panama Canal 3s have been selling this
year under par. It has barely a 3% credit now. If it embarked in the telephone and railway business
and began to issue bonds to replace private capital, it might not long enjoy a 3% credit.
Greeley, Colorado, Republican, December 19, 1913:
If the Government takes over all of the railroads and telephone and telegraph lines it must pay
an enormous sum for them. And when the Government has possession, where will the taxes come
from? From the home and farm owners. Government certainly will not confiscate these properties
and some means must be found of raising the revenue which these concerns now pay.
New York Financial World, October 25, 1913:
We may be old fashioned, and a set of old fogies, but one little question arises which, we will
probably be told by the uplifters and social and moral tone elevators, amounts to nothing. Neverthe-
less we will ask it: whence is to come the $1,000,000,000 needed to buy up both systems of telegraph
and telephone and the hundred and one independent concerns scattered all over the country from
Yuba Dam to Passamaquoddy Bay? And again, if we are to goverimientalize the telephone and tele-
graph, why not include the very necessary cable sy.stems running to all parts of the world? It would
only involve an extra $100,000,000 or so to take in the cable systems and, don't you see, we could have
53
free cable tolls for outgoing business and charge all the expense to the foreigner who sends us mes-
sages ?
Cleveland, Ohio, Finance, October 11, 1913:
In the countless investigations and appraisals of telephone property in different parts of the
countrj', there has been a striking degree of uniformity in the values found in excess of those car-
ried on the telephone books. In Boston, for instance, the existing plant could not be duplicated for
35% more than its present book value, according to commission report. To duplicate the telephone in
New York City alone would cost one hundred million dollars more than its present book value, and so
on among the great cities of the country.
The assumption of the Bell system by the Government would easily involve a billion of money
and that is a large sum even for a radical Democratic Congress to swallow. Incidentally, there is the
question to be considered as to whether the public would not prefer the existing status.
MISMANAGEMENT
(Foreign — Official)
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, p. 606:
Mr. Harry Lawson : * * * I do not believe that any Member of this Committee can have
read the history of the telephone here, as set forth in the different Reports made by Select Commit-
tees, without thinking that in many ways it is a discredit. It is to a large extent a case of meddle and
muddle on the part of the State, which never allowed private enterprise free play, and yet was very
slow to accept any general responsibility.
* * * We are behind all the progressive countries of the world in our telephone service.
From interview with ^I. Jules Roche (French Minister of Posts in 1890), member of French
Parliamentary Post Office Committee, as published in the Bulletin de I' Association des Abonnes au
Telephone (Paris, France), for December, 1912 (translation) :
A. It is unbelievable, but nevertheless true, that the Post Office Administration does not know
just how much revenue the telephone service brings in. Some say 30 million (francs), others say
much less than that, and still others believe that it costs more than it brings in. * * * But the State
has a poor head for business ; it knows neither how to buy, nor how to sell. It conducts its business
very differently from the man who has put his capital into some enterprise and, wishing it to prosper,
does not seek to delude himself about the financial return.
Q. Then you are of the opinion, Monsieur le Depute, that a State monopoly is not a good
thing for the telephone?
A. The telephone service should be left to private industrj', because the State has to submit
to too many influences other than the needs of the public. It is too live and important an undertak-
ing to be ever fully developed by governmental sloth. * * *
Here is a striking example. The administration cannot secure workmen for the construction
of its lines, unless it employs apprentices, because it does not pay enough. Skilled workmen prefer to
find more remunerative employment.
But all this will have to come to an end. France is a wonderful country, and our genius and
spirit of initiative must be allowed to develop. Some day all this will change. The State should con-
fine itself to governing; it has enough to do if it occupies itself strictly with what concerns it, and
does not seek to carry on enterprises which are not within its rightful sphere.
Report of the Royal Telephone Commission appointed to investigate the Manitoba Government
Telephones (Winnipeg, Manitoba, Telegram, June 14, 1912) :
Our investigation has convinced us particularly of two facts, one, that supplies are purchased
very largely in excess of requirements; the other, that excessive prices are paid therefor owing to lack
54
of competition. We feel that we are amply justifioti in fniding that snpplies are purchased before need
of them has arisen, by the fact that on the 1st of January, 1911, the value of supplies on hand was
$585,251.63, that during that year, supplies to the amount of $1,332,599.82 were got, and that on the
first of the year 1912 the value of supplies on hand was $609,359.22, at least twice as much as they
should have been, and we may remark, in passing, as indicating the lack of knowledge of the condi-
tion of affairs in this department by those responsible therefor, that before these figures were given
to us, the chairman, in evidence, stated the supplies on hand would be about $400,000, and the com-
missioner engineer said they would be about $300,000. ♦ ♦ * Before leaving the subject, and as
further evidence of this extravagance, we may say that, notwithstanding that completed work could
not be done, 20,000 additional poles were purchased in 1911, a small part of which was included in
the 162,763 poles said to be on hand in January of this year, the balance delivered or to be delivered
after that, and thus swelling this account beyond all bounds. In fact, poles were in hand at the be-
ginning of this year sufficient at 40 poles to the mile to build 4,069 miles of pole line, which is within
a very little of the total of pole mileage constructed in the last four year?.
From Official Report by Senator Emile Dupont on the 1912 Budget, Posts and Telegraphs,
French Senate Document No. 35, Appendix to Stenographic Report of session of January 30, 1912,
Pages 190-191 (translation) :
Since the fusion of the Postal and Telegraph services, that is to say, since 1877, the Administra-
tion of Posts, Telegraphs & Telephones has changed its organization six times.
First the organization was under the Assistant Secretarj' of State, which later on was changed
into a ministry. In 1887 it was changed to a Direction General, under the head of Ministry of
Finance. A short time thereafter this Direction General was placed under the supervision of the
Ministry of Commerce. An Assistant Secretary of State was re-established in 1896. The Assistant
Secretary of State remained under the direction of the Ministry of Commerce until 1896, when he was
transferred to the Ministry of Public Works. In 1909 the position of Assistant Secretary of State
was abolished and the management of the Postal, Telegraph & Telephone Services was directly en-
trusted to the care of the Minister of Public Works. An Assistant Secretary of State was again
created in 1910. As a Direction General or an "Assistant Secretariat," the Administration has been
attached to three different Ministries:
1st. The Ministry of Finance.
2nd. The Ministry of Commc-cc.
3rd. The Ministry of Public Works.
Such instability is plainly reflected in the methods and programs of the Administration.
From the Report of the Royal Commission appointed to Investigate the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Ser\'ices of the Commonwealth of Australia (ordered to be printed October 5, 1910) :
S!«'>"'»! 32. Your Commissioners consider that the Central Executive in neglecting to
Executive ^ ^ CT r3
responsible for excrcise Ordinary foresight by making the necessary provision to meet the demands of
the public when the telephone rates were reduced in 1907, and in failing to profit by
the experience of other countries in similar circumstances, is responsible for the con-
gested state of the telephone service, and the consequent overworking of the officers
of the Department. The evidence discloses that the reductions in the telephone rates
ReduotioM were made on the advice of a subordinate officer, and in opposition to the advice of
opposed by
Pemnnent the Permanent Head and Chief Electrical Engineer, and your Commissioners consider
Head and ,,..,i- e t
Chief Eiectricsi {hat the then Postmaster-General took action without havnig any sound reason for the
Enisineer.
drastic reduction made.
**♦*♦*♦*****
Continuity 40. In the administration of the Commonwealth Post and Telegraph Department
of policy. , ., ,,., .• ri* lilt
it is desirable, in the interests of the public, that continuity of policy should be main-
tained. The Central Executive attempted to formulate a definite policy ; but it was
alleged that a continuous policy could not be exercised by the Department because of
its incompatibility with frequent changes of the Ministerial Head. There have been
55
nine Postmasters-General since the inauguration of the Commonwealth, and the evi-
dence discloses that most of the Ministerial Heads endeavored to effect signal altera-
tions of policy. Ministers are apparently anxious to signalize their occupancy of
office by some new and distinct act of administration ; but due regard does not appear
to have been paid to the effect of such actions.
DepartnH>nt''not''''' Dclays in the cxccution of administrative duties are also occasioned by the en-
to be oned for forced abscHce of the Minister from his Department on political business.
political purposes. ^ ^
From the Report of the Committee of Finance, France, appointed by the Senate to examine the
Postal and Telegraph Budget for the year 1910 (translation) :
The failure to conduct the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service of France upon commer-
cial principles is the real cause of the inefficiency and backwardness of the Department. * * *
For many years the operating plant, especially the telephone apparatus, has not kept pace with
the progress of the art, and local service has been neglected. * * *
A careful study of the present budget, and of many preceding ones, proves that the inefficiency
of the service is not due to isolated faults, but to the continued use of bad methods which must be
eradicated.
From Official Report on the French Budget for Posts and Telegraphs, 1908, pages 11-13, by
Joseph Noulens, then Member of the French Chamber of Deputies, now Minister of War (transla-
tion) :
Despite the diversity of its operations, the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Administration has
not known how, or has not desired, to apply the principle of specialization of work, of which modern
industry has g^ven examples and demonstrated the advantages.
************
A clerk who has sorted letters in an oflice for ten years is appointed head clerk in the telegraph
or telephone service; he will be intrusted with the direction of services which, up to then, had been
totally strange to him ; his duty will consist in supervising a staff of operators, though he is ignorant
of the manipulation of the modern instruments, and sometimes of all the instruments.
************
A clerk who has been occupied for 15 years in directing deliveries of mails or in marking postal
savings-bank pass-books is promoted to the position of inspector of the technical service, and in this
capacity is charged with constructing lines, performing electrical work, etc., all things which he has never
heard of before, things he will neglect or do badly. He will prefer to confine himself to clerical
work which will be as nearly as possible like the work he was in the habit of doing.
{Foreign — Editorial)
The Times, London, England, December 20, 1913:
Sir, — As the treatment which I have lately received from the London Telephone Service is no
doubt typical of that meted out to other unfortunate subscribers, my experience may probably be of
interest.
After an unsatisfactory correspondence with reference to the removal of an instrument from
a house which I was giving up I wrote the service on October 28 stating that I had taken a new house
and wanted an instrument installed there for use as from December 20. To this I received the usual
formal acknowledgment and intimation that the matter would receive' "immediate attention." Not
hearing further 1 wrote again on November 21, and again on December 2, without securing any reply
at all, altliough I besought them in the latter communication to tell me what course I ought to adopt
to obtain a reply. Thinking I might manage to do some good by a personal request, I to-day rang
up the department at 102, Dean-street, which was supposed to be attending to the matter, and the
56
clerk to whom I spoke affected to be deeply concerned and promised me faithfully that the whole cor-
respondence should be looked into and that I should be mng up within an hour— and that is all that
has so far happened. Yours, etc.
26, Ely-place, E. C, Dec. 18. . M. Grunebaum.
The Times, London, England, November 22, 1913:
A curious instance of the zeal of the department is reported. .\ local hostelry was formerly
on the exchange, but the service was discontinued more than two years ago. Twice within the past
fortnight workmen have called there in order to examine the instrument "because complaints had
been received that the subscriber could not get through."
The Daily Mail. London, England, July 18, 1912:
Users of the telephone will read with astonishment the figures contained in Mr. Herbert Sam-
uel's statement defending the Post Office management of the London telephones. It is something, no
doubt, after the optimistic assurances of the past, to find the Postmaster-General admitting that the
present situation is "not satisfactory" and that the Post Office operators do sometimes make mistakes.
But he minimises the grievances of the public and can give no guarantee of reform till the date when
all the difficulties caused by the transfer of the National Telephone Company's system have been
overcome. Six months have already passed and there has so far been deterioration, not improve-
ment. At this rate we cannot expect a reasonably efficient service much before the millennium. Yet
if skilled operators are not available in sufficient number, as Mr. Samuel pleads, the entire responsi-
bility rests with the short-sightedness and parsimony of the Post Office. It took no steps whatever in
advance to meet the needs of to-day by training men and women for the work. Consequently the sys-
tem is now both understaffed and inefficiently staffed, and the subscriber's temper is sorely tried.
The Daily Mail, London, England, July 5, 1912:
It is now six months since the Post Office undertook the working of the telephone system of
the countrj'. And it might be supposed that in that time the difficulties consequent on the transfer
of such an immense undertaking would have been overcome; that the smooth working of the service
would have been brought about ; and, above all, that some of the improvements expected when a
Government department, with all its resources, takes over a great organization would have been re-
alized. But the reverse is the case. Complaints of inefficiency, delay, mismanagement, "wTong num-
bers," and inattention against the Post Office are increasing in number, not diminishing.
From the Port of London Authority to the small business man and shopkeeper, everyone is mak-
ing the same complaint, that "the service is deteriorating."
Letter in the Daily Mail, London, England, June 27, 1912:
Sir, — On March 25 the telephone contract for my Wimbledon house expired. On March 18
I was cut off with a view to installing another instrument at my new house at Kingston-on-Thames.
The telephone authorities asked to let them have fifteen days' notice to enable them to put in the new
telephone, which notice I gave at once.
From that date till now no instrument has been installed (although it is installed in a house
within 200 yards of my own), but I have received a remarkable series of eight communications, of
which I give a summary :
1. Immediate payment demanded for my non-existent telephone.
2. Legal proceedings threatened to recover the money, which is payable in advance.
3. A promise of immediate attention to my protests.
4. A series of comminatory telephone conversations to and from my city office, followed by
5. A notice cutting off my still imaginary telephone, and again legal proceedings promised.
6. The scene then changed and I received a supplicatory letter asking me to use my good of-
fices with the local authorities in the matter of wayleaves (which I did).
57
7. A penitent promise to compensate me for the delay by post-dating my next contract.
8. (On June 18) Two forms arrived threatening immediate proceedings unless my subscrip-
tion was paid at once. To these I replied that their office was evidently in a state of hopeless disor-
ganization and that I should reply to no more» communications.
To this I have had no answer at present, but it will probably come in the shape of a bill for
excess calls. Herbert M. Ellis.
Beverley Wood, Coombe, Kingston-on-Thames.
The Daily Mail, London, England, January 31, 1912:
While Mr. Herbert Samuel is touring the country and delivering political speeches in which he
complacently congratulates himself and everybody upon the supreme efficiency of the Government,
the administration of his Department is going from bad to worse. Thus is Mr. Bonar Law's charge
of incompetence against Ministers justified by the practical test. It is less than a month since the
Post Office destroyed its sole remaining competitor in the telephone service and took over the National
Company's system. But already complaints are heard from every quarter of a marked decline in the
efficiency of the telephone. One subscriber writes that "the service is in a state of chaos." Callers
cannot get through ; wrong calls are constantly made ; wrong numbers are frequently given ; and the
method of keeping accounts appears to be fantastic. Moreover, the service on the old Post Office
system has become perceptibly slower. More time is occupied at the exchanges in making the connec-
tion, and the caller is too often put off with "line engaged" or the detestable buzzing instrument.
When the House of Commons meets next month Mr. Samuel should be required to take imme-
diate steps to call his Department to order. We cannot but think that he would turn his energy to
better purpose by attending to the business which the nation has committed to him instead of going
about the country delivering orations on the absurd Insurance Act.
Bulletin dcs Abonnes au Telephone (Telephone Subscribers' Bulletin), Paris, France, February,
1909, p. 3 (translation) :
Something is rotten in the state of Telephones. The knife should be applied by the Chamber
without hesitation.
Only a thoroufjh Parliamentary inquiry such as was held in connection with the Navy can
disclose the cause of the trouble, and after having heard the representatives of the staff, the subscrib-
ers, and outside experts, we shall be able to reorganize this anarchical Administration, fix responsi-
bility, * * * and draw up a serious program of reform.
We have floundered long enough in a mess which daily grows worse.
STAGNATION VS. EXPANSION
(Foreign — Official)
From the Chicago, Illinois, American, February 4, 1914:
"We have governmental ownership of telephone, telegraph and postal systems at home," said
Othon de Fejcr, chief of the (Hungarian Government) telephone department. "I do not approve of
this system so much as privately owned companies because the government does not canvass for busi-
ness and extend the systems, which of course is the thing which makes them valuable to the people."
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, page 577:
Mr. Herbert Samuel: ♦ * * Although we are not far behind Germany, and are much
58
ahead of France and most of the Southern Continental countries, the telephone here is very inade-
quately developed compared with the United States, or Canada, or the Scandinavian countries.
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, p. 592:
Mr. Goldman : The United States put in last year no fewer than 749,000 telcpiiones. We in-
creased our service by fewer than 38,000 telephones. In other words, the United States in one year
increased their service by more than the whole ser\'ice of this country.
Article by C. S. Goldman, M. P., in the Daily Graphic, London, England, March 3, 1913:
To-day the question is, "Are you on the telephone?" Under progressive control the question
would be, "Surely you are not off the telephone?" In other words, the telephone should be a matter
of commercial and social necessity instead of, as at present, an article of luxury. If it were necessary
to seek for a fair ground of condemnation of existing management, one would h:ive need to go no
further than the "rates" question. The Government have done absolutely nothing in this pressing
matter, and this in spite of all the pressure put upon them by public bodies and private interests.
The London, England, Electrician, January 17, 1913, p. 738:
Last week a deputation from the Town Councils of Dundee, Aberdeen, Arbroath and Mont-
rose, and Chambers of Commerce and other bodies in these towns, waited on the Postmaster-General
(Mr. H. Samuel) to urge upon him the necessity of extending the undcrg.ound telegraph cables from
Edinburgh to Dundee and Aberdeen.
In reply, Mr. Samuel said the extension of the underground telegraph cables to Dundee and
Aberdeen would involve a capital cost of £130,000, which would mean an annual charge for interest
and sinking fund for 15 years of £11,287. The total gross telegraph revenue in Dundee and Aber-
deen was £16,000 a year before deducting any expenses or charges. The deputation were asking for
an annual expenditure of more than two-thirds of the gross revenue — he did not know that there was
any net revenue — in order to avoid occasional delays. There was a loss in the telegraph system of the
countr)' of over £1,000,000 a year, and therefore one had to look carefully at any additional expendi-
ture.
British ParHamentary Debates, Official Report, August 17, 1911, p. 2118:
Mr. Peto: * * * The Government have indicated to the House that they rather look to the
United States of America as a model of what we are to do in this country. If that is so, I think it
would be quite in order to put briefly before the House what that standard is we are going to try to
reach. The standard in the United States is 76 per thousand persons, whilst here it is only 15. In
order to reach the standard of the United States, which is obviously very largely a question of the de-
velopment of telephones in the enormous rural areas, we should have to increase our telephone sta-
tions by 2,500,000, and we should iiave to spend £76,500,000 at the rate of £30 per station.
From British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, August 16, 1911, p. 2007:
Mr. Herbert Samuel: * * * You cannot, irrespective of loss, run your telegraph system
into remote, thinly-populated districts without a full guarantee. My hon. Friend persuaded my hon.
Friend and colleague the Assistant Postmaster-General, who perhaps may be more softhearted than
myself, in the kindness of his heart to represent the matter to the Treasury. I am not sure that I
should have gone so far, but the Treasury having gone into the matter came to the conclusion, which
I came to some time ago, that there was no cause for charging the general taxpayers of the country
with this particular extension. I am afraid, in view of the action taken by the Treasury, I cannot
favor the telegraph being extended to that place.
Statistics compiled from official reports (published, or by e.xchange of correspondence) of the
various governments, giving the number of telephones per 100 population in European communities,
59
and showing how European governments have exploited the larger and more profitable places, and
under-developed the smaller and less profitable ones :
No. of Telephones No. of Telephones Proportion
per 100 pop. in per zoo pop. in of rural
e.rchanges of over e.vchanges of less than to urban
Country 100,000 population. 100,000 population. development
Austria 2.6 .30 11.5^0
Belgium 1.8 .36 20.0%
France 2.3 .47 20.4%
German Empire 4.6 1.20 26.1%
Great Britain 2.7 .76 28.27o
Hungary 2.6 .25 9.6%
Italy 1.2 .14 11.7%
Netherlands 3.0 .74 24.6%
Sweden (private operation in Stockholm) .... 15.7 2.65 16.9%
Switzerland 6.0 1.85 30.8^0
Total of above countries 3.16 .67 21.2%
United States 11.40 8.50 74.6%
to
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, June 19, 1911, p. 87:
Mr. Peto: * * * \ want to say a word or two about the comparison with the United States
of America, which is constantly made by the Post Office in their literature. I understand in America
there are seventy-six telephone subscribers per thousand of population whilst in this country there are
only fifteen per thousand. It is obvious we have a great deal of leeway to make up before we arrive
at that standard.
Statement of Deputy Joseph Noulens, Reporter of the Committee of the French Chamber of
Deputies on Posts and Telegraphs (as published in Le Journal, Paris, reprinted in the National Tele-
phone Journal, London, England, September, 1908, p. 24) :
Dominated by the routine methods which are so characteristic of it, the Administration has not
foreseen the rapid development of the telephone. Why should it seek to popularize this method of
communication, since, from the Administration point of view, it appeared to be a luxury reserved only
for the few?
(Foreign — Editorial)
Indianapolis, Ind., Star, December 25, 1913:
Representative David J. Lewis, of Maryland, who advocates Government ownership of tele-
phones, proceeds properly in assuming as an abstract consideration that use runs inversely as the
rates, but this statement that the United States ranks ninth among the nations of the world as user
of telephone does not agree with the review of stale-owned telephones contributed to "Concerning
Municipal Ownership," by Sydney Brooks, a Londoner.
************
Mr. Brooks assumes that there are sixteei; millions telephones in use in the world, of which
twelve millions — his estimate — are on the North American continent. Europe by his estimate has
only three millions. He declares that, roughly speaking, there is a telephone for every nine Ameri-
cans, and if the same proportion obtained in Europe, Dcmnark would have three times as many
telephones as she actually possesses; Sweden three and one-half times; Norway four and one-half
times; Switzerland five times; Germany six and one-half times; Great Britain seven and one-half
times; the Netherlands eleven times; Belgium nearly eighteen times as many; France nineteen times;
.\ustria all but thirty times; Hungary thirty-seven times; Italy fifty-six times; Portugal and Spain
about ninety times; Russia one hundred and five times, and Greece, Servia and Bulgaria over one
60
hundred seventy and two hundred four time* as many. State ownership, he declares, is to blame for
the puny development of the telephone as a commercial necessity and social convenience in Europe.
Service there is inferior and the equipment, in antiijuatcd type mostly of the magneto telephone, gen-
erally discarded in this country.
Public expenditures of the telephone are restricted through a mistaken sense of economy on
the part of governing officials, and the indiscriminate granting of working licenses to municipalities
and individuals has forbidden development by private investors.
************
.American experts in telephony cite the disparity of service units in this country and abroad as
explaining the difference in prevalent rates, on a theory which they maintain by a plausible chain of
reasoning, that as the number of stations increases the cost of the individual station rises.
The Times, London, England, December 1, 1913:
As the result of a short-sighted Government policy, of official mismanagement, and the paro-
chial attitude of local authorities, the number of telephones per hundred of the population in Great
Britain to-day is 1.4, as against 1.6 in Germany, 2.1 in Switzerland, 3.5 in Dtnmark and Sweden,
3.7 in Canada, and 8.1 in the United States. London, the greatest city in the world, boasts 2.8 tele-
phones for even,' hundred of its inhabitants, as against a percentage of 5.3 in Berlin, 1 1 .0 in Chicago,
19.9 in Stockholm, and 24.0 in Los Angeles.
Letter to the London, England, Daily Mail, September 2, 1913:
Sir: It may interest and perhaps surprise some of your readers to learn the cost of a telephone
in a country district in England.
My house is situated within a radius of four and a half miles of the e-xchange at Bury St. Ed-
munds, and in answer to my inquiry, I am informed that "the annual subscription would be approxi-
mately £40." As I believe that there is no extra charge for any telephone within a mile of the
exchange, it means that I am to be charged at the rate of £10 a year for each mile of extension.
My only hope of ever having a telephone here is that I hear the Postmaster-General is now on
a visit to America for the purpose of studying the telephone business. I suggest that on his return
night schools should be established where telephone officials might be taught something about tele-
phones. J. S. Austen.
Plumton House, Bury St. Edmunds.
From the London, England, Times, July 20, 1910:
Great Britain at the beginning of this year had 602,209 telephones in service, so the American
Bell system gained in one year more telephones (nearly 30 per cent, more) than have been installed
in Great Britain since the telephone began. The total number of telephones in the Bell system is
Syi times greater than in the British system. Allowing for difference in i)opulation, there are more
than four American telephones to one British telephone. This disparity is increasing rapidly in favor
of America, as the development of the American system is increasing just twenty times more rapidly
than that of the British system. If the comparison is extended to the whole of Europe, it is found
that the Bell system has just twice as many telephones as all Europe. The entire group of twenty
European countries with an aggregate population of 405 millions can only muster 2,583,000 telephones
as against the 5,142,692 telephones of a single organization in America, serving a population of be-
tween 80 and 90 millions. The telephone development in proportion to population is therefore ten
times higher in America than it is throughout Europe.
From the London, England, Times, July 20, 1910:
In Europe the general existence of State telegraph monopolies has doomed the telephone to a
Cinderella-like existence, and no fairy prince has yet appeared from among the ranks of the jHjliticians
with sufficient insight to recognize the possibilities of the suppressed and harassed telephone and to
61
secure them full scope. The fortunate Americans have no State monopolies, and both telegraph and
telephone have been left to work out their own salvation as industrial enterprises.
Under these conditions the telephone service has experienced a prodigious development. The
wonderful facilities provided by a system of instantaneous and direct communication appeal readily
to such a practical people as the Americans, and the efficiency and scope of the telephone in America
have been so steadily improved and extended that the telephone service has become part of the daily
business and social life of the people to an extent unapproached in any European country.
Extract from "Public Finance," by C. F. Bastable, Professor of Political Economy at the Uni-
versity of Dublin, Ireland (3d Edition, 1903, Book II, Chapter 3, Pages 210-211) :
The dealings of state agencies with new inventions are the worst blot on public administration,
and it seems that there is this risk in the state telegraphs, that though they are quite up to the stand-
ard at their inception, they almost insensibly fall behind as it advances with growing knowledge.
This consideration belongs to economic policy rather than finance, which, however, suiters from any
hindrance to commercial expansion and is certainly not likely to gain by state telegraphy.
(American — Editorial)
Boston, Mass., Advertiser, December 22, 1913:
Another serious objection to Government ownership is that under it expansion would be much
slower than at present. The telephone companies are pushing their lines constantly into new territory
and opening up a larger part of the country. Very few will contend that the Government would
attempt to extend its lines into new sections except after petitions had been brought by the people
therein. And even then a vast amount of red tape would have to be unrolled before anything would
be done. In other words, instead of leading the demand, the Government would follow it, which
means a great deal to the development of the country. * * * The initiative of private enterprise
always has been far greater than that of the Government, in any line, for a nurnber of reasons. And
it is difficult to see how this can be changed, because of the absence of direct responsible authority
in Government matters, and the divorce between the operating and financial departments. Nothing
could be done until the money had been provided and the delay in Congressional appropriation is
proverbial.
Northampton, Mass., Gazette, December 18, 1913:
As a private enterprise the telephone company is very successful and is also very accommodat-
ing to public well-being. The Amercian telephone system will, in 1913, have gross revenues of close
to ?220,000,000, which means a gain during the last six years of $90,000,000, or 70%. The balance
of net profits for dividends will be around $50,000,000, compared with $30,000,000 during 1907. The
Bell system is devoting 31 cents of every $1.00 of gross to maintenance and depreciation, which means
an outlay of close to $70,000,000 during 1913.
New York Journal of Commerce, December 12, 1913:
When a large sum of money has been embarked in plant adapted to a specific purpose, the
public administration always looks with disfavor on any new invention that may involve the scrap-
ping of that plant. While the same may apply to any large private enterprise, nevertheless while the
field is open competitors with no accumulative plant are always to be found ready to risk their money
in exploiting the new idea on the chance of reaping immediate profit.
New York Commercial, November, 1913:
If the city of New York or the Federal Government at Washington owned the telephone sys-
tem of the municipality or the nation, as the case might be, and should make such ample provision for
future needs as the private corporations are now in the habit of doing, the cry of graft and extrava-
gance would be raised at once. No administrator of public affairs would dare to spend money
intelligently in this way.
62
Extract from an article by Dr. Jacob Gould Schunnan, President of Cornell University, pub-
lished in the New York Tribune, February 25, 1912:
The most that any government has ever done is to provide honest and efficient officials for the
conduct of public business along lines already established and by the use of methods and agencies
already familiar in private business. Creative epochs in industry are the work of individuals, not of
governments.
FINANCIAL CONSTRICTION
{Foreign — Official)
British Parliamentary Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913, pp. 593-594:
Mr. Goldman ; * * * Take the trunk (i. e., long distance) service to which the Postmas-
ter-General also referred. There was an exclusive monopoly. The Government have been run-
ning the trunk service for fifteen years and we can test their intentions and activities by their
work in connection with that service. If we look at the records we see in the figures relating to
trunk service the rapid development which is characterising itself in all branches of telephone ser-
vices abroad. I find that in the years 1910 to 1912 there has been no actual increase. There has
actually been a drop in construction which also coincides with a decrease in the additional circuits
that have been added to the service. In 1910 the expenditure in respect of the service was £371,776;
in 1911 it was £279,855, and in 1912 it was only £255,000. In other words, the expenditure on the
trunk service has declined by no less than one-third. In 1911 they added no fewer than 182 fresh
circuits ; in 1912 there actually is a reduction down to 145. During this period there has been a steady
increase in telephones in the local areas and it is an elementary fact that the more people use the
local service, the more people require the trunk service. No doubt the Postmaster-General did rec-
ognize the neglect of his own service in the matter of these trunks, because he suddenly came
forward last year and stated to the House that he intended to spend in the coming year £1,000,000
on the trunk service. Again, the promise of the Postmaster-General in that respect has not been real-
ized, because, instead of having spent £1,000,000 as he intended to spend, on the trunk service, the
expenditure only amounted to approximately £500,000.
British Parliamentarj' Debates, Official Report, April 24, 1913,-pp. 592 ff. :
Mr. Goldman: * * * The United States * * * spent last year no less than £8,000,000
on additional plant, and propose to do the same this year, as compared with the insignificant amount
which the Postmaster-General now proposes to spend on the telephone service.
This continued delay in carrying out necessary construction is most discouraging to those who
had hoped for efficiency in the Post Office management.
************
When we faced the Postmaster-General last year with our criticisms, he silenced us by saying
that he intended to spend £2,700,000 on the telephone service this year. Again he has not fulfilled
his promise.
From the Report of the Royal Commission .Appointed to Investigate the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Services of the Commonwealth of Australia (ordered to be printed October 5, 1910) :
Position getting 45 The Starved condition of the services is largely answerable for the imper-
fect working of the telephonic and telegraphic installations.
63
worse.
46. The reason assigned by all the officials for the failure to place the ser-
vices in proper working order was want of sufficient funds. There is evidence that
the Department in 1901 endeavored, through the Treasurer of the time, to obtain the
necessary funds to place the services in an efficient condition by resorting to a loan,
but Parliament refused to sanction this proposal. The curtailment of funds at that
tunK"^ "^"^ °' period was apparently the result of the desire to keep the cost of Federation within
a limit of £300,000 per annum. The adoption of that course, in spite of the de-
mands of the Post and Telegraph Department, is, in the opinion of your Commis-
sioners, evidence that the system of management is faulty, in that it permitted the
Treasurer to assume financial control of services for whose efficiency he was not
responsible. This aspect of the position is emphasized by the fact that the Treasurer
was at that time aware of the necessities of the Post and Telegraph Department, not-
withstanding which he returned to the States Governments the whole of the surplus
revenue beyond their constitutional proportion. * * * j^e Central Executive,
though representing to the Postmaster-General the omission to supply sufficient funds,
should have more persistently urged upon him the results that would occur from a
^f'fundl'"'^''''"""' continuation of the starvation policy. This matter will be further dealt with in the
financial section of this Report.
115. The result of unduly curtailing expenditure was pointed out repeatedly
by the Department, and the required provision was made on the Estimates, but was
reduced by the Treasurer. The longer reconstruction is deferred and the longer
installation of a new system is postponed the more expensive the work becomes, on
account of extensions made to the old system. Construction methods were found to
MnstTucTion"""' '" '^^ practically the same as in 1901 as the Department claimed it had been impossible
to improve those methods since that date, although the adoption of improved methods
would obviously have tended toward economy. It may be mentioned that between 1886
and 1904 the New York Telephone Company's plant was reconstructed three times to
bring the equipment up to the highest standard, and to render the service more effi-
cient. From 1900 to 1907 the Bell Telephone Company, United States of America,
spent about £70,000,000 on telephone undertakings.
methods.
From speech by Deputy M. T. Steeg, in the French Chamber of Deputies, Session of June 23,
1910 (French Senate Document No. 165) :
The history of the telephone is only the story of successive programs, very brilliantly conceived,
but never realized for lack of resources.
(Here Deputy Steeg reports a scries of transactions indicating how the administration of tele-
phones by the French Government has been hampered through financial constriction, and goes on to
say):
Next M. Millerand took up the study of the hill, completed a jirogram of reforms and was
looking for a disinterested person who would lend him the 100 million francs needed to effectuate
the plan. Not being able to borrow for the needs of the services, the Administration asked the Cham-
ber of Commerce of Paris to do what the Administration was incapable of doing.
( Foreign — Editorial)
Le Journal dcs Transports. Paris, France, December, 1912 (translation) :
We said the State is a very ])oor businessman indeed. It is also a wretched financier. The
64
report of M. Dalimier, a radical who cannot be suspected of republicanism, furnishes us startling
proof of this.
***♦♦♦»♦»»»*
It is not necessary to add any more. The criticisms directed against the Postal, Telegraph and
Telephone Administration in the Chamber and before the Budgetary Commission, will, alas, be use-
less. All the irregularities, all the imperfections we have pointed out, are inherent in the system of
operation by the State, of services for which it is unprepared. We repeat again and again that the
State was not meant to be a business man. The criticism of the Post, Telegrajih and Telephone Admin-
istration can be applied equally to the Powder monopoly, the National Printing Office, the Match
monopoly, the Arsenals and the State Railway Administrations.
Xew York Press. June 21. 1910:
Telephone interests here are watching closely developments in Germany, where criticism has
been provoked because the supplementary budget for telephone purposes amounts to only 25,000,000
marks, as compared with 44,800,000 marks in 1907, 60,000,000 marks in 1908, and 45,000,000 marks
in 1909. It is contended that the Post and Telegraph Department of that country is too parsimonious,
and, in asking for so small an amount, has not paid proper attention to the need for improvement and
extension of its system.
The Times, London, England, July 20, 1910:
The public of European countries finds itself denied a highly developed and efficient telephone
service, and thereby suffers incalculable daily loss. European capital goes freely to America to develop
the telephone there, but the European politician and the European Government official refuse to allow
European capital, or any other, to develop the telephone in Europe.
(American — Editorial)
Extract from the report by S. Gale Lowrie (appointed by the Wisconsin State Board of Public
Affairs, 1912, to study Budget systems) :
It takes but a small minority to block an appropriation. A slight majority in one house can
refuse a grant for a service which the entire lower house, part of the upper house and the governor
earnestly desire. This is a minority rather than popular control. The theory that the annual system
of appropriations increases the control of the people over appropriations harks back to the time of
limited appropriations for royal services and has no place in our modern legislative systems.
Frequent comparisons have been made of late between governmental work and that of a busi-
ness enterprise, and although there are well recognized differences between them there are many
points of similarity. It would be impossible to conduct any industrial enterprise upon such a policy
of temporary planning as the limited method of support implies. Every large project must have a
design carefuly thought out and running through a period of years, and in order that a plan may have
permanency it must have a method of support which is not likely to be interrupted at frequent intervals.
TAXATION
( Foreign — Editorial )
New York Times, December 18, 1913:
England's postal telegraph has produced a deficiency of £17,455,861 sterling in order to make
the British postal telegraph a success. The taxpayers have paid a deficit averaging £400,000 for forty
years and are now paying at the rate of £840,000.
65
{American — Editorial)
Chicago, 111., Farm and Home, January 1, 1914:
Admitting both the merits and demerits of the present system, unless cost of service were less
onder government ownership than at present, rates could be no lower unless the deficit was made
up by general taxation. Higher taxes to offset the loss in the transportation department would be
unpopular indeed.
There is no magic in ownership and operation of utilities by corporation or by township,
county, state or nation. It is a question of management. Receipts must be enough to pay all expenses
or the deficit must be made up otherwise. Either way the public has to bear the cost.
The peasantry of County Cork said when home rule seemed imminent years ago: "We will
neither plow nor plant because now the Government will support all of us." The Government is
the people. Sometimes it is easier to* supervise and control than to operate.
Boston, Mass., Herald, December, 1913 :
It ought to be understood by all intelligent people that everything performed by public agen-
cies, whether of city, state or nation, costs 50 per cent, more than the same service done under the
support of self-interest and private initiative. And that extra 50 per cent, the public must pay for
not necessarily .in prices immediately affixed. The excess usually comes out of general taxation and
is widely diffused.
Syracuse, N. Y., Herald, December 18, 1913:
If the Government should take over the telegraph lines and cheapen the rates of service, the
real beneficiaries would not be the mass of the people, but only a relatively small proportion thereof.
Whatever else might be said to the principle thus put in practice, it certainly could not be called the
principle of the "greatest good to the greatest number."
Extract from the address of Seth Low, President of the National Civic Federation, delivered
at its Fourteenth Annual Meeting in New York City on December 11, 1913:
I make no apology, therefore, for pointing out briefly, on this occasion, some of the difficulties
attaching to government ownership and operation of railroads in a country like ours, with a Federal
government evolved as ours has been, covering half a continent. Such information as I can command
leads me to believe that in Germany, France, Australia, Italy and Austria, the earnings of the state-
owned railroads in each country barely equal, if they do equal, the sums paid in taxation by the rail-
roads of the United States.
Providence, R. I., Daily Journal, October 12, 1913:
How many of the farmers and the working men of the United States use the long distance
telephone and telegraph? This is a question that has not been answered. Probably very few are
interested in rates because they are not called upon to have long distance conversations. But if the
Government should duplicate the existing trans-continental lines at an expense of several hundred of
millions of dollars, no one could escape the heavy tax levy. Why should a man who has no use for
long distance messages pay taxes for a government telephone system ?
Extract from an article in The American City (New York), April, 1913, by George C. Whipple,
Consulting Professor, Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute:
The recent special report of the Bureau of the Census on financial statistics of cities of over
30,000 inhabitants * * * showed that in 145 cities the annual revenue receipts had increased in
eight years from ?20.12 to $27.24 per capita, a gain of 35.4 per cent. The payments for expenses and
interest increased from $16.37 to $20.53 per capita. The governmental costs were higher in the larger
cities. In New York City the budget appropriations were $26.90 per capita in 1900 and $34.30 in 1910.
The report also shows that in many cities, and especially in the larger ones, the bonded indebtedness is
increasing alarmingly.
66
As long as the cities continue to grow and assessed valuations continue to increase, the danger
ahead is not so easdy discerned ; but what will hapi>en when our cities cease to grow, when the interest
on the debts incurred begins to bear more heavily on the taxpayers? Will the remedy be retrenchment
or repudiation?
Were the trouble confined to cities the case would be bad enough, but it is not confined to them.
State debts are increasing, and county debts, and debts incurred by metropolitan districts and by public
service corporations. Thinking people are becoming troubled as to how these debts are to be paid.
EMPLOYEES
( Foreign — Official )
Hull, England, Eastern Morning Nezvs, November 24, 1913, reporting a mass meeting of postal
employees at Hull :
J. McCarthy (Chainnan of the Postal Telegraph Clerks' Association) ; * * * The Com-
mittee told them that in spite of repeated challenges to the staff no evidence was brought forward to
support the proposition in the matter of Nsages, and that the Post Office servants suffered no disad-
vantage as compared with other workers. He wanted to say that that was not true. His own asso-
ciation, the Postal Telegraph, proved up to the hilt that the telegraphists employed by the private
cable companies were in receipt of something like 30 per cent, higher wages than the Post Office
workers.
News item in the Daily News and Leader, London, England, October 28, 1913, reporting a meet-
ing of representatives of the various postal unions:
Mr. Stewart, secretary of the Postmen's Federation, explaining the objects of the conference,
said the postal unions should join together in order to fight "the common enemy." He was sorry to
have to refer to the Postmaster-General as the "common enemy," but it was no use mincing words.
If there was one thing which had made it necessary for ihem to consider amalgamation it was the
publication of the Holt Committee's report.
Article by L. G. Chiozza Money, M. P., published in the Daily Neivs and Leader, London, Eng-
land, October 10, 1913, referring to the report of the Holt Committee on Post Office Servants, Wages
and Conditions of Employment:
* * * But the Committee use a very poor argument when they say that the Post Office has
"no difficulty in recruiting a sufficient number of persons competent for the duties they have to per-
form." That is the excuse made by every bad employer. Never was yet a sweater who did not
assure you, and truly, that his victims were eager to take his pay, and that he could get heaps more
at an even lower rate.
Resolution passed by the executive committee of the Amalgamated Society of Telephone Em-
ployees, published in the Electrical Industries, London, England, October 8, 1913:
The committee particularly emphasizes the fact that no allowance has been made for the admit-
ted increase in the cost of living ; it emphatically protests against the proposal to increase the number
of working hours as applied to certain grades ; and rejects as totally inadequate and insignificant such
paltry modifications of pay and conditions as are recommended. Further, it calls upon His Majesty's
Government to deal immediately with the existing position, which can only be regarded as urgent
and dangerous.
Resolution of the Associated British National Telephone Engineers, published in The Electri-
cian, London, England, October 3, 1913:
This meeting of National Telephone engineers views with grave concern the recommendations
67
of the Select Committee on Post Office Servants, and is strongly opposed to the acceptance of the
report by His Majesty's Government, on the grounds that the recommendations would not appear
to be based on the evidence tendered, and moreover the report lends itself to a harsh and prejudiced
interpretation in its application to the staff transferred into the service of the State from the National
Telephone Co. Many anomaUes remain, such as the placing of officers in Post Office grades the
maxima of which were, are, and will continue to be, according to the recommendations, below the
actual salary the officers were receiving at the date of transfer; and the drafting of officers perform-
ing the same duties and borne on the same class under the National Telephone Co. into different
grades under the department, much to their detriment.
The creation of artificial barriers as stumbling blocks in the lines of promotion of capable and
experienced officers is regarded as a retrograde step, and highly detrimental to the maintenance of
the high standard of efficiency attained under the Telephone Company. * * *
The degradation of responsible supervising officers from the major to the minor staff, the
imposition of longer hours of duty and the proposed transfer of officers to a grade inferior to that
which they at present occupy is considered reactionary, arbitrary and unjustifiable on any grounds.
The scales of pay and the annual increments proposed are quite inadequate, and incommen-
surate with the increased cost of living, conclusive proof of which is given in tiie recent returns issued
by the Board of Trade.
Statement by Mr. L. S. Summers, organizer of the Amalgamated Society of Telephone Em-
ployees, published in the Nottingham, England, Guardian, August 28, 1913:
Mr. L. S. Summers declared emphatically that the conclusions come to by the Holt Committee
were entirely unsatisfactory. (.Vpplause.) The whole of the transferred staff were indignant at the
recommendations arising out of the transfer from the National Telephone Company to the Post
Office. (Hear, hear.) The recommendations of the Select Committee meant an increase of 2j/$ hours'
work per week ; while as regarded pay, whereas the .Amalgamated Society submitted 27s. a week as
a minimum living wage, the Select Committee recommended the miserable wage of 26s. — a disgrace
to the Government of the country. (Applause.)
Resolution of the .Amalgamated Society of Telephone Employees, published in Morning Post,
London, England, August 27, 1913:
* * '•' This mceling expresses strong indignation at the unsatisfactory recommendations con-
tained in the report of the Holt Committee. We pledge ourselves to support the Executive Committee
of the A. S. T. E. in whatever action may be deemed advisable, but we are also of opinion that the
Executive Committee should adopt a much stronger line of action to secure immediate redress on
the many grievances still existing.
Resolution of the National Joint Committee of Post Office Employees, concerning the Report
of the Parliamentary Committee on Wages and Conditions of Service in the Post Office, printed in
the Times, London, England, August 23, 1913:
* * * this meeting declines to accept the report of the Select Committee as a proper verdict
on its just and moderate claims. It emphatically states that no juggling with pence will dispose of the
admitted increase in the cost of living, and it regards the proposals to increase the working hours of
the staff under the guise of a concession as an insult to the intelligence of the Post Office employees.
Financial Times, London, England, April 2, 1913:
Mr. Jeffreys, an official of the Amalgamated Society of Telephone Employees, was called be-
fore Mr. Holt's Select Committee on Postal Workers' Grievances at the House of Commons yester-
day, and on behalf of the staff of the National Telephone Company, taken over by the Post Office
at the time of the transfer of the company's undertaking, complained that the Government pledge
that no official should suffer by the transfer had, in fact, been violated. Their prospects of promotion
had, he contended, been seriously depreciated.
68
Extract from a news item in the Herald, Glasgow, Scotland, March 22, 1913, giving an accoimt
of the annual meeting of the Amalgamated 5ocict\ of Telephone Employees:
The Chairman, in his inaugural address, said that they of the staff of the olil National Tele-
phone Company were now in a position * * * to appreciate the effect of the many disadvantages
under the new conditions of service * ♦ *
Future prospects of the statT generally, and in particular the prospects of the electrical staff,
were of so hopeless a character that many members had already given up the service in disgust. Those
who. owing to the telephone industry in the United Kingdom being a State monopoly, and through
various circumstances, must of necessity continue in tiu- employ of the State, were working under
State conditions with the iron of discontent searing into their souls. * * *
The main point so far as the staff was concerned was that State service had been tried and
found wanting.
Extract from a resolution and comment thereon by Mr. Thomas (delegate for telephone em-
ployees) at a meeting of the Birmingham Trades Council, jniblished in the Birmingham, England,
Post. December 9, 1912:
"This meeting of the Birmingham Trades Council draws the attention of the Postmaster-
General to the unsatisfactory condition of the staff of the late National Telephone Company, parti-
cularly in the matter of lower annual increment, lower lodging allowance, overtime rates, sick pay, and
lower maxima in the various grades, and calls on him to fulfill his promise made to the employees when
the Transfer Bill was in Committee; and maintains * * * that the maimer in which the telephone
operators had been treated is a menace to progress which cannot be tolerated."
In moving the resolution, Mr. Thomas * * * pointed out that the Postmaster-General prom-
ised that the employees should be treated not only with justice Init with generosity. Mr. Thomas gave
several instances of reductions sustained by telephone workers. The workpeople had been classified
in a disgraceful manner, many of the first-class certificated operators having been reduced to second
and third class.
From a pamphlet printed in 1910 by the Italian Postal Telegraph Clerks' Association, Hon.
Filippo Turati, Member of Parliament, Italy, President (translation) :
Even the foreign press has occupied itself with this problem (of the telegraph service), laugh-
ing at us merrily.
The Government, on the other hand, has inverted things; pays less for overtime labor; has
done even more; paying everyone badly, it has forced the workers to struggle amongst themselves for
this overtime work, degenerating into "Krumiri." And the Government is convinced that it will win
much in this affair, and will make an excellent speculation. The workers have understood, and
everyone knows that the masters have nothing to gain by killing and exhausting the blood of the
workers. But the government does not yet understand these elementary matters, does not under-
stand the danger that accrues to industry from tired and discontented workers which renders fraud
inevitable.
(Foreign — Editorial)
From a letter from the Marquis de Montebello, President of the Association of Telephone
Subscribers, to the Editor in Chief of Lc Matin, Paris, France, reprinted in the Bulletin des Abon-
ncs an Tele f hone (Bulletin of the Telephone Subscribers' Association), Paris, France, December,
1913 (translation) :
Note :— Roubaix ranks 12th in population among French cities.
Permit me to request the aid of the wide publicity of the Matin to call attention to the truly
scandalous conditions under which the postal, telephone and telegraph services operate at Roubaix.
* * * I shall speak to you only of the telephone service, adding, however, that the postal and tele-
graph services are no better organized.
69
The solitary, narrow staircase which serves the various floors is repulsively filthy and falling
into ruins. The tottering railing is altogether lacking in several places. The rooms reserved for the
various services are in the same state of dilapidation ; the walls have not been painted or papered for
several decades ; the floors are rotten and enormous holes open up under one's feet ; the ceilings are
falling down and must be supported by timber braces and by props.
These ridiculously confined quarters are arranged in a manner contrary to the most elemental
laws of hygiene and of comfort; one roasts in them in summer; one freezes in winter; the atmosphere
is not fit to breathe; the arrangement of the furniture does not permit the removal of the dust that
has accumulated for years; a single little door serves as an exit for about fifty employees; no measure
of precaution has been taken against a conflagration, which is always imminent, unless the presence of
a bucket of water can be regarded as such a precautionary measure. This bucket, however, also
serves as a washstand for the whole stafif of employees !
From a speech delivered at Tourcoing, France, by the Marquis de Montebello, the President of
the Association of Telephone Subscribers, printed in the Bulletin de I' Association des Abonnes au Tele-
phone (Bulletin of the Telephone Subscribers' Association), Paris, France, December, 1913 (trans-
lation) :
Note: — Roubaix ranks twelfth in population among French cities.
The lecturer speaks of the visit which he made during the morning to the telephone exchange at
Roubaix, which serves Roubaix and Tourcoing. "I saw there," says he, "a prehistoric installation ;
the old shelf-switchboard, which has been abandoned abroad for nearly thirty years, is still in use
there. The offices are arranged under conditions contrary to all the principles of hygiene and even to
simply humanitarian principles. It is disgraceful, ignoble, inhuman. If a business man had such offi-
ces, the labor inspector would have them closed immediately. In the most barbarous countries," he
adds, "employees are not treated as at the exchange at Roubaix." He mentions in particular that,
for their only wash-stand, they have an old zinc bucket in which they have had to stop up a hole with
plaster.
From the Civil Service Gazette, London, England, October 18, 1913, referring to criticism by
L. G. Chiozza Money, M. P., concerning recommendations of the Holt Committee on Post Office
Servants (Wages and Conditions of Employment) :
* * * Mr. Chiozza Money is a supporter of the Government, but he does not mince matters.
He states quite plainly that the argument used by the Committee, and concurred in by the Secretary
of the Post Office (i. e. — that the Post Office has no difficulty in securing employees at the wages it
offers) — is the argument which is used by every "bad" employer.
He thus asserts that the Post Office is a bad employer. We do not dispute the truth of this
assertion. The Post Office is a bad employer, and yet the Post Office is one of the most important
parts of the machinery controlled by a State which claims to be "the model employer."
The Electrician, London, England, August 15, 1913:
The condition of affairs at the present moment is much more serious from the engineering
aspect, for we understand that so numerous have been the resignations from among the engineering
members in what we may term the "National Telephone section" of the staff that those in authority
are becoming greatly concerned. * * * The reasons for the defection are alleged to be that the en-
gineering staff generally is dissatisfied with the conditions in their particular branch of the State serv-
ice, not so much from the pecuniary side (though there is discontent on that score), but because of the
lassitude and absence of "momentum" which confronts them and seems to pervade the very atmo-
sphere. These men feel that promotion is blocked for years to come, and that what little advancement
they may hope to gain will be determined by seniority in the service rather than by their engineering
qualifications. They feel that any initiative or foresight they possess is of no use to them, while their
work is rapidly losing that absorbing interest it once had for them. The result is, we learn, that the
best of the juniors are rapidly leaving the service, while the seniors of the old service, for whom the
70
task of obtaining other employment is more difficult, are tending to become slack and inert through
the depression of their surroundings.
The Telegraph Chronicle and Chnl Sennce Recorder, London, England. July 18, 1913:
The better pay and prospects offered by cable companies have been instrumental in depleting
BM. (telegraphic code for Birmingham) of two capable juniors » * • who have shaken the dust
of the local telegraph office off their feet and started with the Eastern Company at a commencing sal-
ary of no less than 8s. per week in advance of what they were receiving from the what-ought-to-be-
but-aint model employer, and with the assurance of an annual increment worth the having and a max-
imum such as would positively cause the death of some of our noble administrators if it were suggested
to them that Government employees, doing the same work, should have a chance to attain.
The Northern Whig, Belfast, Ireland, March 22, 1913:
We publish this morning some very interesting and important statements made yesterday by
Mr. Preston, president of the annual Conference of Telephone Employees. According to his remarks,
the whole telephone staff are simply disgusted with the conditions of service under the Government.
The Glasgow, Scotland, Herald, March 22, 1913:
* * * The State on the first serious attempt on a large scale to buy up and manage a public
utility has failed to demonstrate that it is a model employer. The Goverinnent telephonist is worse off
than he was when he worked for a private employer, whose first concern was to earn a dividend.
Article by the Parliamentary Correspondent of the Daily Herald, Glasgow, Scotland, reporting
a meeting of the Telephonists' Branch of the Postal Telegraph Clerks' Association, published January
22, 1913:
Mr. \\'. J. Ash: * * * men who have to be experts in their profession, who work on con-
tinuous and extremely responsible night duty, have the paternal incentive to good work of a maxi-
mum salary of 30s. a week. * * *
Increditable as it may seem, these men have not even been established at a regular post office
rating. That is, their job is considered a sort of superior blind alley, and they are as good as shown
the door after ten years' faithful service.
Manchester, England, Evening Chronicle, December 11, 1912:
That the employees of the National Telephone Company are anything but satisfied with their
experiences since becoming State servants is indicated by the fact that a protest meeting on their
behalf is being called this week in Manchester. The "ideal employer" is, in many cases, demanding
lower wages and longer hours than the old company found necessary to successfully work the system.
The company's employees also have another legitimate grievance. When they were taken over promo-
tion was promised on the basis of work done, but despite the fact that they had had in their hands
an overwhelming proportion of the telephone exchanges and lines throughout the country very few
of the superior positions have been given to them. * * * Here, again, we have an example of broken
promises and favoritism unworthy of this "model employer," * * * Neither are the public any better
pleased with the change, and the net result of the transfer has been another proof of the unsatisfac-
tory character of the much-vaunted State Services.
Manchester, England, Evening Chronicle, December 11, 1912:
It is customarj- for a certain class of writers and speakers to hold up the State as the ideal em-
ployer. * * * But it is well known that Post Office workers have many real grievances which they
cannot get remedied, and now it appears that the vagaries of State management are causing seething
unrest in the Labor Exchanges and the Telephone Service. The grievances in both cases appear to be
quite legitimate, and they are bad enough to bring about organized effort to secure readjustment of
conditions. Under-payment for the work done and preferential treatment in regard to promotions are
the chief causes of complaint in both cases.
71
Leeds, England, Mercury, November 15, 1912:
A memorial submitted to the Postmaster-General on behalf of the telephone employees sets
out that grave unrest exists amongst the staff all over the countrj-, particularly amongst those em-
ployees who have been taken over from the National Telephone Company's staff.
************
The chief allegations are that the men and women employees are considerably worse off with
respect to ordinary, overtime, and Sunday pay, sick pay (reduced by one-third in the case of non-es-
tablished employees), and persons, while hours are longer in nearly every case.
Pall Mall Gazette (.London, England), November 13, 1912. Article by Filson Young:
A little light was thrown for me the other day on the mysterious cause of the inefficiency of
the telephone service. I was talking to a linesman as he ate his dinner outside one of those curious
little combinations of tents and caves which establish themselves for an hour or two at the corners
of London streets.
I asked him why, if the same staff had worked the system under the National Telephone Com-
pany, they could not do so with equal efficiency under the Government. "It is quite true," he said, "it
is the same staff, but the conditions aren't the same. Our pay remains the same, but our conditions
are less good. All our old arrangements have been knocked out and no new ones put in their place.
Take my case. Under the National Telephone Company I could have gone on being promoted until
I became a" — I forget what. "Now I can only go on to such and such a grade, at thirty-five shillings
a week. * * *
"Now," added my friend, as he prepared to descend again into the cave, "a few people feeling
like that in a service make no dift'erence. But when you get thirty or forty thousand people all dis-
satisfied and all discouraged — well, the service is bound to suffer. It stands to reason, don't it?"
Birmingham, England, Post, November 2, 1912:
Widespread discontent has prevailed among tclei)hone employees since the transfer of the service
to the State, and meetings are being held throughout the country, under the aegis of the Amalga-
mated Society of Telephone Employees. Grievances, it is said, are felt in practically every department
of the service, but they are declared to be more acute in the electrical and engineering sections. These
departments were considered by the Post Office authorities to be unworthy of a proper grade, and a
large number of the employees were classified as "unestablished workmen." Emphasis is laid on the
fact that although the men in this department are qualified electricians, and that many of them have
passed examinations and gained certificates, in some cases in the provinces the rate of pay has been
Sj.'jd. and 6d. an hour. Some of these engaged in these sections receive 29s. 3d. per week, but the
average is considerably below that earned before the transfer.
It is further declared that the majority of the employees have to work longer hours, while the
rate of pay for overtime and Sunday work has been reduced; sick pay has also been reduced to two-
thirds in the case of unestablished workmen, and pension benefits have, as the result of the lack of
classification, been abolished in many instances.
John Bull (British weekly published by Horatio W. Bottoniley, M. P.), September 28, 1912:
Is it not a puzzle that everybody is complaining since the telephones were taken over by the
State? The same staff is employed, and there is no apparent reason why it should behave differently.
Now the unseen fact in connection with the Post Office telephones is that the whole staff' is
a seething mass of discontent. * * * Work, pay, prospects, sick-leave, pensions — in fact, all the es-
sentials of their careers — remain unsettled, and it is not to be wondered at if the strain on their minds
interferes with their alacrity and good temper.
************
The result of all this chaos and pin-pricking is that men go about listlessly, and their overseers,
being also disheartened, feel no call to remonstrate. ♦ * * The men are loth to strike, but they feel
72
that they have been very badly treated and that they would be perfectly justified in taking strong
measures to secure their rights.
(.4merican — Official)
Congressional Record. January 19, 1914, page 2018:
Mr. Beakes: * * * The fault with the civil-service system, as 1 view it, is that when a
man gets in, after a few slight and immaterial promotions, there is nothing ahead. In Inisiness cir-
cles, outside the Goveniment service, a man begins down in the ranks and he is spurred on by the
knowledge that if he shows unusual knowledge, skill, efficiency, or capacity, there is almost no limit
as to how far up the ladder he may climb. There is always something ahead for him. Rut in the
civil service, after one or two rungs of the ladder, there is a blank wall and nothing ahead.
Congressional Record, January 16, 1914, page 1826:
Mr. Griffin: * * * The employees in the Postal Service, and particularly the city and
rural carriers, post-office clerks, and laborers, are i)aid only for the actual time they are employed.
When overtaken by sickness or if they meet with an accident and become incapacitated for duty their
pay ceases at once. It matters not if an accident was caused by the grossest negligence on the part of
the Government, these employees have no redress for damages, not even for the loss of salary. They
are laid off without pay until they are able to assume their official duties, and should the sickness or
accident be of a nature to confine them for a period of more than 150 days they are notified to hand
in their resignation, because a department rule provides that no employee will be excused for a longer
period, no matter what the cause may be.
Congressional Record, Januarj' 16, 1914, page 1826:
Mr. Griffin : * * * It has been stated that the personnel of the Postal Service changes
every seven years, and this will give an idea of the small percentage of those who do make it their
life work. And now, Mr. Chairman, what is the reward for these men and women who give the best
>ears of their lives to the public service? Well, it is hard for me to say it, because I detest ingrati-
tude, governmental or otherwise, these employees are forced to resign when they become superannu-
ated, unceremoniously kicked out, and told that they are inefficient and can no longer do the work re-
quired of them — outlived their usefulness. It is one of the saddest incidents of our governmental life.
Thrown out with the flotsam and jetsam of humanity who have no aim or object in life, because years
of ardent labor have used up their energy and vitality. Yes, Mr. Chairman, like an obsolete piece of
machinery or a broken piston rod, they are thrown on the scrap heap.
Congressional Record, January 16, 1914, page 1846:
Mr. Reilly: * * * It was not until I became a member of this body that I learned that
old worn-out letter carriers and other superannuated employees of the Government were not retired
on part pay, but, on the contrary, were dismissed from the service when they could no longer keep
up the pace. One of the first letters I received after being elected a Member of Congress was from
an old postal employee, who had received an official notice from his postmaster informing him that
he had been off duty the allotted number of days in the year allowed by the department and that his
resignation would be accepted. The simple statement of that heart-broken man asking me to assist in
having him kept on the rolls made my heart ache. He had spent 34 years of his life pounding the
pavements in all kinds of weather and at all hours of the day and night, and was known and loved by
the citizens of the community he served, composed of all classes and creeds and political affiliations.
He had not only given the best years of his life to the Government in building up the Postal Service, but
was at an age and in such a condition that he could not hope to find cmi)loyment of any kind. He
was in such financial straits that if thrown on the world he would have to depend on the bounty of
relatives or friends, or else become a public charge.
What a cruel, cruel fate to leave a man to who had lived an honorable, upright life and was a
model citizen. Why, Mr. Chairman, if this man had worked for a railroarl company or a banking
73
institution or a large corporation of any kind, and was treated in such a manner, it would be the
subject of public condemnation. But being a life-long employee of the Government no one seems to
take more than a passing interest in him. We legislate here to curb the trusts and the railroads and
corporations, and denounce them as soulless, but I believe it would be well for us to reflect and take
a few leaves from the book of rules which govern them in their treatment of their employees.
Congressional Record, January 16, 1914, page 1846:
Mr. Reilly: * * * i believe the Government is the poorest-paying employer in the world,
and I say that intending to include therein all branches of the service from the man who receives
$800 to the man who receives $8,000. I believe that the same service with the same ability, the same
intelligence, the same faithfulness given to this Government if given to a private corporation would
receive in reward double the pay on an average that the Government pays to-day.
New York Press, December 8, 1913 :
Poor pay in the Government service is sending many scientific experts outside for employment,
says George Otis, Director of the United States Geological Survey, in his annual report, made public
to-day.
In the last four and a half years forty-one geologists have left the Government, primarily to
better their financial condition. The salaries they received from corporations averaged nearly two
and one-half times the salaries paid them by the Geological Survey, says the Director.
Statement by George von L. Meyer, former United States Secretary of the Navy, as reported
in an article published in the Sunday Magazine of the New York Tribune, February 2, 1913:
I hope to see the prominent and successful men in public life in this country in the future
look for private secretaries among college graduates, because in that way they can find men specially
prepared and equipped. But there can be no doubt of the fact that the great majority of government
salaries are inadequate and that they are not particularly attractive to ambitious and energetic young
men who are capable of great things.
Statement by Mcnry L. Stimson, former United States Secretary of War, as reported in an
article published in the Sunday Magazine of the New York Tribune, February 2, 1913:
The purely monetary rewards and opportunities of the government will never be so great as
those offered in the business and professional world elsewhere ; and if the government service is to
be maintained upon a high and increasing level of proficiency, it must meet competition from other
quarters by some compensating features that will attract the best talent to its service and retain it.
Statement by John C. Black, former President of the United States Civil Service Commission,
as reported in an article in the Sunday Magazine of the New York Tribune, February 2, 1913:
Government employees who make good in scientific work, and even in clerical and executive
work for the government, can always command better salaries outside the public service, and outside
corporations are constantly looking for such men who have shown special efficiency.
Article in the New York Tribune, Sunday Magazine Section, February 2, 1913:
The son of a particular friend of Charles Nagel, Secretary of Commerce and Labor, came to
him two years ago and asked him for a job.
"I'll give you this job," said Mr. Nagel ; "but, in return for it, I want your solemn promise that
twelve months from to-day you will lay your resignation upon my desk. In that way you will make
sure of not hopelessly burying yourself."
The young man kej)! his promise, resigned at the end of the year, and a little later secured a
good position in private life, one carrying the assurance that, if he worked hard, he would go higher
and higher in the business.
In a vein similar to Mr. Nagel's, Champ Clark, Speaker of the House of Representatives, once
said to a young man from his district, "My boy, you can do better for yourself by going back to the
74
woods at home and mauling rails than by taking a clerkship under the government. You'll get no job
from me."
Statement by Frank H. Hitchcock, Former Postmaster General of the United States, as re-
ported in an article published in the Sunday Magazine of the New York Tribune, February 2, 1913:
He who intends to make his work for the government a life-work must decide to endure great
sacrifices financially. After a man has reached or passed a certain degree of efficiency and responsi-
bility in the service, he finds that he gets less money for it, far less money, than is paid by business
concerns for relatively the same work. I' should say that he discovers that he is working for at least
one-fourth, perhaps one-fifth, of what he could be making on the outside. And this is specially true
because a man who does responsible work for the government is part of the biggest business concern
in the world. He has to learn how, and know how, to handle tremendous problems, to become a
trustworthy part of the gigantic system. He is taught to develop and exercise his judgment, and his
self reliance must necessarily increase as he discharges his duties. Nevertheless, with all this equip-
ment and ability, his salary does not rise proportionately. He recognizes that he could be making more
money in other lines of endeavor.
(A merican — Editorial)
From an article reprinted in the Congressional Record, October 31, 1913, pp. 6517 fT:
To have and to hold a Federal position in Washington is, in most instances, to mortgage one's
better prospects and potentialities in the boundless world of independent endeavor for the temporary
possession of a place easy to fill and the rewards of which allure because they are never disappointing
in their regularitj\
********♦♦»♦
Working for Uncle Sam, which at first is a vocation, oftentimes becomes a disease, and an in-
curable one. The saddest plaint one ever hears in Washington — sadder than the wail of the rejected
office seeker — is that of the helpless and hopeless Government clerk lamenting his unhappy lot. He re-
alizes that he is "in bad," and yearns for one more chance to right himself. He is in the net and can
not escape. He should like to extricate himself, but that is impossible. Perhaps his head has whit-
ened and his hands have palsied in the service, and his years of steady employment are unrepresented
by a dollar saved. His fate is sealed.
The departments of Washington teem with professional men who are afraid to cut loose from
a sure thing with the Government, be it ever so humble, to trj earning a livelihood at the thing for
which they are better adapted or for which they have qualified after years of preparation ; but they
have shrunk into moral and intellectual cowardice. Conscious of strength for higher altitudes, they
Strain and fret in the denser atmosphere of the monotonous plains of Government life in Washington.
It is pathetic to behold them — a struggling, heartless, hopeless mass.
************
Then there is the reconciled class of Government clerks, made up of those who are content to
drift with the current of clerical routine. They are pursuing the lines of least resistance. The Gov-
ernment gait is easy-going — no hurrying, no rushing, very humane hours, 30 days' vacation, 30 days'
sick leave, two pay days in each month. "Oh, what's the use of kicking? Pretty soft, this, after
all. Guess I will stick it out." So, in course of time, the reconciled clerk is lost in the great ag-
gregate.
************
Certainly there are hundreds in the Government service in Washington that make good, just
as there are hundreds who could not earn as much compensation for their labor in any other field.
But there is a lamentable disproportion between those who raise themselves above the level of medio-
crity and those who never detach themselves from the undistinguished mass. When one clerk climbs
75
to the loftiest peaks in the mountainous range of successful endeavor, 50 never see over the heads of
those that make up the army on the plains below.
************
The percentage of young men who have used a position in the departments of Washington as
a stepping stone to higher things is pitiably small. Of course, some have "graduated" from the de-
partments to places out in the world, where their departmental experience was converted into a posi-
tive help, but the number who have so succeeded forms a sad and disheartening contrast with the over-
whelmingly larger number that have entered the departments in Washington only to remain in ob-
scurity.
Saturday Evening Post, September 13, 1913:
Federal salaries have not been systematically revised during all the years when cost of living
has been steadily rising. One soulless corporation after another has adopted a pension scheme for its
employees. The Government has none. From the insufficient data at hand it is calculated that some-
thing like ten thousand injuries to Federal employees rise ever)' year from industrial accidents ; and
in compensating the victims the Government lags much behind the standards that the people through
legislative action have enforced upon private employers.
************
Doctor Rubinow reports in The Survey seventeen fatalities and a hundred and twenty-four in-
juries in the rural mail delivery service, and eight fatalities and four hundred and forty injuries in
city mail delivery — for none of which was a cent of compensation paid. Altogether he mentions six-
teen hundred injuries, three hundred and ninety of them fatal, without compensation !
On a like record from the Steel Trust, the halls of Congress would ring with denunciation —
which illustrates again that the Government, though very free with advice to others, will not conduct
its own business decently.
Leslie's Weekly, March 6, 1913:
There are many * * * able, experienced public servants * * * who will have to drop out
because of the change in administration at Washington. Their retirement means a positive loss in
dollars and cents to the government. It is a costly piece of business to train new men. Too great a
proportion of our ])ublic officers are content to l)e rubber stamps.
From address by Professor Thomas H. Reed, of the University of California, at the Fifteenth
Annual Convention of the League of California Municipalities, published in Pacific Municipalities,
February 1, 1913:
Herein lies the inferiority of our public service to that of other countries where merit appoint-
ment and good behavior tenure prevail for all offices, and to the service of private corporations whose
self interest rigidly forces into power men broadly trained and tested by experience. We carefully
select a clerk in the assessor's office, whose only duty is to drive a pen, by competitive examination,
and then give the responsible work of the assessor to an amateur.
The Evening Sun, New York, Jaiuiary 30, 1913:
* * * Joseph Powers, who works at Station P, which is situated in the Produce Exchange,
hurt his back and was laid up for eleven weeks when an iron stool on which he was working sorting
mail collapsed. Powcrs's pay stopped the instant he struck the floor. .Ml the money he got while he
was off duty was $8 a week, which he received from the New York Letter Carriers' Association.
POLITICAL ASPECT
(Foreign — Official)
Extract from Minutes of Evidence, Second Report of the Royal Commission on Civil Estab-
lishments, presented to British Parliament, 1888:
Sir Thomas Henry Farrer, Bart*., called and examined.
20.012. * * * There is a certain difficulty in the softheartedness of heads of departments
and of ministers. But there is a very much greater difficulty in the pressure which is put upon them
by members of the House of Commons. That is the real difficulty; the real difficulty of the public
service is getting rid of bad men, and the real tlifficulty ol getting rid of bad men is that no minister
will face the pressure which is put upon him from outside.
20.013. {Mr. Hanbury.) Have you had much personal experience of that? — Yes, 1 have, be-
cause I have been plagued all my life at the Boanl of Trade with inefficient men that I wanted to get
rid of, but have beeii unable to do so.
Debate in the House of Commons on the Telegraph (Money) Bill {Loudon Times, June 29,
1907):
Mr. Buxton, Postmaster General : When the charge was made against the Post Office of carry-
ing on a telegraph service at a loss his withers were unwrung. The blame should really fall on the
shoulders of the House of Commons, to whom he would say, if he could address it as an individual,
"Thou art the man ;•'*** He thought it was only fair to the Post Office, and it might be rather
advantageous to the House, that they should know who was the real culprit. It was not the Post
Office, but the House of Commons. Unfortunately there it stood.
♦ **♦***♦***♦
Mr. Austen Chamberlain: Said * * * he did not think that when it (the Post Office)
undertook a commercial business it should run it at a loss, and he could not see why in matters of
this kind the tax payer should be expected to provide a service for the minority who used it without
exacting in return some reward beyond the bare interest or sinking fund of the capital.
Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, July 6, 1905, pp. 1350 ff.:
Lord Stanley (Postmaster-General) said the demands made by employees generally before the
Bradford Committee, with the pay of all the supervising classes raised in proportion would have meant
the payment from the Exchequer of no less than £2,500,000 a year. He was entitled to ask when
was this to cease. Honorable Members knew better than he how they were being bombarded with
applications from Post Office employees and other classes of Civil Servants for increases of wages.
This had taken a form which was not illegal, but which he could not help thinking was an abuse of
their rights, to wit, the form of a political threat. They had circulated an appeal in which they ex-
pressed very clearly and very frankly their intention, and it was one of which the Committee would
have to take note now, or it would be much worse in the future * * * it was abusing, as it seemed
to him, their rights as voters. It was nothing more nor less than blackmail. It was nothing more
nor less than asking Members to purchase votes for themselves at the General Election at the expense
of the Public Exchequer. Both sides would have to make up their minds that some means should be
devised by which there should not be this continual blood-sucking on the part of the public servants.
From "The British State Telegraphs," by Hugo R. Meyer, 1907, pp. 133-4:
Before the Postmaster General had introduced into Parliament his scheme for improving the
positions of the telegraphists, sorting clerks and postmen, Lord Frederick Cavendish, in his position as
•Served as Permanent SccreUry of the Britiih Board of Trade from 1867 to 1886, and a» member of the Playfair Commis-
sion on the Civil Service, 1876.
77
Financial Secretary of the Treasury, had written the Postmaster General as follows ; * * * "The
persons who are affected by the change now proposed are, as you observe, no fewer than 10,000, and
the entire postal service numbers nearly five times as many. Other branches of the Civil Service em-
ployed and voting in various parts of the United Kingdom, are at least as numerous in the aggregate as
the servants of the Post Office. All this vast number of persons, not living like soldiers and sailors
outside ordinary civil life are individually and collectively interested in using their votes to increase, in
their own favor, the public expenditure, which the rest of the community, who have to gain their living
in the unrestricted competition of the open market, must provide by taxation, if it is provided at all."
From "The British State Telegraphs," by Hugo R. Meyer, 1907, pp. 234-235 :
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, spoke as follo^vs : "The question at
issue was not one between the two political parties. It was above parties. It was whether there was
to be good economical government in the country at all, or whether the Civil Servants in the employ-
ment of the Crown could make such use of their votes, as citizens, for the purely selfish purpose of
forcing the public to pay more for their services and so increase the expenditure of a great Department
of State. He did not know how long they could go on in the position they had now reached, under
which pressure was brought to bear on Honorable Members of all parties by their constituents. He
was certain that if any scheme could be devised * * * so that they might take this question alto-
gether out of the region of political life — not merely out of party life, but out of Parliamentary life —
it would be a great advantage. It would tend to preserve the Civil Service free from that political in-
fluence and independent of the changing fortunes of party which had been their great boast and security
in the past."
From "The British State Telegraphs," by Hugo R. Meyer, 1907, pp. 305-306:
Of course not all cases of intervention by Members of Parliament are as successful as was the
intervention of Mr. Bradlaugh, which resulted in the promotion of eleven men out of fourteen who
had been passed over as "not qualified for promotion," or, as was the intervention of the Member of
Parliament whose name was not revealed, which brought about the revocation of the promotion of the
ablest man in the Post Office at Sheffield. Indeed, the principal effect of these interventions is not to
force the Post Office to retrace steps already taken, it is to prevent the Post Office from taking certain
steps. These interventions modify the entire administration of the British Post Office. They compel
the Postmaster General and his leading officers to consider the political aspect of every proposal coming
from the local postmasters, and other intermediate officers, be it a proposal to promote, to pass over, to
discipline, or to dismiss.
Statement by the Hon. R. \V. Hanbury, M. P. ("The British State Telegraphs," by Hugo R.
Meyer, 1907, pp. 177-178) :
Another fact which Members ought not to overlook was the political pressure which was far too
frequently exercised by Civil Servants upon those who also represented them. That was a great and
growing danger. It was chiefly in London that this pressure was brought to bear. * * * He would
give an instance of the way in which these Civil Servants spoke of the expediency of political pres-
sure. At one of the great meetings which had beer, held, a speaker said there were 8,000 postmen in
London, and that he hoped every one would have his name upon the register (of voters), so that at
election times they could exercise their influence upon candidates and advocate the cause of higher
wages. He was of the opinion that political pressure ought not to be brought to bear in that way.
Ordinary workmen could not exercise the same power, but Civil Servants could, and, whether their
agitation succeeded or not, their position was secure, so that it was a case of "Heads, I win; tails, I
don't lose." * * * Before the Royal Commission (of 1888), which had inquired into the Civil
Service establishments, evidence was given with regard to the way in which pressure was brought to
bear in certain constituencies upon Members, and he thought that the almost unanimous feeling of the
Commission was that, if this state of things continued, it would be necessary to disfranchise the Civil
Service.
78
i
J
From "The British State Telegraphs." by Hugo R. Meyer, 1907, p. 305 :
If the answer given by the Postmaster General is unsatisfactory, the Member of Parliament
gives notice that he will bring the matter up again on the discussion of the Estimates of Expenditure.
In the meantime he brings to bear, behind the scenes, what pressure he can command. And he often
learns to appreciate the grim humor of the reply once given by a former Minister of Railways in Vic-
toria, Australia, to a \'ictorian Royal Commission, to the query whether political influence was exer-
cised in the administration of the State railways of \'ictoria. The reply had been : "I should like to
know how you can have a politician without political influence?"
From "The British State Telegraphs," by Hugo R. Meyer. 1907. pp. 139-140:
Sir Lyon Playfair. who had been Chairman of the Royal Commission on the Civil Service, 1874
to 1876, and the author of the Playfair Reorganization of the Civil Service, 1876, testified as follows
before the Royal Commission of 1888: "Unfortunately Members of Parliament yield to pressure a
great deal too much in that direction, and they are certainly pressing the Exchequer to increase the
wages and salaries of the employees of the Crown. * * * In a private establishment a man looks
after his own interests, and if a person came to him and said: 'Now you must increase the salaries of
these men by $100 or $250 all round.' he would say: 'You are an impertinent man, you have no busi-
ness to interfere,' but you cannot say that to Members of Parliament, and there is continual pressure
from Members of Parliament to augment the salaries of the civil servants."
Statement by D. .\. Ross, member of the Manitoba Legislature. (Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free
Press, Xovember 6, 1913) :
In the administration of all the public utilities of the province, the elevators, the telephones and
every other enterprise, the Roblin government have contaminated the name of the province with po-
litical leprosy.
(Foreipn — Editorial)
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Free Press, June 15, 1912:
It is matter of public knowledge that the telephone system has from the beginning been run as
the main part of the Government's political machine, the Commission being subjected to constant in-
terference and control, as in the case of the rate reductions on the eve of the last elections. That
particular piece of Government control of the Commission is on public record, in the statement made
by the chairman of the Commission, when under examination before the Public Accounts committee
of the Legislature.
************
The hiring of Manitoba Government Telephone employees has been on political lines, the Com-
mission being loaded up with brigades of political workers. In like manner the hiring of rigs and the
purchase of supplies for the numerous telephone gangs throughout the Province have been conducted
on political lines.
(American — Official)
From the report of W. Q. Gresham, Postmaster General of the United States, year 1883, p. 35:
The establishment and operation of a postal telegraph as a monopoly, or in competition with
private companies, would, it is insisted, reduce rates which are now exorbitant and protect the public
against the abuses and evils deemed to be inseparable from the service as it exists. In either event an
enormous expense must be incurred. But without dwelling upon that consideration, it is clear that
an efficient execution of either plan will necessarily involve the employment of a multitude of opera-
tors, messengers, mechanics, and laborers, and thus largely ad<i to the patronage of the Government.
An increase of that patronage beyond what is indispensable to the public service is to be deprecated and
avoided, and it is one of the dangers which threaten the purity and duration of our institutions. In
Europe the telegraph is under the control of the public authorities. With us, the administration is the
79
Government in action, and may, for the lime being and for all practical purposes, be considered the
Government itself. In seasons of political excitement, and, to some extent at other times, is there not
ground for serious apprehension that the telegraph, under the exclusive control of the dominant party,
might be abused to promote partisan purposes and perpetuate the power of the administration? But if
it could be kept entirely free from such influence, 1 should hesitate to sanction a measure providing
that the United States shall become the proprietor of telegraph lines, and operate them by its officers
and agents.
Fitchburg, Mass., Sentinel, December 20, 1913 :
Former Senator Bourne of Oregon is quoted in a Washington dispatch to the following effect:
"Senator Bourne states that he has not a dollar's interest in telephone or telegraph securities
and that he is theoretically in favor of government ownership, though practically bitterly opposed to it.
"The ex-Senator's most startling deduction is that government ownership would result eventually
in complete domination of the government by its own employees, who would vote themselves such
hours and pay as they chose. Mr. Bourne submits the following figures :
Number
1911 Government civil employees 410,332
1912 Telephone employees 221,000
1912 Telegraph employees 40,000
1911 Railway employees 1,669,000
1909 Electric employees 209,729
1904 Water transportation 188,000
1907 Express companies 79,284
Total 2,818,345
Under government ownership and operation there would soon be more than three million gov-
ernmental employees," Mr. Bourne says. He continues: "Taking into consideration the fact that in
the last ten presidential elections the president has been elected by a plurality varying from 7,000 plus
to little over 2,500,000, the thought naturally arises that three million governmental employees could
absolutely control the government under our political machinery, the tendency being more pay, less
service in governmental employment, resulting in resistless efforts on the part of outside labor to secure
government employment because less onerous and more remunerative, with accumulative dissatisfaction
and irritation in all private enterprises."
Congressional Record, January 15, 1914, page 1753:
Mr. Moon: * * * You are drifting rapidly to the exercise of central power. If you shall
adopt the policy of the purchase of the telegraphs and tele]>hones, you will have proceeded far to the
federalization of power. You will have added thousands of offices to your Government. If you should
go further and become the owners of the railroads, you would see a vast army of people who would be
in control, a Federal menace to human rights and human liberty under a Constitution and laws in which
the people have no part in selecting the officers to administer.
Washington, D. €., Post, December 11, 1913:
Senator Bankhead, of Alabama, chairman of the Senate committee on postoffices and post roads,
is a pronounced opponent of government ownership.
"I recognize it is the tendency of the times, but it is a dangerous tendency," he said. "I don't
want to see the government go into any business that can be transacted as well or better by individual
enterprise."
From The American Commonwealth, (New Edition, 1910, Vol. II, Part 6, Chapter 106, Page
701), by James Bryce, British Ambassador to the United States:
It (i. e. the railroad) can hardly be taken over and worked by the National Government as are
the railways of Switzerland and many of those in Germany and the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Only
80
the most sanguine state socialist would propose to impose so terrible a strain on the virtue of American
politicians, not to speak of the effect upon the constitutional balance between the States and the Federal
Authority.
From remarks of Senator Joseph R. Bristow, of Kansas, before the United States Senate {Con-
nressional Record, August 29, 1913, p. 4303) :
I wanted to suggest to the Senator, by his permission, that there is a wide difference between the
running of a wholesale house and the administration of a government position. The Senator knows
well that the man in control of a wholesale house is interested in the development of a business for
profit. The man in charge of a political office in Georgia or Kansas or any place else is appointed
there, if it is outside of the civil service, nine times out of ten because of political service that he has
rendered to members of the party in power. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue is not free to go
out and select the men who he thinks will administer the office better as is the man in charge of a
business concern ; he is bound by political obligations and ties. Now, we may theorize all we please,
but that the Senator from Georgia knows to be a fact.
From Preliminary Report of the Joint Commission on Business Methods of the Post Office De-
partment and Postal Service, February 10, 1908:
The appointments of postmasters, clerks in postolfices, and many other grades of the service are
still largely affected by political influence, and it is to be feared that nominations made have often in-
sufficient regard to the fitness of the applicant, to his previous experience, or to his familiarity with the
routine of the postal service. Moreover, the frequent changes in the personnel of the service naturally
operate adversely to its efficiency.
As compared with this condition, in well-administered commercial concerns promotion is by
merit alone, no other influences being considered ; and the different parts of the business are intrusted to
heads thoroughly familiar with the whole routine work, who are held responsible for the work and are
given practically a free hand in the selection, promotion, and retention of their subordinates.
Congressional Record, January 20, 1914, p. 2035 :
Mr. Murdock : * * * Now, I do not take much stock in the battle that has raged here be-
tween the two old parties about civil service. It is a resumption of the ancient and diverting game
of the pot and the kettle. The Rcpulilicans say that the Democrats are not friendly to the merit sys-
tem and the Democrats say that the Republicans are not friendly to the merit system. Both of them
are right.
Congressional Record. January 19, 1914, p. 1972:
Mr. McCumber: * * * Government ownership of railways, followed by Government owner-
ship, as it must be, of other public utilities, means that the army of employees, organized as they always
will be, will become the complete masters of the Government and the Governnn nt but the subservient
tool to'the interests of this great army. That army will be powerful enough to dictate every policy of
Government. No man in any district in the United States would be strong enough to make his race as
a Member of Congress if his ideas of the value of the wages of these Government employees did not
correspond with their idea of the worth of their services. Whenever the Government puts itself in the
position of owner of public utilities, it becomes the prey of an organized class of people, which will
result in legislation against the mass of the unorganized people of the country.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1958:
Mr. Campbell : Suppose a Republican should have a higher grade than a Democrat for the same
office, then what would you do?
Mr. Cox : Ah, I have had to go up against that ever since I have been in Congress, I am sorry
to say, where Democrats in my district who had taken rural-route examinations and were several points
the highest in the grade. I have gone down to the Post Office Department and tried to get them to
81
appoint the Democrat, but was told that some Repubhcan referee in the State of Indiana, after both
Republican United States Senators were defeated, had to be consulted, and their orders had to be
obeyed ; and the result was time and again that Democrats failed to get the position, although holding
the highest grade.
From the Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1959:
Mr. Cox: * ♦ * I mean to say this, for the third and last time that I am going to say it,
that if I have any control or any voice in the selection of persons to fill positions in my district where
a competitive examination has been held, that if a Democrat gets on the eligible register he is going to
get the appointment.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1921 :
Mr. Post : I want to give the gentleman a concrete illustration to show that the merit system,
as it has been administered heretofore, has been indeed prostituted to politics. In the city of Spring-
field, Ohio — and the gentleman is familiar with that city — we have a post office where there are 107
employees, and of that number only 6 are Democrats. I want to ask the gentleman if in the city of
Springfield, in the application of the merit system, that office has not been prostituted to politics?
* * *
Right here, under the very nose of the Goddess of Liberty, right in front of the Capitol here,
in the Congressional Library, you have 496 employees under the civil service, and less than 50 of them
are Democrats. Have you not prostituted the merit system to politics in that case? Those people
are there under a Republican administration.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1958:
Mr. Cox: * * * You have evolved and manufactured a new definition of the merit system
which has been a political merit system. By a political pull it has found its way into the appointment
of civil-service employees so that you have filled practically every department with Republican em-
ployees at home and abroad, the exceptions being indeed very few. You have paid no attention to
merit, aljility, intelligence, education. These things were wholly unknown to you in your appointments.
You were governed solely and exclusively by the political rule of political expediency ; you have ap-
plied this test faithfully; have never faltered or fallen by tlie side along this line. Out of 1,900 rural
route carriers in the State of Indiana to-day I assert it to be a true fact, for I liave investigated it, tliat
less than 5 per cent, of this 1,900 rural route carriers are Democrats; the remainder were Republicans
when appointed and Republicans to-day, and were it not for encumbering the Record I would place in
it a volume of correspondence from 82 of the 92 counties in my State conclusively showing this con-
dition to be true.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1950:
Mr. Steenerson ; * ♦ * The gentleman from Tennessee predicted dire results to the Govern-
ment antl the people if postal activities should be extended to telegraphs and telephones. I do not think
we are ready for that. Certainly not as long as the spoils system in the Civil Service remains a debated
issue.
From the Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1959:
Mr. Cox: * * * I have seen school-teachers in Indiana carrying a two-years' license — and
this requires considerable of an education in Indiana before one can earn a two-years' license — I have
seen them stand civil-service examinations for rural-route carriers side by side with ward politicians,
men with practically no education whatever, and yet invariably the ward politician received the job.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1916:
Mr. Kahn: * * * I am not surprised at the attitude of the gentlemen on the Democratic
side of this House. The pressure for place is undoubtedly very great. Your Democratic constituents
are demanding their reward. They want the jobs. They insist on their pound of flesh. Not alone are
82
the civil-service positions sought for, but various executive chiefs have demanded the resignation of
postmasters, United States marshals, district attorneys, and other Federal emiiloyecs, even thougii those
otticials still had two or three years to serve under their commissions. Happily some of these men have
had the backbone and the courage peremptorily to refuse to surrender their conmiissions and to demand
that their official conduct be investigated, to find out why they should be removed from office.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1908:
Mk. Rlxker: * * ♦ There are Democrats growing up in the country everywhere who are
entitled under a Democratic administration to recognition; and if that means going back to the spoils
system, then I am a spoilsman and I have no apology to make for it. (Applause.)
Congressional Record. January 17, 1914, p. 1906:
Mr. Borland: * * * It has been my experience and observatiaon that not only was the
postmaster named by some political officer in authority for political purposes and named without any
special regard to his experience in that post-office business, but that same authority named also the
assistant postmaster, and without consultation with the postmaster. And not only that, but it has
frequently happened, I will say to my friend from Indiana (Mr. Barnhart), that the assistant post-
master was named from the faction of the party that did not happen to land the postmaster. I have
known of cases — and I have no doubt my friend has, too — where the) not only did not work in har-
mony, but where they did not trust each other personally, and I have always regarded it as a political
blunder, if no worse, to put those men under political appointment.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1907:
Mr. Cooper: Is it not true that under the policy or practice suggested by the question of the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Rucker) assistant postmasters were appointed in this way: The
Member of Congress wanted it understood that if John Smith was api)ointed postmaster it was
done upon the express condition that John Brown should be the assistant postmaster, and that in
many cases the postmaster had to agree to that before he could get the appointment, and in that way
the Congressman fixed up a part of his own ijiachine?
Mr. Rucker: That is exactly what I would do in every case, and I have no apology for it.
Mr. Borland: It would be bad enough under the old conditions; but under the altered condi-
tions, since the Post Office Department has become distinctly a business institution, there is no justifi-
cation whatever for appointing these men for political purposes.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1956:
Mr. Cox ; * * * On September 30, 1910, President Taft by an Executive order turned into
the civil service approximately 2,400 assistant postmasters. Of these 2,400 assistant postmasters less
than 500 of them had ever been subjected to or had ever stood a written competitive examination.
The remainder of them, 1,900 in number, had beyond doubt been appointed to tlieir respective
positions solely and exclusively because of their peculiar fitness politically.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1956:
Mr. Cox ; * ♦ ♦ We have had in this country a "pretended" civil service for the last 30
years or more. I call it "pretended" civil service because that is all it is, all it ever was, and all it
ever will be until the Civil Service Commission amends its rules and regulations in regard to certifying
eligibles who have passed a civil-service examination. Talk to me about merit system all you please.
We do not have merit system under civil service, never have had, and never will have until the rules
and regulations of the commission are amended so as to make it strictly a merit system. The trouble
with the civil-service system as it is administered to-day, in my judgment, is that you give a leeway
for any and all persons and parties to play "football" with it, and the Republican Party for 16 years
has played "football" with it under the leeway.
83
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1907:
Mr. Borland: * * * 1 do not even l)elieve those men are appointed in all cases for party
service. I believe they are often appointed for service to some political officeholder who has the rec-
ommendation of their appointment.
Mr. Rucker: The gentleman ought not to go that far.
Mr. Borland: I will go that far.
************
Mr. Borland: I say that they are appointed not necessarily for party services, distinguished
as such, nor because their views upon i)arty questions are sound, and would appeal to the mass of
the voters in their district if they were candidates for an elective office; but they are appointed be-
cause they have been politically useful to the man who recommends their appointment. Why, they
may not have been serving the party. They may have been serving only a faction. They may have
served only a political boss or leader. (Applause.) I object to either the postmaster or the assistant
postmaster being made the official whip cracker over the heads of the men in the classified service, in
the interest of either party, faction, or boss. (Applause.)
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1957:
Mr. Switzer : How will you do in Indiana ?
Mr. Cox: Exactly as you have played politics and "football" with the civil-service law for 16
years ; 1 propose to turn the tables on you and do exactly as you have done ; and, so far as your State
is concerned, I take it that if a Democrat gets on the eligible register there will be enough warm
Democratic blood in the members of this House from the State of Ohio to see to it that Democrats
are appointed.
Mr. Switzer : Then you are not going according to the civil-service policy ?
Mr. Cox: Yes; we are. We will be administering it exactly as the civil-service policy was
administered by you and your party ever since you have been in power, and that is, see to it that
every time a Democrat wins out in the written competitive examination, if he goes on the eligible
register, see to it that he gets the position.
»
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, pp. 1957-8:
Mr. Cramton : And thereby you have admitted that your party is to-day playing football with
the civil service?
Mr. Cox : This is exactly what you have done with the civil-service law for the last 16 years,
and you know it to be true, and you cannot blame the Democratic Party for retaliating in self-defense.
Mr. Cramton : Never mind your reason ; but you admit you are doing it.
Mr. Cox: Whether you cnll it playing football or not, by your own example you have set
the pace, and if we turn the trick on you, you should not blame us. I am a partisan ; of course I am,
and frankly state to you that if a Democrat gets on the eligible register for fourth-class postmaster
he is going to get the appointment if 1 can aid him in so doing.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1958:
Mr. Cox ; * * * I'iow, in response to queries from gentlemen on the Republican side, let
me give you an instance as to how you have played football in the past with public offices. I had
a Kcj)uljlican friend two years ago who wanted to be reappointed postmaster in my district, and,
being a member of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, I thought I might give him
some little influence with Postmaster-General Hitchcock. I called ujwn the General, and was told by
him that the little post office in a little town of about 2,500 was on the auction block and that if the
postmaster could deliver the delegates to the district meeting that would select the delegates to attend
the national convention he could receive the appointment. I informed my friend by letter, and he car-
ried out my orders to a certain point, but failed to carry them out to the final conclusion, and the
result was that he did not get that post office.
84
Mr. Switzer: What was the highest bid?
Mr. Cox: The bid was for the nomination of tr.e Republican President in 1912.
A Member: Who told you that?
Mr. Cox: Mr. Hitchcock.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1959:
Mr. Fess: Do I understand that it does not matter what the regulation, the gentleman is
opposed to civil service on the merit system?
Mr. Cox: No; I am opposed to the way in which you have administered it, or your party
rather.
Mr. Fess: Then why does the gentleman not endeavor to administer it differently?
Mr. Cox : Because partisans will administer it in a partisan way.
Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1958:
Mr. Cox : I am not quarreling with the Civil Service Commission. I imagine, so far as the
examining of the papers are concerned, it is fair; but you have had an underground tunnel, a sub-
terranean passage, whereby in some way or manner the Democrats in my part of the country have
had no show on earth; and this became so obnoxious out in Indiana several years ago that bright,
active, intelligent young men — Democrats — flatly refused to go forward and stand examinations.
Speech of Representative Moon, Chairman of the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads,
published in the Congressional Record, January 15, 1914, pp. 1750-51 :
Mr. Moon: * * * There are, I believe, 2,560 assistant postmasters in the United States. If
they had been properly examined and placed under the civil service, would 98 per cent, of them have
been Republicans? No; it could not have been so. And yet that is the practical fact. If those
43,000 men in the fourth-class offices had been examined, would 95 per cent, of them have been Repub-
licans? Gentlemen, you know how easily it is done. You know the manner of examination.
I refer to these matters to show you that the examinations are never just what they ought to
be. They may not always be fraudulent, but they are not examinations for the purijose of attaining an
efficiency record. They are examinations controlled by favoritism and prejudices. What is the result
of the examination? How is it that all of these Republicans get into office and no Democrats? The
examination is certified to the department; the three men, in the opinion of the examiners, that made
the best grade are placed upon the eligible list. There may have been one Republican and two
Democrats who passed, or it may have been the opposite; but the Congressman, if a Republican from
that district, is called upon to say which one of the three shall have the office, and, of course, gives it
to a member of his party. I do not, from a partisan standpoint, blame him. But if the examination is
held for the purpose of efficiency in the public service, there would be no question about the fact that,
if it had been honest and fair, the man who obtained the highest grade would obtain the office.
Congressional Record, January 15, 1914, p. 1758:
Mr. Copley: * * * In the spring of 1909 the Legislature of the State of Illinois was trying
to elect a United States Senator, and at one time I counted in Springfield, the capital of that State,
the city where the Legislature met, 168 Federal employees, all there for the purpose of trying to bring
about the re-election of a man to whom they were under obligation for the generous salaries which
they enjoyed and whose term expired forever March 4, 1909.
Many of these employees spent months in a vain effort to continue that policy, which had proven
so obnoxious to the people of the State of Illinois.
From the 18th Annual Report of the Cook County, Illinois, Civil Service Commission, 1913:
During the preparation of the current budget the Finance Committee, at the urgent request of
the heads of departments, increased the salaries of several of the "old and faithful employees," whose
85
services were described as "indispensable to the office." In February, 1913, when the Supreme Court
declared the Civil Service Act, covering these positions, to be invalid, the department heads were pow-
erless to save these '"indispensable employees" who were swept away and their places taken by persons
named from "outside" by the ward leaders. In one instance, an excellent teamster was named and
forcibly appointed a stenographer. In another instance, a saloonkeeper, of undoubted parts in the
liquor business, was made a clerk and his duties subsecjuently abolibhed to save the office books from
ruin. In another case, a fiat building janitor became a tax clerk. At least thirty of the politically
appointed county employees are pluralists on the pay rolls of the state, city or park district's. Nine of
them are members of the State Legislature.
Congressional Record, October 10, 1913, p. 6235:
Mr. Clark: * * * i am opposed to the whole civil-service propagarnla. (Applause.) I
am opposed to it because I believe it is hypocritical, insincere, and fraudulent in its every aspect, and,
as my friend at my right suggests, damnable. Mr. Speaker, I am opposed to it because I believe with
Andrew Jackson that to the victor belongs the spoils.
Extract from one of the speeches of Theodore Roosevelt (published in the biography of the latter
by Jacob A. Riis) :
We hear much of the question whether the government should take control of the telegraph lines
and railways of the country. Before that question can be so much as discussed, it ought to be definitely
settled that if the government takes control of either telegraph line or railway it must do it purely to
manage it as a business undertaking and must manage it as a service wholly unconnected with politics.
I should like to call the special attention of bodies interested in increasing the sphere of state action —
interested in giving the state control more and more over railways, over telegraph lines and over other
things of the sort — to the fact that the condition precedent upon success, is to establish an absolutely
non-partisan system. When that point is once settled, we can discuss the advisability of doing what
these gentlemen wish, but not before.
Report on Lewis Publishing Co. and Various Lewis Enterprises, by the House Committee on
Expenditures in the Post Office Department (House Report No. 1601), March 1, 1913:
For nearly seven years the Government of the United States, through the Post Office Depart-
ment and the Department of Justice, has been almost continuously prosecuting Mr. E. G. Lewis or the
various enterprises with which he has been connected. * * * Every effort that the organized power
of two great departments could exert has been used at enormous expense. As a result several large
business concerns managed by Mr. Lewis have been ruined, among them the People's United States
Bank, the Lewis Publishing Co., and the University Heights Realty and Development Co.; many hun-
dreds of small investors have lost their savings ; and the sad example has been shown the world of the
])owers of a great Government exerted successfully in an effort to ruin a single individual, and yet he
has not been convicted of any violation of law.
* « *
William A. Ashbrook,
Joshua W. Alexander,
William C. Redfield,
Walter I. McCov.
(American — Editorial)
Utica, N. Y., Press. Dcccmhor 22, 1913:
Government ownership of the telephone and telegraph lines has not worked out successfully
where it has been tried. Here in ihis country it would increase tlie army of federal office holders,
helping those who are in to stay in and then when a change came there would be a general ousting
of trained and competent employees to make way for untried and incompetent people who had a polit-
ical pull; and llurc is loo much of that already wilhout going into it more extensively.
86
I
IMiiladflphia, Ta.. Press, December 22. VJli:
Patronage in Government appointments is inconsistent with efficiency and has been in the past
one of the greatest of pubhc evils. Civil service reform seeks to get rid of this evil and under our
latest Administrations very largely succeeded. That reform is now discrediteil and the spoils system
is again in partial operation. While this lasts certainly it will be no time to add another great army
of employees to the public service. If the Governnunl shall ever assume the new responsibilities it
should be only when merit, skill and experience arc secure in service independent of the outcome of
popular election.
Burlington, \'t., Free-Press, December 20, 1913:
Would it be good for the country or for the employees themselves to be thrown into politics?
Would it make the likelihood of a fair voice in elections greater to have this vast addition to the mul-
titudes of federal office holders? Would it make the task of governing easier to have all the necessary
additional work laid upon the National Government? The wheels of Government creak a little already
with the burden we put upon them. If we make the ( iovernment try to act so entirely beyond its sphere,
where are we to end ? Will it not be demoralizing as well as expensive ?
Torrington, Ct., Register, December 20, 1913:
It may also be said that the control of the wires by the Government would be a precursor of
conditions such as exist in France where the labor organizations have the telegraph and telephone em-
ployees of the Government in their fellowship and thus have the Government in important respects
under their thumb.
Ft. Wayne, Ind., Nczvs, December 19, 1913:
Let all public utilities be Government owned, and we find the country in control of an office
holding class, a class tlvit is able to operate the Government in its own interests and which does not
hesitate to do so. Nothing is as thoroughly conduci\c to National decay as a Government dominated
and controlled by an office-holding class. Of necessity this class becomes parasitical as it increases its
power and at the same time its efficiency declines. Its sole object appears to be to obtain the maximum
compensation for a minimum service, and to saddle itself upon the country like the old man of the sea.
.Asbury Park, N. J., Times, December 19, 1913:
I f the merit system were employed in the Government service in practice as it is in principle,
it might be proper to supply an efficient army of employees to man this gigantic enterprise, but this is
impossible. Conditions in the postal system are more nearly perfect than in any other under Govern-
ment regulation, but even here the most desirable offices are filled by politicians.
Philadelphia, Pa., Inquirer, December 19, 1913:
Most of the telegraph offices of the country, though not the larger ones, are in charge of railway
operators. If these were sworn into the Government service it would not be satisfactory to the rail-
ways, for the employees would naturally obey regulations of the Washington administration. There
would arise a body of Federal officials enormous in its extent and larger in number than all in the
service to-day. What these might effect as a political organization could not be predetermined, but we
may be pretty sure that it would be an important factor.
New York Tclegra(<h, December 13, 1913:
Another danger lies in the fact that a mighty army of civil service employees would be added
to the Federal pavroll. They would clamor for a higher wage — and get it. And if the time ever .should
come when a majority of the voters of this country are beneficiaries of the public treasury, directly or
indirectly, then the party in power will be self-perpetuating.
We have a fair example of what an ad<lition to the civil service list means in the compact,
unionized bofly of rural free delivery carriers. When the rural free delivery was first proposed in
Congress by Tom Watson, he made the point that such mails would be delivered, in the main, by
87
farmer boys who would be willing to earn a little extra money, say, $20.00 to $25.00 a month, be-
tween spells at the plow.
There is not to-day, possibly, a rural free delivery carrier in the United States who would lower
his dignity by standing for half an hour between the plow handles. He is a political leader in his com-
munity— a man of substance ; and it may be remarked in passing that, almost to a man, the carriers
opposed the institution of a parcel post, and, on the ground that it increases their work, they are now
demanding more pay.
Telegraph operators and telephone operators are not structurally different from other folk.
They would soon be demanding not what their services were worth, but what the dominant political
party was willing to award in anticipation of political favors to come.
Chillicothe, Ohio, Gazette, December 12, 1913 :
Chicago has had an alleged civil service system for years. Here is how the "Public Service" tells
us it works :
Forty thousand persons are on the public payroll in Cook County, in Chicago. It is estimated
that one out of every 20 male adults is a city or county employee. Many are not under civil service
regulation. The Cook County Civil Service Commission in September made a report declaring that the
total amount of salaries paid county employees not under civil service could be reduced 50 per cent.,
or $1,072,000, provided ordinary efficiency supervision was used. The report described many instances
of misfit political appointees.
From the address of Seth Low, President of the National Civic Federation, delivered at its
Fourteenth Annual Meeting in New York City, on December 11, 1913:
* * * try to imagine, if you can, how the conflicting interests of different parts of the
United States could be harmonized when the same government is responsible for railroad operation
everywhere. The annual bill for the construction of public buildings for the Federal government has
acquired the popular name of "pork-barrel" ; because it is so universally recognized that appropria-
tions for this purpose are made to gratify local sentiment and to promote the interests of individual
Congressmen more than upon the merits of the matter, as determined by careful inquiry. What pos-
sibility is there that the administration of a system of National railroads would be, or could
be, carried on under our democratic government in any other spirit? And in what possible way could
the general interests of the people of the United States, in the matter of transportation, be less well
served? Furthermore, the political consequences of centering such power in Washington are beyond
calculation.
Scranton, Pa., Scrantonian, November 9, 1913:
In spite of civil service rules and other supposed safeguards, it is a fact that nearly every place
holder is with the governing powers that be and the acquirement of public utilities on a National scale
would prove a treniciidous lever for political control by the party in power, if it cared to use it.
Saturday Evening Post, November 9, 1912:
In spite of civil service reform, the spoils system is pretty largely in control of the Federal
Government, and virtually in complete control of many state governments. Naturally, heads of depart-
ments, who are the president's political advisers, change with a new administration ; but many subordi-
nates in the most responsible positions, who ought to stand or fall solely by the value of their work,
are turned out for political reasons. Civil service rules protect the clerk in his humble job, but not in
his ambition to reach the more responsible position, that is still the spoil of politics. Marshals, revenue
officers and postmasters by the thousand are appointed because of their politics, or fail of reappointment
on the same ground. The public is taught to regard Government office as a "plum," to be won by
political service. The same rule obtains in state and city. Deputy treasurers, assistant auditors, game-
wardens and oil inspectors get and hold their jobs through politics. Citizen Jones, of Oskamoosa, is
congratulated and envied by his fellow townsmen upon having landed the fish inspectorship — because it
pays more than he could earn in any other way by the same effort.
Saturday Evening Post. Xoveniber 1. 1913:
The Government can operate telephones ami telegraphs— and railroads, for that matter— on
business principles. It cannot operate them on spoils principles, except at a cost that would make the
experiment a National calamity. The busy little gratters in both Houses of Congress, who distribute
public offices as rewards for political service, fairly foreclose the Federal (lovernincnt from some
fields that it might enter successfully but for them. So long as the public service is burdened with this
patronage graft, an extension of that service to new fields may well be viewed with alarm.
Fall River, Mass., Herald, February IJ, 1913:
"I hope to receive by return mail your remittance of $39. I'lease do not compel me to make
another call." These words did not appear in a little note attached to an overdue tailor's bill nor are
they in any way connected with a coal man's account ; they are contained in a letter written to the
postmaster at Beebe, Ark., by (iordon H. Campbell, treasurer of the Republican State committee dur-
ing the presidential campaign of 1912, according to testimony brought out at the hearing in Washing-
ton. Mr. Camp did not accept the letter seriously. .As a result he is no longer postmaster. He was
compelled to resign under protest a few weeks ago because of suddenly discovered inefficiency, dere-
liction of duty and divers and sundry other things of which he has no knowledge. But if the plain
truth were known it is more than probable that Mr. Camp was kicked out of office because he refused
to contribute three per cent, of his annual salary to the political machine in his State.
Utica, \. Y., Press, July 25, 1912:
One of the most fruitful causes and occasions for complaint in political campaigns is that the
politicians control all the office holders, their clerks and subordinates with great efTort at caucuses
and election time. The postmasters, for example, are selected by their prospective Congressman with
a view to their political activity and ability, and they are expected to be exceedingly useful every two
years when the member seeks renomination and re-election. That is true of every person on the public
payroll, state, county and city. They make an organized army which is frequently very efticient.
Suppose that all the employees of the express, telephone, telegraph and railroad companies were also
on the public payroll, owing their positions in greater or less degree to the political favoritism of those
in control of the government? That would multiply the army very materially, and the bread and
butter question is an extremely strong argimient. It would be practically impossible to oust from
power the party which had this multitude of workers at its command. Whoever happened to be Presi-
dent of the United States under such a system could hold office indefinitely if he wished to, and per-
haps somebody would.
Washington, D. C, Post, June 17, 1912:
Even drastic civil service rules cannot nullify the unwritten law that "to the victor belongs the
spoils." So long as there are politicians, politics will play its part in the government service, and if
that service is extended to public utilities, the administrations of the latter will be marred by political
influence and favoritism.
Saturday Evening Post, May 18, 1912:
Somewhere round the post office you will find a formidable placard headed in blood-red type —
Warning Against Activity in Politics by Federal Officers and Employees. The postmaster who hung
it up was appointed on the recommendation of a senator or representative exactly because he had been
active in politics. He knows very well that if his party, or his faction of his party, is defeated he will
be turned out when his term expires, or before. He knows the post office offers him no permanent
employment and that, whatever his record may be, he has not the slightest chance of advancement.
The better positions and larger salaries will not go to those who have performed valuable service in the
department, but to those who have performed valuable service in politics. So it is in other depart-
ments.
89
Extract from an article entitled "The Government and the Railroads," by Arthur T. Hadley,
LL.D., President of Yale University, published in Youth's Companion, April 18, 1912:
Congress at each session invests a large amount of public money for the improvement of trans-
portation facilities through the agency of a river and harbor bill. Is this money wisely invested, with a
far-sighted view toward the public interest? No. Each member of Congress is more concerned with
the immediate demands of his district than with th general needs of the country. Thousands of dol-
lars are wasted in dredging streams that cannot ever be of any considerable use, while large and much-
needed improvements are either postponed or carried on in a half-hearted and inefficient manner.
Editorial by Theodore Roosevelt, in The Outlook, April 6, 1912:
I have before me as I write the original of a letter sent to Mr. Figley, the postmaster at Hast-
ings, Oklahoma, by Mr. James Harris, the Chairma of the Republican State Committee. The en-
velope is marked "personal," together with a memorandum to return it after five days to the Harris
Brothers. The letter itself runs as follows:
Dear Sir:
I am in receipt of the following letter from the Department:
"The commission of Newton S. Figley, Postmaster at Hastings, Oklahoma, will expire Feb-
ruary 28, 1912. When last inspected, this office did not appear to be in a satisfactory condition, and
unless the postmaster can be relied upon to raise the service to a higher standard of efficiency it is be-
lieved that he should not be reappointed. The department will be pleased to receive as promptly as
possible an expression of your views as to what action in this case will be for the best interests of the
service.
"I hope you have your office in first-class condition and will continue to have it so.
"If you will bring in a delegation to the State and District Conventions instructed for Taft and
Jim Harris, I will see that you are reappointed.
"With best wishes, I am,
Very truly,
(Signed) J. A. Harris, Chairman."
Mr. J. E. Dyche, of Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, who forwarded the letter to me, writes in an
entirely friendly spirit about Mr. Harris, and say that Mr. Harris has admitted to him that the letter
is genuine, and that, moreover, he knows Mr. Harris's signature.
Statement by James Dalrymple, Manager of the Glasgow Municipal Tramways, as published
in the Boston, Mass., Transcript, January 31, 1906:
To put street railroads, gas works, telephone companies, etc., under municipal ownership would
be to create a political machine in every large city that would be simply impregnable. The political
machines are already strong enough with their control of policemen, firemen and other office holders.
If, in addition to this, they could control th thousands of men employed in the great public
utility corporations, the political machines would have a power that could not be overthrown.
I came to this country a believer in public ovnership. What I have seen here, and I have
studied the situation carefully, makes me realize that private ownership under proper conditions is far
best for the citizen of American cities.
New York World, December 26, 1913:
National ownership of telegraph and telephones would mean a governmental monopoly of com-
munication. It is not enough to assume that in most cases and under most administrations the privacy
of this business would be respected. We must take into account conditions that all experience shows
may easily arise under exceptional men and extraordinary temptation.
Less than six years ago it was found that Roosevelt was spending more than $7,000,000 a year
on three thousand secret service agents, the whole s -stem being in violation of the spirit of the law, and
part of it in violation of the letter of the law. When Congress undertook to assert its constitutional
powers over government expenditures, Mr. Roosevelt had the effrontery to declare in a message that
90
this action was taken because Congressmen themselves were afraid of being investigated by its s])ies.
We have had in this country a benevolent McKinley with Mark Hanna behind him. We have had an
easy-going Grant with Zach Chandler at his elbow. Who will say such characters and combinations
will not appear again ?
National monopoly of communication would be more than an instrument of oppression, it would
be a mighty promoter of oppression. There would be an es])ionage in every suspected post olVice,
spies at every suspected telegraph station and eaves-droppers at every susijccted telephone booth. .Ml
these instruments of communication would be in the power of politicians and political organizations.
Baltimore, Md., Star, December 18, 1913:
"Control over all means of communication of intelligence" would mean that every telephone
and telegraph operator would be a Goverinnent cm])loyee and a potential Ciovernment spy. That ad-
ministration which desired to muzzle the press might, under cover of a caiefully prepared set of rules,
beyond the immediate reach even of Congress, debar from the telegraph system press messages which
proved displeasing to the powers that were on the simple plea that it was thus preventing the dissemina-
tion of "false" information.
Baltimore, Md., American, December 16, 1913:
It is seen at a glance that with the government in control of the telegraph, with the system of
party government in force, the situation would be that of the telegraph lines under control of a party.
In his speech to the suffragists Mr. Wilson laid down the principle that he as head of the nation is
also the head of his party and governed by it. So that the President of the United States and his
fellows of the administration, as good partisans, would be called upon to use or pervert the power of
the telegraph for their own purposes. Hence they would suppress classes of newspaper dispatches
upon the ground that they wereglibelous or otherwise subject to suppression. With a coin])liant attor-
ney-general to refer the matter to, the way would be open for legal sanction. Thus there might be
established the worst form of indirect censorship of the press through partisan control of the tclegrajjli
— not only might be, but would be. There are too many politicians as it is who fume and fret under
the lash of publicity, and control of the chief medium of publicity would enable them to reduce the
United States under forms of law, not ostensibly violating liberty, to a condition little bettor than that
of Russia.
Washington, D. C, Post, February 14, 1913:
Another strong objection to government monopoly is that it breeds bureaucracy, the worst of
paternalism's sins. The old world governmentally is in the clutch of that ofF-shoot of monarchism,
and evidences are not lacking that democracy as practiced in America to-day is taking a strong slant in
the same direction. Bureaucracy as we see it at work brushes Federal and State laws aside, sets up its
own standards of administration, and tramples private rights ruthlessly. ".Anything that is right is
legal" is bureaucracy's motto, and its bill of rights is something to behold.
IVorld's Work. December, 1906 — article by T. B. Womack, formerly Judge of the Supreme
Court of North Carolina:
It was a part of Governor Morehead's dream that North Carolina should have a great through
system of railroads from mountains to seashore. To carry out this idea, a charter was obtained for
a road from Goldsboro, the eastern terminus of the North Carolina Railroad, to the coast at More-
head City, a place named in honor of the Governor and then considered a great city of the future.
The state took 12,000 of the 18,000 shares of stock, appointed a majority of the directors, and has
had absolute control.
This road has now been operated by the state of North Carolina for nearly half a century, in
war and peace, by Democrats, by Republicans, and by Fusionists— each with varying degrees of fail-
ure. The private stockholders for years have pleaded for a lease, or for anything to avoid a con-
tinuance of political mismanagement. During these many years no dividend has been earned, though
91
one or two presidents declared dividends of one or two per cent, per annum for political effect, when
every cent should have been used in betterments. The stock value ranged from ten to twenty-five
cents.
Finally, under the administration of Governor Aycock, it became known that the administra-
tion had determined to heed the cries of the private stockholders and the sound business judgment of
the people of the state, and lease this last of the State's railroads. A great sigh of relief went up from
mountains to sea. * * *
The efTects of the lease were immediate. The first year of private management improved the
road-bed and equipment to a point never before approached. The road is being extended and new
connections made, and is run upon business, as opposed to political, methods.
From "Philosophy and Political Economy" (1893, Book 5, Chapter 2, page 372), by James
Bonar :
There seems to be nothing in the theory of development to point us clearly to any centraliza-
tion of all industrial organization in the State. It has yet to be shown in practice that beyond a cer-
tain limit, centralization would not be fatal to the spontaneous organization which has as yet been the
main source of all industrial progress.
From "Railroad Transportation" (1885, page 49), by Arthur T. Hadley, LL.D.. President of
Yale University :
Once let the idea go forth that it is the duty of the state to take care of everj-body, and every-
body will cease to take care of himself.
REGULATION VS. OWNERSHIP
(Official)
From decision of the Supreme Court of the State of Washington (120 Pac. Rep. 861, at 869) :
In its search for remedies and while seriously considering municipal, state, or government
ownership, the public, by reference to the police power of the state, has almost unwittingly * * *
solved the problem, and has by the application of fundamental as well as established relative proposi-
tions of law gained every advantage of ownership without assuming its burdens. * * * With
the power to fix rates established, the process of elimination of unjust rates became a mere matter of
detail based upon mathematical calculation ; the only question giving any ground for debate being the
basis of calculation.
* * * While rivalry may be promoted, monopoly in the sense of oppression is made impossible.
The benefit of ownership is enjoyed, while its dangers— not the least of which is the (jolitical activ-
ities of great armies of pul)lic employees — are no longer a menace to those who, to avoid the hazards
of public ownership, have unwittingly subscribed to the conditions prevailing before this and other
states entered upon the policy of public control.
Extract from the Second Inaugural Message of Governor Adolph O. Eberhart to the Legis-
lature of Minnesota, 1913:
In my opinion, public utilities must be cither owned or controlled by the people. Where the
control can be vested in a fair, impartial and competent authority, removed as far as possible from
political influence, it is far superior to ownership. It has been found by experience that it is very
difficult to keep municipally owned plants out of politics. As a general principle it is true that the
state or the city should not go into any business which can be transacted as well by individuals.
From speech by Judge Lorin Cray, of Mankato, Minn., published in Public Service, Chicago,
111., November, 1913, page 176:
After all, it occurs to the writer that while we yet remain ordinary human beings, uncontrolled
by divine impulses, that the safest way to deal with public utilities is to foster private ownership and
92
adopt a system of careful regulation, as distinguished from actual control. The power exists, and
the means are at hand, but we should be just.
Extract from a speech by George A. Lee, Chairman of the Public Service Commission of
Washington, before the Educational club of the Tacoma Gas Company, Tacoma. Washington (Pub-
lic Service, May, 1913, page 167) :
Public service regulation as evidenced by the public service commission law of Washington,
is the alternative of municipal control and ownership. Such regulation alTords and secures all the
alleged benefits and advantages of municipal ownership without the evils and disadvantages incident
thereto. If such regulatory laws secure good service and reasonable rates and safe and efTicient in-
strumentalities and facilities then, certainly, there can be no logical or conclusive argiunent in behalf
of the surrender of such regulation for the experimental and dangerous plan of municipal ownership.
In my judgment the passage of public service laws in many states within the last few years marks a
new regime and gives the public that service and those rates to which they are entitled and gives the
companies that rate of return which the constitution permits them and at the same time avoids the
dangers and pitfalls of municipal regulation and municipal ownership.
Extract from speech of President Woodrow Wilson, at a meeting of the Federation of Demo-
cratic Clubs in Pennsylvania, held at liarrisburg, June 15, 1911. (Reprinted in the Congressional
Record. August 14, 1912, page 11824):
The regidation of corporations is hardly less significant and central. We have made many
experiments in this difficult matter, and some of them have been crude, and hurtful, but our thought
is slowly clearing. We are beginning to see, for one thing, how public service corporations, at any
rate, can be governed with great advantage to the public and without serious detriment to themselves,
as undertakings of private capital. Experience is removing both ])rcjndice and fear in this field, and
it is likely that within the very near future we shall have settled down to some common, rational, and
effective policy. The regulation of corporations of other sorts lies intimately connected with the gen-
eral question which ramifies in a thousand directions, but the intricate threads of which we are slowly
beginning to perceive constitute a decipherable pattern. Measures will licre also frame themselves
soberly enough as we think our way forward.
From President Taft's Special Message to Congress, February 22, 1912. (Reprinted in the
New York Times, February 23, 1912) :
This presents the question of government ownership of public utilities, which are now being con-
ducted by private enterprise under franchises from the government. I believe that the true principle
is that private enterprises should be pemiitted to carry on such public utilities under due regulation as
to rates by proper authority, rather than that the government should itself conduct them. This pin-
ciple, I favor, because I do not think it in accordance with the best public policy thus greatly to increase
the body of public servants.
Extract from a speech delivered by ex-President Roosevelt on October 19, 1905, at Raleigh,
N. C. (Mitchell, S. D., Republican, December 4, 1913) :
I do not believe in government ownership of anything which can with propriety be left in pri-
vate hands, and in particular I should most strenuously object to government ownership of railroads.
But I believe with equal firmness that it is out of the question for the government not to exercise a
supervisory and regulatory right over the railroads ; for it is vital to the well being of the public that
they should be managed in a spirit of fairness and justice toward all the public. Actual experience
has shown that is it not possible to leave the railroads uncontrolled.
(Editorial)
Atlanta, Ga., Constitution, December 19, 1913:
It must be remembered that in this country we have now all the advantages and none of the
disadvantages of government ownership. We have strict government regulation of prices and prac-
93
tices. We can enforce reasonable rates. And the Government has nothing whatever of the respons-
ibiHty. This is not to reckon with the enormous sum in taxes paid to the states and nations. This
would be lost under government ownership.
Springfield, Mass., Republican, December 18, 1913:
President Taft's Postmaster, Mr. Hitchcock, recommended government ownership of telegraph
lines without including telephone lines. President Taft did not, however, endorse the idea — Mr. Wick-
ersham, his attorney-general, no doubt voiced Mr. Taft"s view in a letter to the Interstate Commerce
Commission about a year ago, in which telegraph and telephone business was declared to be a natural
monopoly, impossible to run on competitive lines, yet best run to "the reasonable satisfaction of the
public under Government control and regulations with private ownership retained."
******* * * * *
Government regulation of the telegraph and telephone companies has not been tried out ; the
Interstate Commerce Commission has had jurisdiction over them but for a very short time. Give this
policy a trial first of all.
Philadelphia, Pa., Public Ledger, October 26, 1913 :
President Wilson carefully weighed the matter of the two alternatives of private and Govern-
ment regulation and of Government ownership and management, and he said: "Government regu-
lation may in most cases suffice. Indeed, such are the difficulties in the way of establishing and main-
taining careful business management on the part of the Government, that control ought to be preferred
to direct administration in as many cases as possible — in every case in which control without adminis-
tration can be made effectual."
Joliet, 111., Herald, October 24, 1913:
Mere cheapness is a secondary consideration with the American people. We must have ser-
vice even if we have to pay for it. We cannot expect Pullman seats at immigrant rates, but we are
not going to drive a public ownership policy to the point where we shall have emigrant seats at Pull-
man prices.
Regulation, not confiscation, is the solution of the telegraph and telephone problem.
Brooklyn, N. Y., Daily Eagle, October 2, 1913:
Government ownership and operation of telegraph and telephone lines would be a venture for
which no substantial justification could anywhere be found. Government control of these utilities in
foreign countries, particularly in France, has not been a success. We do not need to repeat foreign
experiments and foreign failures here. No substantial interest is asking for the change. Government,
Federal and State, either now has or can obtain sufficient power of regulation over telegraph and tele-
phone companies to protect the public against extortionate rates and inefficient service. That power
already resides in the State of New York, and such protection is all the public requires. Power to
regulate is all that Government should seek or expect in relation to these public utilities which are
essentially enterprises for private operation not fields for wild experiments in State Socialism.
Extract from the Report to the Board of Trustees, New Seattle Chamber of Commerce, Seattle,
Washington, submitted January 17, 1913, by the Executive Committee Bureau of Taxation:
The establishment of a municipal telephone system can be justified only upon the ground that
it is necessary to insure good service and reasonable rates from the present system ; a need which is at
present filled by the Public Service Commission with which any citizen may lodge complaint.
Extract from the report of the Department on Regulation of Interstate and Municipal Utilities
to the National Civic Federation, January, 1913:
Whatever may be the views of any individual regarding the desirability of having the State reg-
ulate the conduct of public utility enterprises, all must agree that the signs of the times point clearly
in one of two directions — either to public ownership and operation, or to public regulation of private
94
ownership and operation. Competition, relied upon in the earlier days to protect supposed public in-
terests, has failed completely. Competition in a public service business is war, and General Sherman's
description of war applies as well to the public service industry as to the battlefield. The furnishing of
a transportation, gas, water, electric, telephone or other public service is, and should be, naturally a
monopoly. Unregulated monopoly in any field of endeavor is abhorrent to Anglo-Saxon people.
While regulation of public utilities must be based on full recognition of the monopolistic character of
the business, it is also true that recognition of monopoly invites public regulation or public ownership
and operation. The Department believes not only that public regulation is preferable to public owner-
ship and operation, but that public ownership and operation may be deferred only by reasonable public
regulation.
From statement by Cardinal Gibbons, published in the Neiv York Evening Stin, September 4,
1912:
I believe in the proper regulation of big business combinations and the broadminded at the head
of these vast business enterprises would, I am sure, welcome fair and intelligent Government control.
Such control should be of a nature to assure the people good service at prices which would protect
the honest investor, it should prevent industrial warfare, should end political interference and should
encourage honest effort to serve the people with the utilities which they require.
It must be remembered by those who so foolishly demand public and Government ownership
that year by year the great public utility corporations are becoming more and more the property of the
public.
For instance, five years ago. when Theodore X. \'ail became President of the American Tele-
phone Company, there were 18,000 stockholders ; now there are over 50,000. This corporation serves
25,000,000 people daily. In 1901 the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad had 3.256 stockholders ; now it has
over 11,000. Ten years ago the Pennsylvania Railroad had 27,870 stockholders; now it has over 73,-
000. In the same period the Great Northern Railroad has increased its stockholders from 700 to 18,-
000 ; the New York Central from 9,872 to over 22,000. At the present time, it is stated by authorities,
the owners of the railroads in the United States number not less than 2,000,000 people.
When there are added to these the owners of stocks and bonds in other public service corpora-
tions, it will be apparent to all fair men that public ownership of the proper kind is already here. Mil-
lions of our people have a direct and personal interest in the public serving business, and they are not
going to be misled by any of the un.'ounded and theoretical beliefs of the Socialists of Government
ownership.
From the "Principles of Economics," Vol. II, Book VII, Chapter 62, pp. 417-418, by F. W.
Taussig, Professor of Political Economy at Harvard University, 1911:
For the present, however, and as far in the future as we can see, the main task before demo-
cracy in America is that of making more simple and smooth-working its political machinery ; of secur-
ing plain honesty and routine efficiency in the accepted functions of government; and of regulating
with some tolerable success the industries of the monopoly type. When good results in these compara-
tively simple problems have been achieved, it will be time to turn to the larger and more complex
problem of public industr>' on a greatly extended scale.
From the "Principles of Economics," Vol. II, Book VII, Chapter 62, p. 413, by F. W. Taus-
sig, Professor of Political Economy at Harvard University, 1911:
The clear alternative, then, and only alternative, to public management is public regulation.
Ideally, regulation is less good, but practically it may l)e much better. Reasonably successful regulation
is more easy to attain than reasonably successful public management.
Statement made by Charles E. Hughes, Justice of United States Supreme Court and ex-Gov-
ernor of New York, in an address on January 31, 1908, in New York City:
I do not believe in governmental ownership of railroads. But regulation of interstate transpor-
95
tation is essential to protect the people from unjust discriminations and to secure safe, advantageous
and impartial service, upon reasonable terms in accordance with the obligations of common carriers.
Extract from "The Problem of Monopoly," (1904, Chapter 6. Pages 115 and 120), by J. B.
Clark, Professor of Political Economy at Columbia University :
The difference {i. e. in public benefits) between a thorough system of governmental regulation
and a system of governmental ownership is by no means as wide as it appears; and what difference
there is, is in favor of the regulated private ownership. Such ownership, if unregulated, has little to
commend jt. * * * We would better make a thorough test of the alternative plan and adjourn the
question of public ownership till the plan of public control shall have been proved a failure.
***********
That it is wise, before resorting to government ownership, to experiment with regulation more
earnestly and judiciously than we have ever done, is sufficiently clear.
Extract from "Modern IndustriaHsm," (1904, Part III, Chapter 4, Pages 271-272), by P. L.
McVey, President of the University of North Dakota:
* * * It is, therefore, impossible to say "a priori" that a government shall own and operate
its great industries. Each State must determine what things it can do best. The day of laissez faire
has passed and regulation or ownership will be the method of conducting industry. Experience in
trusting elaborate industrial functions to a democracy is not large, and where tried, not convincing in
its results. A nation must first have the necessary civic capacity before it can successfully cope with
the great industrial problems and even then the union of economy and enterprise is not assured. In
the control, even of the ownership of monopolies, the State has a field of action to which it may well
confine its efforts.
Extract from "American Railway Transportation," (1903, Part 4, Chapter 29, Page 427), by
E. R. Johnson, Professor of Transportation and Commerce, University of Pennsylvania:
The regulation of railroads in the United States is apparently not to be accomplished by means
of Government ownership. The commission system has been on trial in the States for thirty years and
in the National Government for sixteen years, and while the results accomplished are not fully satis-
factory, the system has not been a failure. The success of the Federal commission has been far less
than it might have been had the demonstrated defects in the law of 1887 been corrected; but the wis-
est plan for the United States to follow, at least in the immediate future, is to improve the methods
and agencies of regulation now being employed, rather than to attempt the enormous task of purchas-
ing and operating two-fifths of the railway mileage of the world.
POST OFFICE
(Official)
From "Public Finance" (1899, Part II, Chapter 9, Pages 215-218), by W. M. Daniels, for-
merly of the Department of Political Economy, Princeton University, and recently appointed by Pres-
ident Wilson member of the Interstate Commerce Commission:
The post-office, upon investigation, proves to be unique in more ways than one. The risks in-
volved in the ordinary processes of trade and manufactures are wholly absent. The system of trans-
portation of which it avails itself is ready to its hand. "It has made use of existing and well-known
agencies, where the only dirTicuhy was one of organization," says I^ord Farrer, who adds: "It is a
merit of the undertaking, regarded as an official institution, that there is very little of that speculative
element about it which is the life-blood of commercial activity." The capital which the state is required
96
to furnish is comparatively small in amount. » ♦ « Add, finally, to the other i)eculiar char-
acteristics of the post-office this, that an increase in its volume of business does not ordinarily involve
a corresf)onding increase in its working expenses, and that the great fKDStal reforms and improvements
have as often been forced upon the department from outside as they have originated within its own
official circle, and we are in a position to understand why, as Adam Smith says, it is "the only mer-
cantile project which has been successfully managed by * * * every sort of government." Where
other enterprises call for venturesome and speculative activity, the post-office refiuires orderly routine ;
where the former demand much fixed capital, the post needs comparatively little ; where in ordinary
business transactions prices vary even for the same service, the post-ol1ice has always one price for the
same service; where other industrial enterprises, if mismanaged, long escape exposure and protest, the
Argus-eyed public is daily inspecting the efficiency of the postal service; where the freight agent is
puzzling over a complicated railway tariff, the postal clerk has the same simple regulations to guide
him to-day and to-morrow.
From Table Xo. 4. "Comparison of Postal Revenues, Expenditures, Etc., Fiscal Years 1837 to
1912, Inclusive." — Report of the Auditor for the Post ( )lVice Dejjartment, in Postmaster General's Re-
port for Year Ending June 30, 1912 (.Page 335). It should be noted, in connection with the figures
given below, that the accounts include only those audited by the Auditor for the Post Office Depart-
ment, and that the Auditor for the Treasury Department audits other expenses of the postal service,
not included in the Postmaster General's Report. The total net deficit 'rom the operation of the Post
Office Department, 1837-1912, according to the figures shown below, is $330,725,306.29.
Audited Postal Audited Postal Audited Postal Audited Postal
Fiscal Year. Surf<lus. Deficit. Fiscal Year. Sur/^lus. Deficit.
1837* $ 813,384.58 187? ' $6,820,320.84
1838 $ 191,928.75 1876 4,647,2.=;3.04
1839 151,879.61 1877 6,127,356.02
1840 174,713.72 1878 4,905,029.28
1841 91,960.46 1879 3,415,933.00
1842 1,124,213.30 1880 3,221,953.48
1843 78,618.84 1881 2,821,959.11
1844 61,340.12 1882 1.253,923.57
1845 36,850.13 1883 2,181,352.57
1846 633.318.22 1884 3,907,057.29
1847 200.819.16 1885 7,481,410.22
1848 174,751.47 1886 7,068,495.10
1849 227,512.56 1887 4,145,018.20
1850 286.739.94 1888 3,772,466.03
1851 131,894.62 1889 6,169,104.44
1852 1,923.022.85 1890 5,400,764.44
1853 2,742.364.67 1891 7,150,610.13
1854 2,352,699.98 1892 6,110,975.97
1855 3,326.856.15 1893 5,716,788.75
1856 3,487.046.52 1894 9.977,515.32
1857 4.153,718.40 1895 10,230,442.13
1858 5,234,843.70 1896 8,444,201.31
1859 3,489,028.26 1897 11,431,579.41
1860 10.652,538.66 1898 9.054,551.75
1861 5,251,966.98 1899 6,630,135,60
1862 2,826,144.35 1900 5,410,358.10
1863 142,625.14 1901 3,981,520.71
1864 404,814.72 1902 2,961,169.91
•The office of Auditor for the Post Office Department wa» crcned by act of TongreM approved July 2, 1836.
97
Audited Postal Audited Postal Audited Postal Audited Postal
Fiscal Year. Surplus. Deficit. Fiscal Year. Surplus. Deficit.
1865 917,249.50 1903 4,586,977.16
1866 933,851.10 1904 8,812,769.17
1867 3,972,351.92 1905 14,594,387.12
1868 6,545,348.20 1906 10,542,941.76
1869 6,363,737.20 1907 6,692,031.47
1870 5,097,854.11 1908 16,910,278.99
1871 4,358,752.21 1909 17,479,770.47
1872 4,749,094.11 1910 5,881,481.95
1873 6,128,892.84 1911 219,118.12
1874 5,757,908.07 1912 1.785,523.10
From articles in the North American Reviezv, June and July, 1902, on "Defects and Abuses in
Our Postal System," by Henry A. Castle (then Auditor, United States Post Office Department) :
All public men and patriotic citizens should know more about the postal service, take a more
lively interest in it, watch its development carefully, and guard its integrity with jealous zeal. It is an
exceedingly vital part of our government polity — all the more vital because it is, strictly speaking, not
a public function at all, but is more probably a private or corporate enterprise engrafted on the gov-
ernment's mechanism under pressure of an imperious necessity.
* * *
All the avoidable abuses are not actually existent. Many are only in embryo, but with well ma-
tured aspirations, already menacing. The irrepressible enthusiast who disclaims against government
by injunction is loudest in advocating further innovations that would soon lead to government in the
hands of a receiver. There is loud and influential demand for the postal telegraph, postal savings
bank, and a postal life insurance bureau. There are wild, vague cries for the absorption of all rail-
ways under government ownership and Post Office Department management.
It may be true that the government could send out telegrams at reduced rates and pay expenses ;
but little compact England has lost $3,500,000 a year trying to do it, and is very weary of the experi-
ment.
*.♦ * * * * * * * * *
The fallacy of calling our postal system self-sustaining even if on the face of the books and on
its present foundation it should fail to show a deficit at the close of some fiscal year, does not occur to
casual observers, but it is recognized by all who study the subject. A railway company doing a busi-
ness of nearly $1,000,000,000 a year, which was required to pay no interest on bonds or dividends on
stock would be a financial phenomenon. It is conceivable that the mail service might be so managed
by a corporation as to yield satisfactory results and pay a small dividend, provided it performed no
gratuitous services for the government as a condition of its existence. As now managed the Post
Office Department has no "plant" whatever. All it owns in the way of personal property is mail bags,
mail locks, letter boxes, carrier's bags and a few similar inconsequential items of equipment. Even in
public buildings it is the tenant of the Treasury Department.
(Editorial)
Chicago, 111., Journal, December 22, 1913:
Postmaster General Burleson spoke of government telegraphs and telephones as being fore-
shadowed by the parcel post and postal savings bank. The reference is not happy. Only last week
Mr. Burleson asked for an immediate emergency appropriation of $1,000,000 to run the parcel post
till next June. No one knows or can know for at least a year to come whether the parcel post will
pay its own way or not. As for postal savings banks, the amount on deposit in these institutions on the
latest date for which figures are available was $35,392,622 — about 40 cents per capita for the American
people.
Washington, D. C, Post, December 20, 1913:
Replying to the objection that government monopoly in Europe has proved a failure financial-
ly in ever>- such undertaking. Postmaster General Burleson remarks that our postal service is self-sus-
taining. But it we ask what made it pay expenses, whether by means of its own activities or by legis-
lation which gave it a big advantage over private enterprise, the ground is cut from under the
argument. An act of Congress sufficed to give the post office department the right to compete with the
express companies, without consulting public opinion. But when it comes to binding the government
to incur the enormous expense involved in the purchase of telephones and telegraphs and depleting all
the State treasuries of their income now derived from taxes and franchises assessed against the com-
panies owning the lines, some 15,000,000 voters may be on their feet demanding the last word in the
transaction.
Rochester, N. Y., Herald, December 20, 1913:
The delivery of a letter is a comparatively simple undertaking. It may be trusted to men of no
technical mechanical training or skill. It need be performed with only a moderate degree of celerity.
It requires a comparatively small permanent investment in plant. It is, in a word, a simple function
whose processes are easily understood by both the servant and the served ; yet with all these elements
contributing to the efficiency and ease of performance, there is continual complaint that the mail ser-
vice does not satisfy expectations or needs. * * * This being true of thj mail, how much more true
would it be of the vastly more difficult and more urgent service of the telephone and telegraph under
Government operation.
Boston News Bureau, December 20, 1913 :
Now the notable circumstance is that so far no good reason is given why Uncle Sam should
tackle the new job. Waiving contention as to legal power — which Mr. Mackay does contest — the only
definite reason advanced by the Postmaster is that success in parcel post administration demonstrates
federal capacity to run telephone and telegraph, since these also are means of communication, and their
scope is so big that federal "unselfishness" is needed. Here is the fallacy of the undisturbed middle, as
regards "means of communication," embracing letter, parcel, telegram, and telephone call as being iden-
tical in substance and treatment. As well say that canoe and dreadnought make equal demands on
builder and user. Here is ignored the fundamental distinction of character.
The other difference of character as between federal conduct and private conduct of large en-
terprises should by now have impessed itself on the citizens' consciousness. Governmental costs
average close to 50 per cent, above those of competing private enterprise wherever comparison is pos-
sible. The Aldrich assertion as to $300,000,000 annual waste has since been little curtailed by efficiency
commissions ; the testimony of the Burleson and Lewis proposals would be to multiply it.
New York Press, December 19, 1913:
Mr. Don C. Seitz, a well trained and very successful manager of a large publishing concern, gave
Congress a flat challenge only a few months ago. If Congress and the rest of the Government would
confer upon him the necessary license, he offered, within a few days to form a syndicate to take over
and operate, as a private enterprise, the whole post office system, under Government regulation and to
give a vastly and more frequent [sic) postal service than is now given by the Government, and to lower
postage rates for all classes of business, except, of course, the oceans and oceans of Congress' own
"dead head" stuff.
New York World, December 19, 1913:
The World has extensive business relations with the post office department. It is one of the
principal patrons of the telegraph companies and the telephone company. We can assure Mr. Burleson
that if the telegraph and telephone service that we pay for was as incompetent and unsatisfactory as
the postal service that we pay for, it would be very difficult indeed to print a great newspaper. We can
99
further assure him that it will be a sorry day for this country if intelligent American sentiment ever
countenances the placing of all revenues and channels of written and spoken communications under
the autocratic control of a partisan, political, post office department.
Buffalo, N. Y., Evening News, December 19, 1913:
It is only within the last year or so, or since the directorship of Postmaster-General Hitchcock
that the government showed even a penny of profit. That is done by taking off a great mass of
service that costs a great deal and yet is not charged as it should be, but it is due also to a miserable
service in many places.
Buffalo has suffered not a little in that respect. Complaints have gone to Washington for a
score of years without improvement to speak of. In fact, there have been years not very far behind
us when citizens ceased complaining because it was hopeless. This does not imply fault in the local
managers, but fault in the general policy of the de])artment about equipment and facilities for han-
dling the mails in the best way.
Mr. Burleson's suggestion that the government spend several hundreds of millions in acquiring
the wire service of the country and take on its payroll some hundreds of thousands of operatives,
comes at a time when the Postmaster-General in Great Britain, where the telegraph service is a public
monopoly, is compelled to go to Parliament for an enormous subsidy in order to put his department
on a living basis. It has become so run down under the endeavor to operate it so as to make a better
showing than when it was in private hands.
Syracuse, N. Y., Journal, December 19, 1913:
The people of Syracuse don't want an agitation of the purchase of any other "transportation
adjunct" to the postal service until the efficiency of the postal service has been raised; and they but
echo the voice of protest of the entire country because the inequalities and inefficiencies in the service
in this city are probably duplicated in every city in the United States.
Troy, N. Y., Record. December 19, 1913:
The plan of Postmaster-General Burleson for goverinncnl ownership of the telegraph and tele-
phone lines would receive more attention from the people if he first would perfect the govermnent
postal system. The room for improvement in that service is so great that he can find plenty of room
for active and effective work without having the national wire lines added to his burdens. Besides, the
people just now are not in a mood to have the tcUgraph and telephone oftices organized as are those
of the postal department, with non-working heads drawing large salaries merely for political reasons.
Springfield, Mass., Morning Union, December 19, 1913:
Meanwhile the difference between conducting a postal service over privately owned railroads
and by means of j)rivately owned cars and the purchase outright and operation, independently, of pri-
vate interest, of the telephone and telegraph systems, is clearly apparent. Mr. Burleson says that
other principal countries have government owned telegraph and telephone systems, but he neglected to
state that not one of those countrics'has a .system that ajiitroaches in efficiency the American systems.
Newburgh, N. Y., Journal, December 18, 1913:
Assuming that Mr. Burleson's figures are correct, however, the dividend which the post office
department is alleged to have declared, the first, it is admitted, since 1883, would be regarded as a
pretty poor demonstration of capacity in the business world. As for the parcel post, it is still an ex-
periment and while it is a good institution and one that is appreciated and patronized by the public,
the ([uestion arises whether or not it would be so amazingly profitable if the Government were com-
pelled to pay the railroad what it is worth to carry parcels.
New York World, December 18, 1913:
Has the Government sufficiently proved its mastery even of railroad regulation, let alone
100
ownership and operation, to warrant its venture into these new fields? When it has done so and when
it can offer an economical postal service which will attract and not drive away business, there will
be time enough to talk about piling on to it other l)usinesses.
Attleboro, Mass., Sun. December 16, 1913:
Experience in the navy yards where the ( iovcniinciit pays $2,000,000 more for a war ship than
a private contractor charges, has been as illuminating as the conditions in the Government printing
office where type is still set by hand because fewer would be employed and at less expense if there
were used the typesetting machines which even the smallest private office owns. By charging otTf rent
and building expenses to the Treasury Department, the po.st office apparently pays expenses and the
parcel post has not yet existed long enough for a financial test.
New York Times, December 12, 1913;
"Mr. Burleson's comparison with the parcel [lost is also an absurdity," said a high authority in
the telephone business. "To make the existing postal system available for package business, the de-
partment has only to add a clerk here and there and fix rates. 'Jhe organization was ready. As for
the fact that foreign Ciovcrnments operate the wire systems, it should be remembered that the older
nations were monarchies, with all powers in the hands of the ruler. They have gradually been work-
ing down to democracy. Here we started as a democracy with property and rights in the hands of
the individuals, and it is proposed to vest these rights in the central government. Money cannot buy
an organization, nor the brains that have created it. It is a thing of very slow growth, which can be
killed over night.
Philadelphia, Pa., Public Ledger, October 3, 1913:
The Post Office Department has been managed with far less efficiency and economy than any of
the great industrial companies or the railroads. Political expediency rather than a good service has
for many years been the policy in that Government-owned institution.
Toledo, Ohio, Blade, October 7, 1913 :
Before we have Government-run telegraph offices and Government-owned telephones, let us
feel certain that the Government can do it without having to ask Congress to make up its losses on
telegraph and telephone service as it has to ask it to cover the losses on the handling and delivery of
the mails.
New York Press, October 4, 1913:
The Government already had all the necessary machinery in existence and in operation, for the
continuance of the postal business. It had the offices, it had the expert managers and superintendents,
it had the trained men, it had the established routes by railroad, water, horse and land. It already
had virtually everything that was essential to the success of the postal business. It had it working out
under the test of long experience. All it had to do, in fact, was to chuck the parcel post system into
the post office system and let it go at that.
But it hasn't any telegraph service. Outside of military specialists it hasn't any expert that
knows the fine points about the telegraph service. It hasn't any facilities for conducting the tele-
graph business. Unless it took over the whole telegraph business as it stands with all the persons now
engaged in the telegraph business to help out the Government, it couldn't operate in that field the way
it operated in the parcel post field.
From article entitled, "The Abuse of the Congressional Frank," by Robert D. Ileinl. published
in Leslie's Weekly (New York), January 30, 1913:
* A member of Congress who is a candidate for re-election can have his political documents
printed in the Congressional Record, and then as has been explained he can send them through the
mails free of charge. He has to pay the actual cost of printing of the documents, but the envelopes
101
for mailing them with the congressional frank appropriately stamped on them, are furnished free,
at public expense. However, since he does not have to pay any postage, which is by far the largest
item, he reaches the voter with comparatively little expense to himself. The candidate who is op-
posing the man in office must pay full postage on all matter that he sends through the mails.
Washington, D. C, Post, December 11, 1913:
The one example of Government monopoly — the post office department — to which the pro-
moters of the scheme can point with pride, was created to fill a want in a field that private enterprise
had not gone into, a condition of affairs and the only condition, that gives warrant and consent to
Government ownership of utilities.
i
102
BcT
GOVERNMENTAL AND PRIVATE
TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE UTILITIES:
AN ANALYSIS
AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY
COMMERCIAL ENGINEER'S OFFICE
NEW YORK
\
American Telephone and Telegraph Company commercial bulletin no. t
COMMERCIAL ENGINEER S OFFICE MARCH 2, 1914
AN ANALYSIS
OF A SPEECH OF THE HON. D. J. LEWIS
COMPARING
GOVERNMENTAL AND PRIVATE
TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE UTILITIES
The following discussion of certain portions of a speech of the Hon. D. J. Lewis in the
House of Representatives, as reported in the "Congressional Record" of December 22n(l, 1913,
has been prepared to refute some of the statements of advocates of government ownership of
telegraphs and telephones concerning the institutional efficiency, rates, and service development
of the private telegraph and telephone enterprises in the United States, and to make available
some significant facts concerning these phases of the government ownership question. However,
as will be apparent, this paper is confined to a statistical treatment of the subject, no attempt
being made to give other information of a discursive character, probably fully as significant, par-
ticularly with reference to the quality of service; and no social or economic theories have been
debated.
Although this paper is not intended to ans'i'cr Mr. Lewis' general discussions of the
subject, it is intended to correct misinformation as to the efficiency, rates, and social development
of telegraphs and telephones in the United States; and, for this reason, the important issues of
fact have been squarely met. The analysis is, therefore, positive in character. It substantiates
the following general conclusions which are directly contrary to those reached by Mr. Lewis:
1. The institutional efficiency of the American telegraph service, even on the basis of Mr.
Lewis' statistical methods, is clearly superior to that of any government telegraph service.
2. Considering the dififerences in types of service, especially with reference to the normal
differences in the lengths of telegraph hauls, the American telegraph rates are lower than those
of the foreign governments even in terms of actual currency, and are probably much lower in
terms of the value of money.
•
3. The development of the telegraph service in the United States is higher than in most
foreign countries, and, in all cases where the development of the telegraph service in foreign
countries is greater than that in the United States, the foreign development is clearly due to the
fact that the development of local and short haul telephone business has been so low that a large
part of the business normally transacted by telephone in the United States is, in those countries,
transacted by telegraph.
4. The institutional efficiency of the American telephone service is higher than that of any
government system. This is clearly proved by the facts, of which perhaps the most significant
is that the very great majority of the government telephone exchanges are not operated more than
a few hours, if at all, after sunset.
i
5. The exchange rates of the Bell System, in terms of currency, are actually lower than in
several foreign countries under government operation; and, in terms of dollars equated on the
basis of the value of money, are lower than in any foreign country under any government sys-
tem without regard to the limited hours of service in the foreign exchanges.
6. The rates of the Bell System for toll telephone service are considerably lower than
those of foreign governments, due to the fact that the foreign rates are particularly high for short
distances where the bulk of the toll traffic both abroad and in the United States is transacted.
7. The development of toll telephone service in the United States is higher than in foreign
countries, and is approached only in those countries where private operation has been an im-
portant factor in the development of the business.
8. Finally, the development of local service, both in terms of traffic per capita and of tele-
phones per one hundred population, is very much greater than under government operation ; and
this is not due to differences in the character of American and foreign peoples, since the American
development is equalled in Europe in those cases where private concerns have had a reasonable
opportunity for the development of the utility.
C. I. BARNARD,
Commercial Engineer.
OUTLINE.
Page
ANALYSIS.
TELEGRAPHS
A. As to the Relative Inefficiency of Private Telegraph Operation.
Contention that U. S. I'ost Office is not iiietticiciU, as to —
Defence of U. S. postal deficits 2
Alleged efficiency of U. S. postal personnel 5
Statistical proof of the inefficiency of private telegraph organizations, by —
Comparative statistics for different countries 6
Assumptions as to economy in telegraph operation und>'r Post Office manage-
ment 9
B. Rates for Private and Government Telegraph Service.
Couteniiuu that tLlegraph rales in the I'niied States are relatively high, analyzed —
Errors of fact 12
Differences in methods of counting chargeable words 13
Failure to include "urgent" rates for foreign countries 14
Failure to include foreign international rates 14
Statistics of average receipts per message erroneous as to comparisons with those
of the United States 15
Failure to take into account effect of lengths of hauls on average telegraph
revenues 16
Differences in cost of service 17
Telegraph deficits 17
Fallacy of comparing mail rates with telegraph rates 18
Statement that telegraph rates in the United States have not been reduced since 1888 —
Details of telegraph rate changes 18
Brief history of telegraph rates in the United States and Europe 18
Chicago & Milwaukee Telegraph Co. case 18
C. As to Social Inefficiency or Inadequacy of Private Telegraph Systems.
Assumption that telegraph traffic development in the United States is relatively low —
How European telegraph traffic statistics are "padded" 20
Table showing extent of "padding" 20
Mere comparisons of telegraph traffic not significant : must be taken in conjunc-
tion with mail and telephone traffic 21
Table showing comparative development of First-Class Mail, Telegraph and
Telephone Traffic per Inhabitant, Year 1912 21
Table showing rank of each country as to mail, telegraph and telephone traffic
development ( United States leading) 21
Assumption that telegraph facilities in the United States are relatively inadequate — -
Comparison of number of telegraph offices abroad and in the United States unfair
(all classes of telegraph offices being included for foreign countries, but most
of them excluded in giving the United States count) —
Railroad telegraph offices, constituting more than half the total number
in the United States, arc excluded from the United States count, but
included in statistics for foreign countries 23
Telegraph-telephone offices arc excluded for the I'nited States, but in-
cluded for foreign countries 23
Hours of telegraph offices, as test of adequacy of telegraph facilities. . . 23
Examples of "public service motive" in practice (Great Britain and Swit-
zerland) 24
Assuming Mr. Lewis' test of ade(|uacy — ratio of telegrajih offices to post
offices — the United States excels, in adequacy of facilities, many of
the most important countries cited by Mr. Lewis 25
Summary as to Telegraphs 25
jv Page
II. TELEPHONES
A. As to the Relative Inefficiency of Private Telephone Systems.
Assumptions as to "institutional efficiency" (telephone calls per employee per an-
num)—
Errors of fact :
In securing statistics on "institutional efficiency" of foreign countries,
all the telephone calls have been divided by only part of the employees 26
In securing statistics on 'institutional efficiency" of the Bell organiza-
tion in the United States, 58,134 is quoted, as against 72,000, the
correct figure, according to Mr. Lewis' method 27
Errors of method :
Fallacy of method of equating toll and local calls 27
Comparison of toll calls abroad and in the United States unwarranted
because of prevalence of "two-number" system in Europe 27
E.xtcnsive "padding" of foreign statistics 27
Local calls not comparable ("Trunkcd" calls, requiring double the number
of employees, much higher in the United States than abroad).... 28
Hours of service ignored; immeasurably longer in the United States
than abroad, requiring far more extensive labor force 29
Average investment per tcleplione, a more practical test of "institutional
efficiency," decidedly favorable to the United States 30
B. As to the Relatively High Prices of Private Telephone Service.
Assumptions as to foreign and Bell exchange rates —
Statistics cited inconclusive, even if they were correct 31
Statistics incorrect
Errors of fact 31
Errors of method :
Letter rates no criterion, being an index neither to cost, nor to value of
telephone message 31
Letter rates alone vary widely among foreign countries 31
Mr. Lewis' own statistics show that rates are lower where private companies
operate 31
Table giving annual tarilTs, flat-rate service, for leading cities of different coun-
tries, misleading and incorrect —
It is a comparison of rates in exchanges having exclusively unlimited serv-
ice with those having chiefly or exclusively message service 32
Rates compared are maximum rates, whereas in most fiat rate cities not
more than 10% of subscribers pay maximum rates, and in message rate
exchanges, not more than 1% (excluding private branch exchanges) pay
the maximum quoted charge 32
Comparison of minimum rates more significant: shows decidedly different
results ' 32
Chicago rate misquoted and misapplied 32
List of cities selected at random, without regard to such important factors
as size, population or number of telephones 33
Using cities selected by Mr. Lewis, and comparing rates in foreign ex-
changes having unlimited service exclusively with corresponding cities
in the United States, shows foreign rates are higher 33
Table giving statistics of rates in message rate exchanges erroneous and mislead-
ing-
Four of eight foreign cities should be excluded, rates given not being message
rates 33
Where both flat and message rates are given, Mr. Lewis uses whichever is cheaper,
in computing his statistics for foreign cities 34
F.xclianges compared vary widely as to number of telephones 34
Berlin rates omit special charges for night service 34
Comparison relates only to rates for individual line business service, whereas
other classes of service are more important, and are cheaper in Bell ex-
changes than abroad 34
A general comparison of foreign and .^mcrican exchange rates —
Business and residence rate considerations 34
Character of telephone development abroad — exploitation of large and profit-
able communities at the expense of the smaller and less profitable 35
Statistics of average exchange revenue per telephone 36
Page
Quality of service rendered — hours of service 36
Real average exchange revenues per station in terms of American dollars.. i8
Other considerations (Switzerland, Australia and New Zealand) 38
Comparison of rates in competitive and non-conipctilive exchanges — •
Table giving rates "before and after competition" '^furnished by a rival
company) perverted 40
Decreases, instead of increases, after elimination of competition 40
Many decreases made after introduction of competition only part of general
downward revisions for exchanges, competitive and non-competitive
alike 40
True statistics as to iJcll rales after cessation of competition 40
Statistics showing misleading tendency of comparing by population instead
of by number of telephones 41
Table of comparison, taking into account both maximum and minimum rales 42
Table of comparison on the minimum rate basis alone 42
Assumptions as to toll rates —
Duplication in counting 43
Improper use of the word "tuli" 43
Errors of fact 44
Errors of method :
Failure to take into account the shorter distances (which are the more
important) 44
Failure to take into account important ditterences in applying unit
charges 45
Distinction between "two-nunibcr" and "particular person" ser\icc
ignored 45
Distinction belneen "ordinary" and "urgeni" service ignored 46
International service ignored in quoting foreign toll rates 46
Differences in cost of construction and operating wages ignored 47
Differences in cost due to differences in character of service ignored... 47
Deficits from operation of toll service ignored 49
C. As to Social Inefficiency or Inadequacy of Private Telephone Systems.
Statistics purporting to show number of foreign toll messages —
German statistics in error as to fact 50
Fallacy of considering toll conversations without taking into account the ex-
change development 50
Toll messages per capita, more accurate basis of comparison, show results decid-
edly in favor of private operation 51
Statistics as to total telephone traffic per capita 52
Statistics as to total number of telephones in service, and per 100 population.. 52
Statistics as to comparative telephone development in principal cities in the
United States and in foreign countries 53
Statistics showing telephone development in cities of more than 300,000 popula-
tion in the United States and in Northwestern Europe, arranged in order of
development 54
Summary as to Telephones 55
CONCLUSION 55
APPENDICES
Appendix .\ — Information Concerning the Adequacy of Compensation for Railway Mail
Transportation in the United States ■ 57
Appendix B — The Elimination of Certain Telegraph Operations Under Postalization 61
Appendix C — Letter Concerning the Amalgamation of Post Office and Telegraph Organiza-
tions in Europe 72
Appendix D — Telegraph and Telephone Deficits Under Government Operation 74
Appendix E — Relative Value of Money in Foreign Countries and in the United States as Re-
flected in the Wages of Telephone Operators. Comparison of the Wages of
Ordinary Day Switchboard Operators 78
Appendix F — History of Telegraph Rates 79
Appendix G — Comparison of Ordinary and Urgent 13omestic Toll Rates in Foreign Countries
with Those in the United States 83
Appendix II — List of References and Authorities 85
ANALYSIS
(The small reference figures shown throughout this paper refer to a numbered list of sources and authorities given
in Appendix H.)
Mr. Lewis' premises are: —
1. Telegraphs and telephones are not competitive, their prices do not tend to fluctuate, and
they have the price characteristics of monopolies.
2. Without competition, the rule of private financiering under monopolies obtains — the higher
the price secured, the higlier the profit.
3. This being true, the motive of private monopoly is restricted to rendering only that degree
of social service consistent with maintaining such prices.
4. Accordingly, the private conduct of a monopoly is not productive of its highest utilization
or greatest social service.
No attempt is made herein to discuss these questions of economic theory. However, it may be
noted that :
1. Mr. Lewis bases his contention, that telegraphs and telephones have the price characteris-
tics of monopolies, upon Professor H. C. Adams' dictum that industries of "decreasing returns" have
the price characteristics of monopolies, whereas Professor Adams, himself, has doubted that telegraphs
and telephones are industries of "decreasing returns", as have other pruniinent economists.
2. Since Professor Adams expressed his views on "private financiering" and prices, the Inter-
state Commerce Commission and state regulating commissions have been created to counteract the
tendency Professor Adams pointed out.
3. There is thus set up a controlling check upon any motive that might induce private monop-
oly to render "only that degree of social service consistent with maintaining such prices."
4. In this way is corrected any tendency of private monopoly to conduct its service on a basis
"not productive of its highest utilization or greatest social service."
Without further discussion of the merits of tliese general statements, it is proposed to accept the
test suggested by Mr. Lewis, and to "enter into a minute analysis of the facts which govern approach
to business-like conclusions on this subject."
I. TELEGRAPHS
Mr. Lewis condemns privately owned telegraph systems as compared with government owned
telegraph systems on the following assunii)tions : (.'\) that ])rivatc operation of telegraphs is rela-
tively inefficient; (Pi) that the ])rices of private telegraph service are relatively high; and (C) that the
"social efficiency," adequacy, or development of private telegraph service is relatively low.
A. AS TO THE RELATIVE INEmCIENCY OF PRIVATE TELEGRAPH OPERATION.
In general, Mr. Lewis' discussion of the assumed inefficiency of private telegraph operation con-
sists of a development of the following main points: the United States Post Office is not inefficient;
the private telegraph institutions are actually inefficient as indicated by comparative statistics ; and the
private telegraph organizations must be relatively inefficient because the advantages of economy of postal
organization and methods are not obtainable under private management. These assumptions are dis-
cussed below in the order named.
The United States Post Office Is Not Inefficient.
Mr. Lewis assumes that the United States Post Office requires defense as to its efficiency in
any discussion of government ownership, and, therefore, attempts to prove that it is efficient by an
explanation of postal deficits, and by statistics of units of work perfonned per postal employee in the
United States and in other countries. No attempt is made herein to prove that the United States Post
Office is inefficient ; but it will be clearly shown below that the data adduced by Mr. Lewis does not
establish the defense which he thought necessary.
Mr. Lewis' defense of the United States Post Office deficits is:
1. Of the Post Office business, 29.24% produces only 5.19% of the revenue; and L85%
of the business is franked. If all this business had paid first-class rates, the Post Office would
have shown a surplus at all times since the Civil war, and a surplus of $60,000,000 in 1912.
2. Deficits in the postal service are justified, as not contrary to the public interest.
With reference to the last contention, it may be observed that the fact of a deficit or surplus
in the postal service is in itself proof neither of efficiency nor of inefficiency, since a surplus,
according to Mr. Lewis' general argument, is possible with high prices and low efficiency; or a
deficit is to be expected with improperly low prices and high efficiency. Indeed, deficits in the
Post Office service may be justified ; but it should be noted in this connection that a justification
of deficits in the postal service does not apply to telephone or telegraph service, since in all coun-
tries the use of the latter services is restricted by the necessities of cost, whereas the postal
service is universally used. As Mr. Lewis takes exception to the point of view that telephones
and telegraphs are essentially of a more restricted character than the postal services, the follow-
ing official expression of the opinion of the Australian postal administration is pertinent : —
"The telephone service affects a limited number of the population, and, more so than any other branch
of the Department's business, may be said to partake of the nature of a commercial enterprise, so that its
revenue should be sufficient to cover working expenses, including provision for depreciation, while returning
a fair percentage on the capital invested. * * * ""
However, since Mr. Lewis has attempted, despite the official reports of the postal service,
to show that the Post Office in fact does produce a very considerable profit, it may be significant
to show that his assertions are not warranted, for the following reasons:
a. Franked and second-class matter would not move at first-class rates ; and it is mani-
festly improper to assume that it would, in the calculation of financial results."*
b. Although Mr. Lewis has constructed some fictitious revenues not included in the
official accounts, he has failed to include several items of actual expense not included in the
Post Office accounts.
c. It is believed that the government does not assume all the expense properly in-
curred in the Postal service, because of inadequate compensation for mail transportation.
The first reason is believed to be obvious and to require no discussion. The facts as
to the incomplete official statements of Post Office expense, and as to compensation for the
transportation of mails which are less obvious, are considered briefly below :
3
INCOMPLETE STATEMENTS OF POST OFFICE EXPENSE.
The expenses officially classified as Post Office expenses do not include large sums which
are actually spent for Post Office business, classified under Post Office Department, Treas-
ury Department, and the Department of Justice as parts of the Civil Establishment ; and
the official expense account of the Post Office does not include the charges on public build-
ings, which are under the jurisdiction of the Treasury Department, used wholly or partly
for Post Office purposes. It is not possible to determine, from public reports at least, to
what extent the Post Office profits, in statements of its financial results, from the omission
of these expenses; but that their total is large is indicated by the following:
The amount spent for the Post Office Department, as a part of the Civil Establish-
iiietit, exclusive of "Deficiency in the Postal Revenues," for the fiscal year 1912 was
$1,893,037.' This probably includes only expenses classified under the heading "Post Office
Department'' in the Civil Establishment appropriations; i. e., does not include expenses of
office of Auditor for t!ie Post Office, etc. However, an examination of the Appropriation
Act of March 4tli, 1913, indicates that the following appropriations of this character were
made for the .fiscal year July 1st, 1913, to June 30th, 1914:-—
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT:
Salaries, wages, etc., offices of Postmaster General, Assistant Postmasters General, and
subsidiary general offices, including office of Assistant Attorney General for the Post
Office $1,750,500
Contingencies 162,850
Total $1,913,350
TREASURY DEPARTMENT:
Office of Auditor for the Post Office:
Salaries $462,660
Piece Rates 166,960
Postal Savings System 49,300
Contingencies 87,700
$766,620 766,620
Office of the Treasurer:
Postal Savings System 18,000
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE:
Salary of Assistant Attorney General for Post Office 5,000
Total Appropriations of Civil- Establishment for Post Office Purposes $2,702,970
The above does not include an appropriation for the Supervising Architect's Office,
Treasury Dei)artment, of $235,920. This covers the design of public buildings, purchase of
sites, and supervision of public buildings and general maintenance thereof, largely for Post
Office purposes.
All of the preceding appropriations are classified as appropriations for the general
civil establisiiment. Appropriations for the Post Office Department, as an institution, are made
by separate act.'
In addition to the expenses described above, there is a very heavy expense, not in-
cluded in Post Office reports, in the nature of rent for the Post Office use of public build-
ings. It is not possible from the official reports to determine, even within approximate limits,
how great this expense for Post Office purposes is, but the following will indicate that it is
a large item :
On June 30tii, 1912, tlie cost of public buildings used for Post Office purposes was:*
POST OFFICES (only) :
Construction $38,585,869.04
Extensions and Alterations 2,034,217.19
Cost of Sites 18,371,652.19
Total $58,991,738.42
POST OFFICES, COURT HOUSES, CUSTOM HOUSES, ETC. (i. e.. Joint Post
Office Buildings) :
Construction $97,611,421.66
Extensions and Alterations 10,542.784.38
Cost of Sites 18.926,343.64
Total $127,080,549.68
4
The above does not include in the total an item reported as "Annual Repairs and
Maintenance." which, although it is shown as a cumulative total and includes mechanical
equipment and vaults, is probably current expenses to a large extent. The total of this "An-
nual Repairs and -Maintenance" exi)ense for the fiscal year 1912 was. for buildings used for
post offices only, slightly more than $230.CHJO; and for buildings used as post offices, court
houses, custom iiouses, etc., jointly, $674,000, approximately. There was also spent, under
the heading "General Expenses for Public Buildings," §583.800, approximately, for post
offices only: and $184,400, approximately, for joint post office, court iiouse, etc., buildings
The exi)enditures for "furniture and repairs for same" for post offices only was about
$374,800, and for joint post offices, custom houses, etc., $417,300, approximately.^
The items of expense for public buildings given above are shown in detail, by public
buildings, in the official reports. There are some others, not given in detail, which cannot
be allocated to specific classes of public buildings ; but it is apparent that they are very largely
incurred on account of the Post Office. The more important of these items for the fiscal
year 1912 were as follows:"
Salaries — Office of Supervising Architect $75.61').9S
For General Inspector of Supplies 4.375.10
For Kent of Buildings 87,666.65
For Fuel, Lights, and Water 1,295.207.47
For Electrical Protection to Vaults 24.490.00
For Pay of Assistant Custodians and Janitors 2,125,828.06
$3.61,1187.23
The total expenditure for public buildings from July 1, 1911, to Jui--: 30. 1912, was. $22,660,212.85'
COMPENSATION FOR MAIL TRANSPORTATION.
The compensation to railroads for transportation of mails is believed to be inadequate
for the following reasons :
Compensation to railroads has increased in very much smaller proportion than other
Post Office expenses in recent years. (See Appendix A.)
Compensation to railroads for handling business of the express companies is greater
for similar business than for handling mails. (See .Appendix A.)
The almost universal complaints of railroad managers addressed to the j^ublic have
caused Congress and tlie Post Office Department to institute an investigation in the matter.'
Compensation for transporting mails by rail is less, proportionately, in the United
States than in Great Britain, as shown by the following statistics :
PAYME.NT ON ACCOUNT OF STEAM RAILROAD MAIL SERVICE
U. S. rOST OFFICE, YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1913.
Mail Transportation' $47,393,266
Railway Post Office Car Service' 4,566,212
Total $51,959,478
Per Cent, of Total Reported (by Postmaster General) Expense 19.8
PAYMENTS OX ACCOUNT OF STEAM RAILROAD ^lAIL SERVICE
BRITISH I-OST OFFICE, VEAR ENDING MARCH 31, 1913.
Conveyance of Mails (rot including Parcels Post)*' $9,324,408
Railway Share of Rail-borne Parcels (557^)" 5,635,217
Total $14,959,625
Total Expensest $62,4.W.777
Per Cent, of Total Expenses 23.9
It should be noted that parcel post payments for railway transportation amount to
about 38% of the total mail (inland) transportation expense in Great Britain; whereas in
the United States, up to the present, additional compensation to the railways on account of
parcels post business cannot exceed 5% increase over the contract payments based on con-
ditions applying to the transportation of ordinary mail."
♦This item is officially described as "conveyance" of mails. It covers mail transportation on rail-
roads, not including steamship service, but an examination of the reports either of the Postmaster General
or of the Board of Trade as to railway revenues does not determine whether or not other mail convey-
ance is included.
fThis total does not cover telephones and telegraphs. It includes about $1,300,000' for the purchase
of sites and the erection of buildings — an item not included as Post Office expense in the United States.
If this amount be deducted from the total given above, the percentage of railway payments to total pay-
ments is 24.4.
MR. LEWIS' DEFENSE OF THE EFFICIENCY OF THE UNITED STATES POSTAL
PERSONNEL.
Mr. Lewis quotes the following statistics to show that the efficiency of the postal per-
sonnel in the United States is increasing, with the result that the cost of service per unit is
decreasing; and to show that the efficiency of the United States postal personnel is high as
compared with that of other countries:
MK. LEWIS' TABLE NO. L*
TNITED STATES
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 2.*
XumWei
of em-
ployees.
KHtlmatcd
Nutuli.T
Cost ptr '
numhvr of
of mall
a\eraKe 1
pU-M'cs mailed.
[ileces per
mall piece.
including
employee
In cents.
foreign matter.
per annum.
1886..
122,698
1887..
127,288
1888..
134,112
1889..
129,295
1890..
153,857
1891..
162,855
\m2..
171,780
W)i..
178,018
1894. .
183,916
1895..
189,671
1896. .
194,533
1897..
199,846
1898. .
208,873
1899..
215,904
1900..
224,029
1901..
235,327
1902. .
246,524
190.3..
256,673
I'XM..
2ra,685
\<m. .
272,0.34
vm..
278,658
l')07..
278,010
l'X)8..
283.481
I'm. .
288,036
vno..
291,320
!9I1..
291,113
1''12..
290,701
3.474,000,000
3.495,100,000
3,576,100,000
3.860,200,000
4,005,408,206
4.369.900.352
4.776,575,076
5.021,841.056
4.919,090,000
5.134.281,200
5,693,719,192
5,781,002,143
6,214,447,000
6,576,310.0(XJ
7.l2')!l'X).202
7.424.390.329
8.085,446.858
8,887,467.04.s
9..S()2.4.S'»,53S
10,187.505.889
11.361,0' 10,610
12,255,666,307
13,173,.340.32<^
14,004.577.271
14.S50.102.S59
16.'i(K).5.^2.1,3,S
17.5H,S.05K.'M1
Oost per
average
timll piece,
in ccnis,
exclud-
InK as-^tiKti
abto com
of Rural
Delivery
Service.
28,313
1.44
27,458
1.49
26,665
1.55
29,855
1.58
26,033
1.61
26,833
1,63
27,806
1.57
28,209
1.57
26,746
1.67
27,069
1.64
2'),268
154
28,927
1.57
29,752
1.50
30,459
1.47
31,826
1.44
31,549
1.48
32,797
1.47
34,625
1.49
35.3(^5
1.53
37,449
1.56
40,770
1.49
44,083
1.48
46,469
1.50
48,620
1.49
50.975
1.47
58,054
1.33
60.504
1..34
1.57
1.50
1.47
1.43
1.46
1.42
1.40
1.40
1.36
1.28
1.26
125
1.25
1.22
1,12
1.10
Xumbt'r of f^stal-scrvice units yi'r postal employee.
Country
Belgium
United States
Netherlands
Italy
Luxemburg
Denmark
Switzerland
Germany
Sweden
France
Norway
Austria
New Zealand
Great Britain
Hungary
Japan
Units.
Rank
85,819
1
60,651
2
53,621
3
42,947
4
40.321
5
38,930
6
37,562
7
37,236
8
35,837
9
33,697
10
32,414
11
30.528
12
28,6%
13
26,056
14
23.025
15
21.820
16
It appears from these statistics that the United States ranks second in postal efficiency.
\Vc have no means of checking these statistics completely. We dispute their accuracy,
however, and maintain that they are not significant for the following reasons :
1. Mr. Lewis' statistics as to the number of postal employees in the United States
do not agree with official statistics. The I'ostmaster General, in his report dated December
1, 1909, stated (page 1) that there were then about 325,000 employees in the service, or about
35,000 more than shown by Mr. Lewis for 1912. This error would make a dilYerence of
about 6,000 pieces of mail per employee per annum.
2. Accurate statistics of employees engaged in the postal service cannot be obtained
fur most foreign countries. We are advised by the Post Office Department, Great Britain,
that: "The staff is common to the postal, telegraph, and telephone service and no separate
figures can be given."" Again, even in the case of Luxemburg, which is very small, it
is f>fficially stated that "the number of empl >yces in each ser\ice cannot be siiown separately."'"
Mr. Lewis himself in his speech of January 16, 1914, has admitted that this condition exists.
He says:
•Tables taken from Mr. Lewis' speech arc numbered in the order in which they are here analyzed
to facilitate reference.
"* * • If the gentleman refers to the tclcgr.nph, I wish to suggest that its personnel is not
separated from the postal personnel (i. e., in England") : their efforts arc devoted to both services."
(Mr. Madden): "I understood the gentleman was talking about telephone service."
(Mr. Lewis) : "And the telephone service cannot be fully segregated cither."*
3. The postal employee cannot serve as a unit in determining the efficiency of the
postal personnel. It would be necessary to equate all employees to a "standard" employee
for each of the countries used by Mr. Lewis. It is doubtful whether efficiency statistics
even on this basis would be of any significance. As an instance of the inaccuracy of Mr.
Lewis' statistics in this respect, it may be noted that, in Great Britain, of the total em-
ployees of the Postal Establishment (240,134), 122,018, or more than half, are known as
"unestablished officers"-" ; i. e., their employment is largely auxiliary, temporary, or inter-
mittent."* Of course, the inclusion of such employees in Mr. Lewis' statistics would greatly
decrease the apparent efficiency of the British personnel.
4. The above relates to the Tables Xos. 1 and 2 as "comparisons of our postal ac-
complishments with that of other nations." As a matter of fact, Mr. Lewis has not actually
attempted to show the purely postal efficiency in the various foreign countries ; for he states,
in connection with some of these statistics, as quoted with reference to tcleplionc efficiency :"'
"The column for postal efficiency is inserted to show the performance of the postal personnel.
For this purpose the postal service unit is treated as the average mail piece, and the telegram as equal in
service to ten mail pieces, while the local call is rated as equal to one-half mail piece, or unit, and the intcrur-
ban as equal to two mail pieces."
Hence, Mr. Lewis' comparison of postal efficiency is of no significance, except on the
assumption that his equation of telegraph and telephone traffic in terms of the postal imit
is correct. \ot only is such an equation impossible as to any given country, but it -can-
not be assumed that the average mail piece in any country is equal, even roughly, to the
average mail piece in any other country, owing to wide differences in the average length of
mail haul, in the conditions as to urban and rural delivery, in the proportions of foreign
mail (each piece of which would be counted in each country in which it is handled, although
only a part of the operations connected with receipt and delhery of such mail matter is per-
formed in one country), etc.
From the above discussion it will be apparent that Mr. Lewis has not demonstrated the efficiency
of the United States Post Office, because he has not proved that the Post Office returns a profit even
if this were significant ; because his statistics of postal employees are in error as to the United States
and as to other countries ; and because his statistics of postal performance rest upon gratuitous as-
sumptions as to units of postal work. Much of this discussion is not significant as to the general sub-
ject of this paper, but has been necessary because Mr. Lewis has reached his conclusion as to the
superior efficiency of public over private operation by contrasting the assumed high postal efficiency
in the L'nited States with the assumed low efficiency of the telegraph and telephone or-
ganizations in the United States, as compared with that in foreign countries. If both these assump-
tions were justified by the facts, then admittedly a strong presumption in favor of government owner-
ship, so far as "institutional efficiency" is involved, would be established. The first of these assump-
tions, however, has at least not been substantiated by any evidence; it will be proven in the following
pages that the second is untenable.
Mr. Lewis' Statistical Proof of the Inefficiency of Private Telegraph Organizations.
Mr. Lewis submits the following statistics to prove the relative inefficiency of ])rivate telegraph
organizations in the United States:
MR. LEWIS' TABLE N'O. 3.
Traffic dcnsily and efficiency
Country.
1 elcgrams pet
employee.
Telegrams per operative office.
Per annum.
Per day.
Per annum.
Per day.
New Zealand
United States
3.700
3.4«7
3.115
3.063
2,370
1.607
1,596
10.1
9.5
8.7
4.4
8.6
6.6
4.4
4,380
14,332
2,097
5.451
1,405
4,774
2,454
12
39.3
6
IS
4
13
7
Belgium
Sweden
Switzerland
7
That this comparison is unsound and does not substantiate Mr. Lewis' conclusions as to the
efficiency of telegraph personnel will be apparent from the following:
1. The table is based on data which does not include all telegraph employees in foreign
countries. Both in the United States and in otlier countries many postal, telegraph, and tele-
phone employees are engaged in the work of more than one service, including, in many instances,
railroad service. As stated above, no definite classification of employees in the postal services of
foreign countries exists. Even in the official annual reports no attempt is made to allocate
"joint" employees, i. e., such employees as are not engaged exclusively in telegraph duties.
For instance, the annual reports of the Telegraph Administration of Belgium do not dis-
tinguish between the number of telegraph employees and the number of telephone employees;
their reports do show, however, that the number of employees in the Railroad, Postal, and
Bridges and Highways Administrations, who have telegraph or telephone duties in addition to
other duties, is greater than the total number of employees of the Telegraph (including Tele-
phone) Administration.-' Tiiese employees have been ignored in Mr. Lewis' statistics. Telegraph
messengers, of wliich there are about 3,600, a very large proportion of the total employees, also
do not appear on the payroll of tlie Telegraph Administration."- -"
In the case of Sweden, a letter from the Telegraph Administration, dated February 18,
1913 states that an accurate distinction between telegraph employees and telephone employees
"does not exist." The Administration states, however, that on December 31, 1911, there were
at least 3,422 telegraph employees.-' This is 88% more than the number of telegraph employees
quoted for the same date in the source (Journal Telegraphique) from which Mr. Lewis derives
his data.^'
In *he case of The Netherlands, Mr. Lewis arbitrarily excludes 2,078 joint postal-telegraph
employees in calculating the telegraph efficiency. If these joint employees had been included
in the total of telegraph employees, the number of telegrams per annum per employee in The
Netherlands would have been less by about 34% than that shown by Mr. Lewis.^"
2. If the method of comparison used by Mr. Lewis were sound, there ought to be no
great disparity between the rank of the postal and telegraph efficiencies of the countries named.
The countries rank, on the basis of Mr. Lewis' statistics, as follows:
RANK .'\S TO EFFICIEXCY OF PERSONNEL.
Country. Mail. Telegraph.
New Zealand 7 1
Belgium 1 4
Netherlands 3 6
Norway 6 3
Sweden 5 5
Switzcrlanil 4 7
United States 2 2
It appears that New Zealand ranks first in one case and last in the other — an inconsis-
tency undoubtedly due to errors in the classificalioi> of joint employees.
3. If the efficiency of telegraph organizations in the United States were not exceed-
ingly high, it could not rank .second even on the basis of Mr. Lewis' statistics, since the relatively
very long telegraph lines in the United States necessitate proportionately larger number of plant
employees and a greater amount of relay operating work. That the length of hauls has a material
bearing on the number of employees re(|uired to maintain the telegraph plant, is, of course,
obvious ; and it may be noted in passing that length of lines is an important factor to which
the Australian Administration reverts in explaining high telegraph deficits."
However, even on the basis of these statistics, the efficiency of the private telegraph organi-
zations appears very high; so that Mr. Lewis is obliged to insert the second column in his table
in an attempt to show that the apparent high efficiency of the American telegraph organizations
is due to the lack of a sufiicicnt number of telegraph offices in the United States.
4. Despite the errors of fact concerning the efficiency of foreign telegraph systems —
errors which have been most unfavorable to the private syst.ems — Mr. Lewis find that the
American systems are highly efficient, ranking second on his own statistics : and probal)ly ranking
first, if the long lines in the I'nited States are taken into consideration. It is, therefore, evident
that Mr. Lewis' case as to the efficiency of the private systems entirely fails, unless he accounts
8
for these facts in some way that discounts the sig^nificance of his own statistics. Tliis he has
recognized; and has, in consequence, prepared the statistics of telegrams per operative office
in Table 3. If these statistics are correct, they at most lend some slight support to the conten-
tion that the efficiency of the private organizations may not be high; if they are incorrect, the
conclusion is inevitable that Mr. Lewis has himself, in effect, admitted the high efficiency of
the .\merican telegraph organizations.
The statistics as to telegrams per office, if correct, serve Mr. Lewis' purpose admirably;
for it must be admitted that if high operati\e efficiency is secured by a restriction of telegraph
facilities to those points where volume of business assures economical adjustment of forces to
traffic, the efficiency so obtained is not real. If. on the other hand, apparent liiyh efficiency is
secured under conditions of small loads per office, the facts serve to emphasize the efficiency
of the organization. The only question involved in Mr. Lewis' statistics of telegrams per office,
therefore, concerns their accuracy.
A study of Mr. Lewis' statistics as to telegrams per office shows that they are in error
because, in the case of foreign countries, all kinds of telegraph offices are included, whereas, in
the case of the United States, all railroad and other offices not directly operated by the telegraph
companies arc excluded. For example, in the case of Sweden, Mr. Lewis has used statistics
of telegraph offices which include 1,729 railroad (1,246 private company) telegraph offices, or
€0% of the total." Similarly, for New Zealand, Mr. Lewis has used the figure for telegraph
offices given in the Journal Telegraphique (1,963')'*, but the Annual Report of the New Zea-
land Administration for the same year (1910) states: "Of these, 300 were telegraph offices and
1,663 were telephone offices."" Probably this means that only 300 were Morse operated offices"
(the only kind used by Mr. Lewis for the United States). (See page 23 for further confirma-
tion.)
It will be noted from these facts that if railroad and telephone operated offices in foreign
countries are included as telegraph offices, similar offices must be included for the United States
in any such comparison if it is to be either fair or accurate. Mr. Lewis' error is shown by the
following statistics as to the Western Union Telegraph Company: —
Total number of originating paid messages per annum, about 90,000,000
Number of tclegrapli offices (receiving written telegrams) of all kinds, October 31, 1913 36.491
Telegrams per annum per office 2,466
Telegrams per day per office 6.75
From these facts it will be evident that tlie number of telegrams per office in the United
States is less than in New Zealand, Belgium, The Netherlands and Switzerland, four of the six
foreign countries named by Mr. Lewis. Hence, it is clear that the operative efficiency of the
American systems conceded by Mr. Lewis is not to be discounted because of a restriction of
facilities ; and that the facts serve rather to accentuate the high rank of the American systems.
Not only is the operative efficiency of the American telegraph systems exceedingly high
under the adverse conditions described above, hut this is true e^'cn thous^h the hours of teleqraph
office operation are much longer in the United States than in any other country. This is evident
from the following facts as to the length of hours of telegraph offices in the countries named by
Mr. Lewis:*
New Zealand (1910)".
Norway (1912)"
Belgium (1912)"*
Sweden (1912)"
Netherlands (1912)" .
Switzerland (1912)" .
Per Cent, of Total Telegraph Offices-
Open
Permanently
0.0', i
0.3
1.0
1.6
0.7
0.3
Complete or
Prolonged
Dav Service.
95%
10
26
43
16.9
19.4
Limited
Day Service.
5%
89.7
73.0
55.4
82.4
80.3
Western Union Telegraph Company :*
Open day and night 19.3%
Open until midnight or later S.9%
Open until from 10 p. m. to midnight 6.4%
Total open later than 10 p. m 31.6%
*See also discussion with reference to government telegraph facilities, pages 22-25, following.
The term "Complete or Prolonged Day Service" is not defined in the Journal Tele-
graphique, from which the above statistics for foreign countries are derived; but, in general,
"Complete or Prolonged Day Service" does not extend beyond 10 o'clock p. m. Most of the
Telegraph Administrations do not give, in their annual reports, statistics as to the hours of
service of their telegraph offices. In the case of Switzerland, however, full information of
this character is given, and will serve to indicate the significance of the comparison shown above.
TELEGR.'XPH OFFICES— SWITZERLAND, 1912."
Xumljcr of Offices with Continuous Service 6
Number of Offices Open until 10 p. m 17
Number of Offices Open until 9 p. m 359
Number of Offices Open from 7 or 8 a. m. until 12 m., and from 1 p. m. to 8.30 p. m 84
Number of Offices Open from 7 or 8 a. m. until 12 m., and from 2 p. m. to 6. p. m., and
from 8 p. m. to 8.30 p. m 1.908
Total 2.374
Mr. Lewis' Assumptions as to Economy in Telegraph Operation Under Post Office Management.
Mr. Lewis considers the private operation of tclcgraplis inefficient not only on llic basis of tiie
erroneous statistics in Tables 1, 2, and 3, which have been analyzed above, but also on the assumptions
that many detailed operations could be eliminated under government management largely by the use
of stamps ; and that many expenses of organization, like supervision, engineering, rents, etc., could be
reduced or eliminated by consolidation with the Post Office. Mr. Lewis' error in respect to the pos-
sibility of eliminating operations by the use of stamps is analyzed in detail in Appendix B. However,
it should be noted that there is no reason why private stamps could not be used by the telegraph com-
panies if this were a desirable practice, but the telegraph service would be less satisfactory with stamp
payments because:
\. Charge accounts, which are a great convenience to many business houses, would be elim-
inated.
2. "Collect" messages (not permitted by governments*-) would be obviously awkward
with stamp payments. Of the business of the Western Union Company, about 8.000,000 messages
per annum are sent "collect.""
3. Stamps cannot be placed on telegrams sent by telephone, and a charge account would
be necessary in such cases.
4. Even under government ownership, stamps or cash are equally acceptable ; and frequently
cash only is accepted (particularly at railroad stations in Germany ).*-
In support of his general assumption as to the elimination of operations by the use of stamps,
Mr. Lewis says:
The same phenomenon of relativj rather than actual waste or inefficiency appears in tlic handling of the
parcel by the express company when compared with the Postal Department.
LIST OF EXPRESS PROCESSES.
The Express Companv.
L Ascertains the rale to be paid.
2. Makes out waybill.
3. Copies waybill into record of shipments "forwarded."
4. Copies same into record of shipments "received."
5. Makes statement of "shipments sent" to auditor.
6. Makes same of shipments "received."
7. Auditor checks waybills against record of "sending" agent.
8. Auditor checks same against record of "receiving" agent.
9. In case of "through" waybills previous items repealed.
10. .Auditor makes division of percentages going to express company and the r.iilway or railways.
11. In case of "through" waybills auditor makes like division of percentages between express companies
and railways.
Affixing the postage stamp replaces all these processes in the post office.
Some of the items inay have been eliminated by the use of stamps ; but the postal clerk has "to
ascertain tin.' rate to be paid " to check the postage: ami it is true that others are necessary when parcels
are "insured," as all parcels are when sent by express. Moreover, postal clerks, even in the Christ-
10
mas rush, have to stop to open parcels to be sure that the "classification" is not abused— an expensive
operation not common to express practice.
Mr. Lewis gives the following table, in connection w ith his arguments as to the elimination of
large items of organization expense under postalization:
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 4.
Commercial telegrafh systems, 190J. Compiled from sfecial refort of United States census, telefhones and
telegraphs, igoi.
[Pages 101-102]
16.
17.
18.
1. Gross receipts from operation.
2. Operating e.xpenses, total
3. Salaries, total
4. Salaries, corporation officers
5. Salaries, general officers
6. Salaries, all other general office em-
ployees
7. Wages, total
8. Wages, managers and assistants.
9. Wages, operators
10. Wages, inspectors
1 1. Wages, linemen
12. Wages, messengers
13. Wages, all other wage earners.
14. Operation and maintenance
15. Legal expenses
Rentals, offices and other real estate..
Rentals, conduits and underground
privileges
Telegraph traffic paid or due other
companies
Miscellaneous
19.
20. Net earnings from operation
21. Income from other sources, total....
22. Dividends on stock of other com-
panies
23. Lease of lines, wires, and conduits...
24. Rent from real estate
25. Interest
26. Miscellaneous
Z7. Gross income, less operating expenses
Receipts.
$35,300,569
8,708,158
5,629,469
1,159.658
4,185,799
205.070
6,719
72,223
14,337,627
Expenses.
Per cent, of —
126.592.411
1,162.(),L'
230,250
255,740
676,642
13,877.041
2,898,588
8,862,349
573,369
573.0S8
839.360
130,287
9,220.948
194,890
875.213
7,808
724,826
529,053
Operating
expenses.
($26,592,411)
1000
4.4
0.9
1.0
2.5
52J
10.9
33.3
2.2
22
3.2
0.5
34,7
0.7
i.i
(')
2.7
2.0
Earnings
and
income from
all sources
($40,930,038)
65.0
2.8
0.6
0.6
1.7
Number
of em-
ployees
o f each
class.
829
33.9
7.1
21.7
1.4
1.4
2.1
0.3
22.5
O.S
2,1
(')
1.8
1.3
54
82
693
26,798
5,752
'10,179
=2,914
1,152
1.208
4,746
847
Average
annual
earnings
$1,402
4,264
3.094
976
518
504
736
469
498
474
177
154
' Males.
' Females.
'Less than one-tenth of 1 per cent.
Mr. Lewis states that Items 3, 14, 15, 16, and 19, amounting to 26.8%* of the operating ex-
penses, might be eliminated. With minor exceptions, it is not apparent how any of these expenses
could be eliminated under postal management; and Mr. Lewis fails to indicate how this expense could
be saved. With reference to Item 14, "Operatiori and Maintenance," it is impossiI)le to make critical
comment, because the item is not self-explanatory; and the Census Report from whicli it is taken, does
not define it. It cannot contain the wages of operation or of i)lant maintenance, as these arc shown
separately in Items 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. 12, and 13. It probably includes only material and supply expense.
Item 15, "Legal Expenses," might be partly saved if the government would undertake no liabil-
ity for the transmission of telegrams.
*This is Mr. Lewis' statement. As a matter of fact, these items amount to 45. 1 per cent, of the operating
expenses.
11
Neglecting Items 14, 15, and 19, the second of which is relatively unimportant, there remain
Items 3 and 16, involving general administration and supervision, and rent. With respect to general
administration and supervision, Mr. Lewis may have in mind that the general administration of the
telegraph system can be handled by the existing postal administrative organization ; but, even if this
were true, it would be manifestly absurd to state that all of the existing administrative expense of the
telegraph systems could be saved. That practically none of it could be saved under postal management
will be clear from the following evidence:
The consensus of European opinion is that telepliones and telegraplis cannot be consolidated to
advantage with the Post Office as to general administration; and they are not so consolidated in Swe-
den, and practically not in Switzerland, Nor^vay, and Denmark. Count Hamilton, of the Swedish Tele-
graph Administration, is opposed to sucli consolidation and quotes from a letter of a British postal
investigator (Major O'Mcara. formerly Chief Engineer of the British Post Office) with reference to
the same subject, as follows:
"I have had the advantage during the past 18 months of having visited many of the Euro-
pean countries and of having met many officers of the Postal and Telegraph services in these coun-
tries. I have found that in every country I have visited tliere is a consensus of opinion tliat today
the Postal Department should be administered separately from the Telegraph and Telephone De-
partment, and in those countries in which the Post, Telegraphs and Telephones are combined un-
der one administration in theory, I have foimd that at headquarters the administration of the Posts
is separated in practice from that of the Telegraphs and Telephones, and that this separation ex-
tends in many cases to the Provincial .\dministrations. As you are aware, two Royal Commis-
sions have recently investigated the Organization of Posts, Telegraphs and Telephones in Italy,
where at the present time the Telephones are under an administration separate from that of the
Post and Telegraplis. It has been strongly urged by this Royal Commission that the Telegraphs
should be separated from the Posts and placed with the Telephones, and that in future the Postal
Department should constitute an administration separate from that of the Telegraphs and Tele-
phones." (See Appendix C.)
Willi reference to the rent of quarters, it should be noted that very little saving is possible
through consolidation of telegraph and post offices for the following reasons:
1. The assumption, that in government owned buildings there is space which can be utilized
without additional cxpcn-'e for telegraph purposes, is not supported by facts; and, if so. would be
evidence of inefficient utilization by the Post Office of existing quarters.
2. Only 4,730 postal stations and branches on Tune 30. 1912, were in quarters owned or
leased by the government, and only 616 were in federal buildings." In the leased quarters, pro-
vided space has not been wasted, it is obvious that very little economy in rent could be secured by
consolidating the post office and telegraph offices.
3. There are about 49,614 post offices of the fourth class.'*'' the local expenses of which are
entirely covered by tiie postmaster's salary, which does not exceed $1,000.*"; and it is understood
that some 24.000 of these postmasters receive under $180. per annum. Obviously, no additional
space could be obtained in such offices without increasing the compensation therefor.
B. RATES FOR PRIVATE AND GOVERN M ENT TELEGRAPH SERVICE.
With reference to telegraph rates, Mr. Lewis' discussion relates to two propositions: the first,
that the rates of the jirivatc telegraph companies in the I'nited States are relatively high ; and the sec-
ond, to illustrate the result of lack of the public service motive, that no reductions in the telegraph
rates have been made in the United States since 1888.
Assumption That Telegraph Rates in the United States Are Relatively High.
Mr. Lewis bases his statements that the telcgiaph rates in this country arc relatively hi.gh, and
that they stillc development and thereby result in insutlkicnl utilization of plant, on the following sta-
tistics:
MR. LEWIS'
TABLE NO. S.
Country
Number
of words
Minimum rate and average receipt
per telegram.
Telegrams
per capita.
Letter rates.
Letters
per capita.
Rate—
Rank
Receipt.
Rank
Per word.
Each word
extra.
No.
Rank.
Rate. Rank.l No. | Rank.|
Luxemburg . . .
France
Japan
io
"io
15
10
10
1 ■}
1 1
"16
15
10
" io
—
'$0,067
.0965
' ' '.m
.0%5
.1005
.134
.12
.1217
'.0579
.119
.193
.130
■ '=.075
.25
.30
.35
.40
.50
.60
.75
1.00
$0.0067
.0096
' .6134
.0193
.0201
.0134
.01
.01015
'.0048
.0119
.01015
.013
■".625 ■
.02
.02
.02
.03
.03
.04
.05
.07
9
1
"ii
2
3
10
6
7
4
5
12
8
"13
14
0.090
.121
.123
.i-ii
.150
.153
.157
.172
.172
.180
'.26s
224
.251
.390
.360
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
IS
17
16
0.84
1.65
.60
1.48
125
1.19
.80
8.01
2.18
1.75
.92
.55
1.31
.73
.59
.24
.97
11
4
14
S
7
8
12
1
2
3
10
16
6
13
IS
17
9
$0.02
.02
.015
.026
.02
.02
.026
.02
.02
.02
.02
.028
.026
.02
.02
.036
.02
2
2
1
3
2
2
3
2
2
2
2
4
3
2
2
5
2
39
34
23
28
37
38
29
93
87
70
M
13
49
45
19
7
101
8
11
14
13
10
9
12
2
3
4
5
16
6
7
IS
17
1
Norway
Belgium
Netherlands . . .
Sweden
New Zealand.
Great Britain.
Switzerland . .
Germany
Italy
Denmark
Austria
Hungary
Russia
United States..
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
' Each telegram. ' Fixed charge per telegram plus charge for each word.
Tlie significance of the columns as to telegraph traffic development and mail development are
discussed in "C. As to Social Inefficiency or Inadequacy of Private Telegraph Systems," pages 20 to 22.
as to rates, Table Xo. 5 is incorrect, incomplete, and misleading, and the inferences drawn from it by Mr.
Lewis are not justified for the following reasons:
1. The comparison does not take into account differences in methods of counting chargeable
words.
2. The comparison does not include urgent rates for foreign countries.
3. The comparison covers foreign domestic rates only, whereas the international service is
more nearly comparable to that given in the United States.
4. The comparison of average receipts per message is misleading, due to the duplications in
counting international messages and the division of international telegraph receipts.
5. The comparison does not take into account the differences in the hauls of telegraph
messages.
6. The comparison does not take into account the element of differences in costs.
7. The comparison covers only nominal prices and nominal receipts per message ; whereas
the actual prices and the actual receipts per message can be ascertained only by including revenue
obtained by ta.xation to cover telegraph deficits.
8. Mail rates are not significant in comparisons of telegraph rates.
Each of these errors or omissions is discussed, in the order named, below.
Before taking up these errors in methods of comparison and in interpretation of telegraph rates,
it is desirable to make such corrections in Mr. Lewis' statistics as are required for a fair, accurate
discussion.
First, a word as to the terminology adopted by Mr. Lewis in this table. In connection with
rates, "number of words" evidently refers to the number of words permitted at the minimum charge;
"rate per word" obviously means "minimum charge"; and "rate each extra word" clearly should be
"rate per word additional to those allowed under the minimum charge." Furthermore, it is assumed
that the term, "average receipt per telegram," represents the average gross revenue per paid message,
as otherwise the figures would have little, if any, general significance.
With this terminology in mind, corrections are necessary in Mr. Lewis' statistics as to the num-
ber of words permitted at the minimum rates, as to the amount of the minimum charge, and as to the
average receipts per message.
13
NUMBER OF WORDS PERMITTED AT THE MINIMUM CHARGES.
Country. .-Xccording to Mr. Lewis The Facts.
Luxemburg" '> 10
Sweden" lU 5
Italy- 15 10
AMOUNT OF MINIMUM CHARGE.
Country. According to Mr. Lewis. The Facts.
Sweden" $0,134 $0,067
Italy" .193 .116
In Belgium"'* and The Netherlands"' the charge for excess words is quoted only for groups of
five words for telegrams of fifty words or less. Mr. Lewis has not noted this. The charge per excess
word in Italy is $.00965, as against $.01015 shown by Mr. Lewis".
.WERAGE "RECEIPT PER TELEGRAM."
(This table is not significant in comparisons with revenues per message in the United States,
for the reason given under "4" following.j
Country. Mr. Lewis' Figure. Best Figure Obtainable.
Luxemburg ?0.090 $0,090"
France .121 .173="
Japan .123 .14i;'
Norway .213''
Belgium .142 .137"
Netherlands .ISO .151"
Sweden .153 .159"
New Zealand .157 .155°
Great liritain .172 .177"
Switzerland .172 .140"
Germany .180 ACti"
Denmark 205 .144"
Austria 224 .169"
Hungary 251 .ISO''
Russia .390 .431"
United States .360
1. DIFFERENCES IN METHODS OF COUNTING CH.\RGEABLE WORDS.
It is obvious that no unqualified comparison of telegraph rates can be significant unless the
rules as to chargeable words are identical. As the American rules are absolutely different from
the foreign rules concerning words in addresses and signatures of telegrams, it is apparent that Mr.
Lewis has not taken into account a factor of vital importance in comparing American with foreign
telegraph rates.
The words of the address and signature are not charged for under Ainerican practice, with
minor exceptions as to signatures, whereas a charge is made for such words under European
practice"'. The nuniber of such words per telegrain that are free in the United States, but charged
for in Europe, is about eleven by the American counting rules, and about ten by the European
rules"-. Although it is true that the actual average number of words in the address and signature
is much less in Europe than in the L^nited Slates, it is noteworthy that the American method is
distinctly a part of the telegraph service to patrons, and that the European method forces the use
of code addresses.
The significance of the difference between the American and the European methods is in-
dicated by the fees which the foreign public pays for the registration of addresses. I'or exainple: —
Annual Charge for Registering
Country. Telegraph Addresses.
Great Britain" I 1-1 ($5.10)
Germany" M. 30 ($7.15)
France" Fr. 40 ($7.70)
Austria" Kr. 40 ($8.10)
It will be apparent from the above that in comparing Ainerican with foreign telegraph
rates, some method of taking into account the differences in the treatment of words in addresses
and signatures must be secured. Probably the most accurate method of doing this is to compare
the American rates for ten words of text, tiie address and signature being free, with the foreign
rates for twenty words, on the assumption that patrons in foreign countries will require, as in
the I 'nitcd States, an average of nt least ten words for the ad<lress and signature. Since, however,
the foreign practice restilts in addresses of an average of five words, by the use of registered
addresses, an additional comparison should be made between the American rates for telegrams of
ten words of text and those for foreign telegrams of fifteen words, including address, signature
and text. Such comparisons are given on jiage 14.
14
A further difference in methods of counting words relates to those in the text,
ican practice is liberal as compared with foreign practice. For example:
The .\mer-
Countrv.
New South Wales.
DuBois
Frank lort-on-Main
Europc.in Count"
No. of Wonls.
Americ.in Count
No. oi Words.
1
1
1
2. FAILURE TO INCLUDE URGEXT RATES FOR FOREIGN COUNTRIES.
The rates quoted by Mr. Lewis for foreign countries are for "ordinary," not "preferred,"
telegrams, whereas the rates quoted for the United States are for regular day messages — a prompt
service equal to the foreign "urgent" or "preferred" service. It should be noted that, as to the
United States, Mr. Lewis has made no reference to: (a) day letters (a non-urgent day telegram
subject only to the priority of day messages) ; (b) the night message, which is a reduced rate
for night service; and (c) the nigiit letter, a deferred night message^'.
It is not intended to imply that the American deferred services are exactly comparable with
the European deferred services, or that the preferred service in the United States and Europe are
exactly comparable. Nevertheless, the mere existence of an urgent rate in Europe indicates tliat
a high charge must be paid to secure the kind of service whicii the American systems are equipped
to handle as a matter of course. Hence, it is true that Mr. Lewis should have compared the Eu-
ropean "preferred" rates with the American day message rates, at least in addition to using the
European ordinary rates.
The following table has been prepared to remedy some of the omissions of Mr. Lewis'
Table No. 5. In preparing this table, the rates shown for foreign countries are for toi -words of
text, which are allowed under the American minimum rates, plus ten words of address and signa-
ture, the average used in the United States by European count, and charged for in Europe ; and
also for ten words of text plus five words of address and signature, the probable actual average
in Europe:
TABLE OF COMPAR.'KTIVE TELEGRAPH R.\TES FOR TELEGRAMS WITH TEN WORDS OF TEXT.
DOMESTIC RATES ONLY.
Country.
Lu.xemburg" . ,
France"*
Norway"
Belgium"
Netherlands" .
Sweden"
New Zealand"
Great Britain" ,
Switzerland" .
Germany"
Italy"
Denmark"
Austria**
United States .
United States .
Ordina
ry Kates
Preferred Rates
for 10 Wo
rds of Te.xt
for 10 Words of Text
.•\ddress and Signature
Address and Signature
Assumed to Average :
Assumed to Average :
10 Words.
5 Words.
10 Words.
5 Words.
$0,307
$0,136
$0,102
$0,407
.193
.145
No urgent rate
.268
201
.804
.603
.116
.096
232
.193
.141
.121
282
.242
.268
201
.804
.603
.20
.15
.40
.30
20
.131
No urgent rate
.154
.15
No urgent rate
.238
.179
.714
.536
.212
.164
.637
.492
.268
201
.804
.603
.244
.183
.731
.549
25
25
25
25
.30
.30
.30
.30
Rates in the L'nited States higher than 30 cents are not shown, as they apply to distances
greater than ordinarily obtain under the foreign domestic rates.
It will be observed from this table that the foreign ordinary rates in many cases approxi-
mate the American rates; and that tlie foreign urgent rates are from two to three times the
American rates in several instances, and are lower, even assuming an average of five words in
address and signature, in only two cases.
3. FAILURE TO INCLUT)E FOREIGN INTERNATIONAL RATES.
Mr. Lewis' Table No. 5 is misleading and incomplete, not only because of the omission of
"urgent" rates in foreign countries, but also because he has included only the domestic (i. e., in-
ternal) rates for European countries. His failure to include international rates is a matter of great
importance, because of the very small size of the European countries, as compared with the United
States, and because of the short hauls which European domestic rates cover. Detailed information
15
as to lengths of hauls is given under "5"' below ; but at this point it will be significant to give a
few European international rates in comparison v/ith domestic rates, to show that the international
rates are very much higher than the domestic rates.
COMPARISON OF INTERNATIONAL A\D DOMESTIC TELEGRAPH RATES FOR MESSAGES OF 15
WORDS, INCLUDING THOSE I.\ THE ADDRESS AND SIGNATURE, COMPARA-
BLE WITH AMERICAN 10 WORD, DAY MESSAGES.
From
c
n
o
^
>.
u
(A
rt
=
^
rt
V
C
c
ca
c
P
ot
c E
o c
o E
o^
o a
h1
1~ M
i- g
H«
HS
H-o
H£
Q
<
cs
o
d,
a
ffi
a
m
Austria"
Ordinary
Urgent . .
Belgium"
Ordinary
Urgent . .
Denmark**
Ordinary
Urgent . .
France"
Ordinary
Urgent . .
Germany"
Ordinary
Urgent . .
Holland"
Ordinary
Urgent . .
Great Britain"
Ordinary
Urgent ..
Sweden"
Ordinary
Urgent . .
Switzerland"
Ordinary
Urgent ..
$0,183
.549
$0609
1.827
$0,670
2.010
$0,609
1.827
$0,183
.549
$0,609
1.827
$0,822
$0,761
2284
.096
.193
$0,618
1.853
. . • •
.537
1.592
.357
1.071
.357
1.071
.241
.724
.589
.675
2.026
.201
.603
.750
2.251
.536
1.608
.683
2.050
.469
1.406
.643
1.930
.757
n
.271
.814
.145
.579
1.737
.362
1.086
.579
1.737
.434
1.303
.463
1.390
.579
.724
2.171
.179
.536
.179
.536
.357
1.071
.357
1.071
.428
1.285
.357
1.071
.535
.535
1.606
.121
.241
.603
1.809
.253
.759
.573
1.719
.482
1.447
.392
1.176
....
.603
.663
1.990
.150
.757
.606
.757
.606
.606
.606
.757
.201
.603
.724
2.171
.637
1.911
.281
.844
.724
2.171
.511
1.533
.637
1.911
.757"
.131
*
•
.574
1.723
.574
1.723
.386
1.158
.386
1.158
.574
1.723
.806
.675
2.026
*
$0,560
1.679
.643
1.930
.362
1.086
.357
1.071
.573
1.719
.757
.637
1.911
The rates in both directions frequently differ, due to the various monetary systems in Europe and to
slight differences in rates methods.
♦Not shown because Austria is divided into zones for purposes of international service with Switzerland,
It will be noted from this comparison of domestic and international telegraph rates that,
with tiie e.xccption of Denmark-Sweden, Austria-Germany and Switzerland-Austria, the interna-
tional rates are at least double the domestic rates; and that on none of the other international traffic,
even between points on adjacent borders not distant more than ten miles, is the rate as low as the
mininnnn rate in tiie United Stales, with the exception of Ilclgium-lloliand, which is about equal.
Indeed, it will be apparent that the rates for international traffic are, as a whole, inuch higher than
those in the United States, even for "ordinary" service; and immeasurably higher, for "urgent"
service.
4. AVERAGE RECEIPTS PER MESSAGE ERRONEOUS AS TO COMPARISONS W ITII
TIIE UNITED STATES.
Statistics of average receipts per message arc obviously intended to show an average charge
l)cr message to the patron, for use in comparisons; but such statistics are significant only when
compiled on the same basis. No sucli statistics, however, can be compiled on the same basis for
the United States and for European countries. Tiiis is due to the very great duplication in count-
ing international messages in Europe, and to the fact that the revenues from international messages
are divided between the administrations iiandling them in each case. For e.\ample, a telegram
passing from France to Sweden (via Germany) is counted as a message in France, in Germany
and in Sweden ; and the total revenue tiieref rom ( for transmission between the offices of receipt
and destination) is divided between these countries in about the following proportions: France
36%; Germany 287o ; and Sweden 36%". The ordinary (i. e., non-urgent) rate from Paris to
Stockholm for 15 words (including average of five for address and signature) is $.724, for a
16
distance of about 1,000 miles. The rate from New York to Chicago for 10 words of text (address
and signature not charged for) is 50 cents for about the same distance. In Mr. Lewis' statistics,
one message from Paris to Stockhohn is counted as three, at an average of about 25 cents each ;
but tlie message from New York to Chicago will be included as one message, at 50 cents. Similarly,
the rate for a message of 15 words (including five for address and signature) from Paris to
\"ienna, a ilistance of from 600 to 700 miles, is $.579. In Mr. Lewis' table such a message would
be treated as three messages (via Germany), at an average of $.193 each.
It will be apparent that Mr. Lewis' comparison is very greatly in error, both theoretically, (as
indicated above), and practically, due to the fact that the international traffic of European countries
is, in some cases, two or three times as large as the domestic traffic. This will be shown more fully
hereinafter, in connection with the analysis of Mr. Lewis' statistics of telegraph traffic develop-
ment.
5. EFFECT OF LENGTHS OF HAULS ON AX'ERAGE TELEGRAPH RE\^ENUES.
As is evident from the comparison of domestic and international rates, page 15, the Eu-
ropean international rates are higher than the American rates for similar distances. As to domestic
rates, however, the element of length of haul is a vital one, to which no attention is called by Mr.
Lewis. The longer average hauls in the United States would naturally make rates and revenues
per message higher than the respective domestic rates and domestic revenues per domestic message
in Europe. This, combined with the facts that the traffic is naturally short haul in Europe, and
that telegraph traffic is naturally long haul in the L'nited States (cue largely to higher telephone
development), shows that the conditions are so essentially different, as to make the comparisons
of American average revenues per message with European averages, without significance.
The importance of the factor of lengths of hauls is clearly indicated by the following:
(a) Comparative Areas and Distances in Foreign Countries and in the United States.
Country
Approx. Area
in Sq. Miles
Percent, of
U. S. Area
Approx. Maximum
.•\ir Line Dimension
Per cent.
Maximum
Air Line
Distance
to U. S.
United States" .
New Zealand . .
Austria
Belgium
Denmark
France
German Empire
Great Britain . .
Hungary
Italy
Luxemburg . . . .
Netherlands . . .
Norway
Sweden
Switzerland . . . .
3,026,789
KM.751
115.800
11.400
14.S00
207.000
208.800
121.400
125.600
110,700
998
12,600
124.100
172,900
16,000
100.0
3.5
3.8
.4
.5
6.8
6.9
4.0
4.1
37
.4
4.1
57
.5
3,000
800
800*
170
250
700
900
770
800*
730
50
210
1,000
960
200
100.0
29.4
26.6*
5.7
8.3
30.0
25.6
26.6*
24.3
17
7.0
33.3
32.0
6.7
♦This is the maximum east and west distance of Austria and Hungary combined,
(b) Significant Comparisons.
The average length of haul for Western I'nion telegrams is about 570 miles"" and there-
fore exceeds the maximum possible (not the average) haul in lielgium, Denmark, Luxemburg,
Netherlands "and Switzerland, the domestic rates of which Mr. Lewis compares with those
of the United States.
The averat^e leni^tli of haul on Western L'nion night letters is 1,025 miles "" and exceeds
the maximum possible domestic haul (i. e. air-line distance) in the principal countries the rates
of which are used by Mr. Lewis ; and the average haul on American niglit letters is nearly tivice
the average distance between the largest 47 cities in western Europe (600 miles"").
The average haul on domestic commercial telegrams in Belgium is officially stated to
be 42.5 miles"', .\ccording to the "Journal Telegraphiquc," domestic messages constitute about
66^1 of the total originating commercial messages in Belgium"-. Less than 5% of the Western
Union traffic is for hauls of 40 miles or less"'.
More than 90% of the telegraph traffic originating in Great Britain is domestic. The
mean distance between the largest cities in Great Britain is about 150 miles. More than 50%
of the business of the Western Union Company exceeds 200 miles"'.
17
From the above it will be apparent that Mr. Lewis should not have compared rates
in the United States with the domestic rates of foreign countries. However, the significance
of these facts may be more clear from a comparison of results in New Zealand and in Australia,
English speaking countries very similar in commercial and social aspects, but dittering greatly
as to area and distances between cities. The revenue per message in Australia was, in 1911,
$.26.°° It was, in New Zealand, in 1913, $.155.^' In both cases there was a heavy deficit
(see Appendix D) ; but the higher rates in Australia and the deficits, as stated hereinbefore,
are officially explained as due to the extent of territory and length of lines required."
6. DIFFERENCES IN COST OF SERVICE.
The wage schedules in the United States are much higher than those in foreign countries.
(See Appendix E). Moreover, government systems pay no taxes, whereas the private systems
contribute to the support of both national and local governments. These are elements of cost,
of great importance in comparing rates, which Mr. Lewis entirely disregards, without consider-
ing the effect of extent of territory and lengths of hauls on the cost of the business, even if all
other conditions were equal.
In other words, Mr. Lewis has assumed that the value of money is the same in all coun-
tries; whereas it is a matter of general knowledge that the value of money is much less in the
United States than in Europe. This is not only proven by the statistics given in Appendix E,
but by competent foreign investigators. For example, the British Board of Trade found that "the
money earnings of the workman in the United States are rather more than two and one-quarter
times as great as in England and Wales, and, since there is no proof that employment is more
intermittent in the United States than in this country, a much greater margin is available, even
when allowance has been made for the increased expenditure in food and rent.""
A candid .study of the values of money in European countries leads to the conviction that
the American telegraph rates arc not, in fact, higher than even the domestic deferred rates of Eu-
ropean countries ; and that the jircferrcd and international foreign rates are very much higher
than rates for similar service in the I'nited States — in fact, as to the latter, it has been shown
that this is true without consideration of the value of money.
7. TELEGRAPH DEFICITS.
In the preceding discussion of rates for telegraph service, the assumption that the nominal
rates or revenues from telegraph traffic represent the full charge for service, has been accepted;
but no conclusion in this matter can be reached without consideration of the financial results of
the telegraph service. This is necessary because, when a deficit is incurred, the nominal rates and
the nominal revenues do not indicate the full price of the service, but merely that portion of the
price which is paid by the telegraph patrons. The question of national policy, as to whether the
entire population or all the patrons of mail service should bear a part of tlie cost of the telegraph
service, the general or frequent use of which Is inevitably restricted by cost in every country to
certain commercial and social classes, need not be considered here. The purpose should be
solely to determine whether or not the rates and revenues used by Mr. Lewis, even after the many
corrections of fact and of statistical method which they require, are true statements of the charges
to the pul)lic for telegraph service.
It is certain that in many countries, and it is probable that in all countries, the telegraph
rates of which Mr. Lewis has used for comparative purposes, a heavy deficit is incurred in the
telegraph service. The following information supports this statement :
IS
TELEGRAPH DEFICITS.
(For additional information and for references and authorities, see Appendix D.)
Country.
Deficit.
"/c Delicit
to Revenue.
Note.
Austria
$i.8sb',666
3.500.000
4.053,771
67 1.43 i
799.266
313,212
23
45
30
62*
22
20
23
See Appcndi.x D
No information
See Appendix D
No information
No information
No information
See Appendix D
Domestic telegraph business
Including telephone tolls
Belgium
France
Great Britain
Italy
Netherlands
Norway
Sweden
Switzerland
Australia
New Zealand
♦Netherlands makes a serious attempt to treat the accounts of the postal services on a com-
mercial basis as a matter of permanent practice. In Australia, the figures were prepared by special
investigation.
8. COMPARISONS OF MAIL R.\TES WITH TELEGRAPH RATES.
Although the above analysis of Mr. Lewis' rate comparisoa is probably sufficient to show
tlie fallacy of his conclusions, for the sake of completeness some comment is necessary concern-
ing his use of mail rates as a criterion for telegraph rates.
It needs no general discussion to show that first-class mail and telegrams are so dis-
similar that there can be no significant relation between their cost. However, assuming that there
were a fi.xed relation between the cost of handling mail and of handling telegrams, the wide varia-
tion in the telegraph rates and revenue in the various foreign countries having a 2-cent postage
rate shows that the telegraph rates do not conform to such an assumed relation. For example:
the receipts per message (corrected as given on page 13) are, in Luxemburg 4>^ times the post-
age rate ; in France 8,'^ times the postage rate ; in Norway 8 times the postage rate ; in Denmark
about 5 times the postage rate, etc., so that there is apparently no approximately consistent rela-
tion between the two.
To summarize this analysis of Mr. Lewis' comparison of telegraph rates: It appears not
only that Mr. Lewis' comparison is incorrect and misleading, but that the facts positively justify
conclusions contrary to those reached by Mr. Lewis from his incoinplete study. The facts are
that the American rates for regular day message service are about equal to the foreign rates for
domestic deferred service ; and that the American rates are lower than the rates for the "pre-
ferred" service, and very much lower than those for international service of any kind. This con-
clusion is reached without consideration of the American reduced rates for the popular day let-
ters, night messages, and night letters.
Statement that Telegraph Rates in the United States Have Not Been Reduced Since 1888.
Mr. Lewis makes much of the assumption that telegraph rates in the United States have
not been reduced since 1888, as showing how absence of the '"public service motive," even with
competition, affects rates ; but Mr. Lewis is seriously in error even as to the facts concerning his
own country. The facts are as follows:
During the past 25 years rates in the western and southern parts of the United States (in-
cluding eastern rates to the west and south ) have been substantially reduced, and the tendency
for all rates has been downward, — without reference to the introduction of night letters (adopted
March 1, 1910) and day letters (adopted March 1, 1911). In fact as recently as July 1. 1912, the
Western Union Telegraph Company made substaitial reductions in 5,000,000 to 6,000,000 rates.
A brief history of telegraph rates in the United States and in Europe (ordinary rates)
is given in Appendix F.
In connection with his di.scussion of American telegraph rates. Mr. Lewis quotes a specious,
but unfair and misleading statement concerning the history of the Chicago and Milwaukee Tele-
graph Company and its rates. So far as this statement is used by Mr. Lewis to indicate the effect
of "the private motive" on rates and traffic, the following may be noted :
19
1. The Chicago and Milwaukee Telegraph Company was not organized for, and during its
entire history has done practically no general commercial telegraph business. It had no messen-
gers, and received and transmitted public commercial messages only by telephone. Its rate his-
tory does not apply to ordinary telegraph business.
2. Its business was of a purely speculative character in "puts'" and "calls" between the
floors of the Chicago and the Milwaukee Boards of Trade. Its messages were very short, en-
abling it to transmit, with a small force and a small plant, a very great number of messages within a
few hours; and it did not operate its business except during business hours.
3. It leased its wires at night to other concerns (Associated Press). As it had only tlie
Chicago-Milwaukee line, this was equivalent to obtaining revenue producing business at all hours
on its entire plant. In an extended public telegraph system this would obviously be impossible.
4. The rates of the Chicago and Milwaukee Telegraph Company could cover its expenses
(not including profit) only when the volume of the special type of business, for which its rates
were made, continued. Due to external factors, the "option" business between Chicago and
Milwaukee declined or ceased about 1900. Moreover, the company had not provided for de-
preciation under its rates, and had to reconstruct its plant about 1900-1902 with new capital. These
factors were largely responsible for the failure of the company in 1905. It is believed to have
been in substantially the same hands from the time of its organization until the appointment of
a receiver. Its failure is therefore, to be attributed partly to the fact that it had not during its
prosperous years provided for depreciation, but chiefly to the fact that its special type of business
declined for reasons other than those of competition.
5. The Chicago and Milwaukee Telegraph Company was taken by the Bell interests prior
to their association with the Western Union Telegraph Company, for the use of the telephone
business of the Chicago Telephone Company and the Wisconsin Telephone Company, and not for
telegraph purposes, nor for the benefit of any other telegraph company. Its rate history sub-
sequent to its bankruptcy is not related to the telegraph business as such, but solely to the feel-
ing that its owners could not be justified in incurring an absolute loss in a business which they
did not want, and never had wanted, and for which they did not purchase the property.
Tlie rate history given by Mr. Lewis, with its significant omissions, may be indicative
of the relation between rates and volume of traffic, although the special circumstances cited above
make even this doubtful ; but it may be pertinent to a general discussion of telegraph rates to point
out that it is generally considered contrary to sound public or private policy to subsidize stock
exchange and speculative transactions in futures for the sake of greater traffic of this character,
at the expense of the general public.
C. AS TO SOCIAL INEFFICIENCY OR INADEQUACY OF PRIVATE TELEGRAPH
SYSTEMS.
The preceding discussion has shown that the efficiency of private telegraph oficration is not
lower but higher than that of the government systems ; and that the rates for privately operated
telegraph aervice, all things considered, are lower than in foreign countries. However, in the
final analysis, the ilevclopment of the service and the adequacy of telegraph facilities are prob-
ably the most important tests of rates and efficiency. Tliis Mr. Lewis recognizes and emphasizes;
and he therefore attempts to support his criticism of efficieiKy of operation and of rates for service
with the further assumptions: (1) that the development of telegraph traffic in the United States
is relatively low ; and (2) that the facilities for the receipt of telegrams in the United States are
relatively restricted.
Assumption that Telegraph Traffic Development in the United States is Relatively Low.
Mr. Lewis bases his assumption as to telegraph traffic development on the following table,
which has already been discussed as to rates and revenues:
20
MR. LEWIS' TABLE KO. 6.
Ojuntry.
Number
of words.
Minimum rate and average receipt per
telegram.
Telegrams
per capita.
Rate
Per
word.
Each
word
extra.
Rank. Receipt.
Rank.
Num-
ber.
Rank.
Letter rates.
Rate.
Rank
Letters per
capita.
Num-
ber.
Rank
Lu.xemburg . ,
France
Japan
Norway
Belgium
Netherlands .
Sweden
New Zealand
Great Britain
Switzerland .
Germany ....
Italy
Denmark
Austria
Hungary ....
Russia
United
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
Do
States
10
io
IS
10
10
12
12
io
15
10
10
■$0,067
.0965
' AM
.0965
.1005
.134
.12
.1217
".0579
.119
.193
.130
'.075
.25
.30
.35
.40
.50
.60
.75
1.00
».0067
.0096
' '.6i34
.0193
.0201
.0134
.01
.01015
'.0048
.0119
.01015
.013
'.025
.02
.02
.02
.03
.03
.04
.05
.07
9
1
ii
2
3
10
6
7
4
5
12
8
13
14
).090
.121
.123
'.i42
.150
.153
.157
.172
.172
.180
.205
.224
.251
.390
.360
3
4
S
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
17
16
0.84
165
XO
148
1.25
1.19
.80
8.01
2.18
175
.92
.55
1.31
.73
.59
.24
.97
11
4
14
5
7
8
12
1
2
3
10
16
6
13
15
17
9
$0.02
.02
,015
.026
.02
,02
026
,02
,02
.02
,02
,028
,020
.02
,02
,036
,02
39
34
23
28
37
38
29
93
87
70
64
13
49
45
19
7
101
8
11
14
13
10
9
12
2
3
4
S
16
6
7
IS
17
1
'Each telegram. 'Fixed charge per telegram plus charge for each word.
From these statistics it appears that the United States ranks first as to development in
mail traffic, and ninth as to development of telegraph traffic; and the inferences are, that the devel-
opment of telegraph traffic under private operation is low, and that under government operation
in the United States the development of telegraph traffic would be high. These inferences are incor-
rect, and any conclusion drawn from these statistics would be erroneous, for the following reasons :
1. The European statistics are heavily "padded" in the following way: Most of the
countries of Euroj^e are small in area, so that a very considerable amount of telegraph traffic is
international ; but, in the statistics Mr. Lewis has used, an international message is necessarily
counted at least twice — once in the country where the message originates and once in the country
where it terminates; and if messages pass through one or more countries, they are also counted
in each country through which they pass. For countries similarly situated or of similar size,
this method of counting may be satisfactory in comparing one with the other; but this certainly
does not hold as to comparisons with the United States.
For purposes of comparing the development of telegraph traffic, it is fairly clear that only
originating paid messages should be used (collect luessages not being allowed in Europe), since
the commercial messages originating in each country indicate the extent to which the public uses
the telegraph service. The following statistics show to what extent Mr. Lewis' traffic statistics
are erroneous for comparative purposes:
Per Cent, of Originating
Domestic and International Per Cent, of Du-
Commercial Telegrams to plication in Mr.
Country. Total Telegrams Reported.'" Lewis' Statistics t
Luxemburg -50 100
France* y^ 37
Norway 50 100
Belgium! 26
Netherlands 65 54
Sweden 56 78
Great Britainf 89 12
Switzerland 49 104
Germany 76 32
Italy 75 33
Denmark 45 120
Austria 60 67
Hungary Ti 37
*Not including pneumatic tube messages, which Mr. Lewis has included, amounting to
10,000,000.'"
•Based on a total which includes a large number of railroad service messages properly not
included by Mr. Lewis.
tMr. Lewis' statistics for Great Britain include messages passing exclusively over the lines of
cable companies.'"
JThis is the percentage of the amount of traffic, improperly included in Mr. Lewis' statistics,
21
The facts shown above indicate that Mr. Lewis' European traffic statistics are from 12^
to more than 100^ in excess of those which should have been used in comparing the telegraph
traffic development of the European countries with that of the United States.
2. Mr. Lewis insists that the mail, telegraph, and telephone services are more or less in-
terdependent; and it has been indicated hereinbefore that the short haul telegraph service has
been supplanted in the United States by telephone service. Mr. Lewis, moreover, admits that in
Europe the telephone was taken over by the government largely to protect the telegraph reve-
nues,"° which can only be understood as indicating tliat the original policy was to restrict the tele-
jjhone so far as necessary to prevent loss in telegraph traffic. That this has been the case is shown
rather clearly by the fact that in Luxemburg, which has a ma.viinutn haul of only 50 miles, about
20% of the total originating commercial telegraph messages are domestic,*" and, therefore, of
the character which in this country are ordinarily sent by telephone. Hence, no comparison of
telegraph traffic development is, in itself, significant unless accompanied by telephone traffic de-
velopment statistics; apd. to be fully significant, mail development (first-class) should also be
included. For these reasons, mail and telephone traffic development statistics are shown, together
with the telegraph traffic statistics, in the following table:
FIRST-CL.'\.SS MAIL, TELEGRAPH, AND TELEPHONE TRAFFIC PER INHABITANT,
YEAR 1912.
Country
Population in
Thousands.""
Traffic per Inhabitant.
Mail."
I Telegrams'
Telephone.*" ( Total.
Austria
Belgium
Denmark ....
France (1911)
Germany
Great Britain
Hungary
Italy
Lu.xcmburg . .
Netherlands . .
Norway
Sweden
Switzerland . . ,
United States
29,056
7.570
2,790
39.601
66.640
46,122
21,213
34.890
265
6,078
2 422
5;604
3,841
96.299
56.5
50.8
58.7
43.5 (1912)
81.8
91.0'=
28.5
21.6
82.6
49.3
39.6
35.6
98.1
106.0'"
.50
.82
.62
1.15
.75
1.77'=
.48
.63
.57
.76
1.23
.49
.83
1.05*
12.55*=
18.23
81.24
8.36
34.89
23.81
9.59
9.93
18.45"
27.92
70.00
77 47
17.85'*
161.99
69.55
69.85
140.56
53.01
117.44
116.58
38.57
32.16
101.62
77.98
110.83
113.56
1 16.78
269.04
Telegraph messages do not include inward international messages; transit international mes-
sages; or service messages. Ten per cent, deducted from American telegraph statistics to avoid
duplications.
♦Estimated for all telegraph companies in tlie United States, less 10 per cent, to compensate
for duplicatipns and errors.
The following table shows the rank of each country as to mail, telegraph, and telephone
traffic development on the basis of the above statistics : —
Country.
Austria
Belgium
Denmark
I'rancc
Germany
Great Britain
Hungary
Italy
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway
Sweden
Switzerland
United States
Mail I Telegraph
Development Development
Rank I Rank
7
8
6
10
5
3
13
14
4
9
11
12
2
1
12
6
10
3
8
1
14
9
11
7
2
13
5
4
Telephone
Total
Development
DevclopmenI
Rank
Rank
11
10
9
11
2
■>
14
12
5
3
7
5
13
13
12
14
8
8
6
9
4
7
3
6
10
4
1
1
22
From these tables the following facts, pertinent to a comparison of the telegraph develop-
ment of the United States and Europe, may be noted:
The United States ranks fourth as to telegraph development in the face of the highest
mail and telephone traffic development in the world ; and is exceeded only by Great Britain,
which has but 15Cc of the telephone development and only 43% of the total communications de-
velopment of the United States ; by Norway, which has but 43% of the telephone development
and only 41% of the total communications development of the United States; and by France,
which has but 5% of the telephone development and less than 20% of the total communications
development of the United States.
Telephone traffic statistics are not published or compiled by the New Zealand and Aus-
tralian governments, but the telegraph develo|)mciit in New Zealand is probably high because of
the very low rate which produces a heavy deficit, as stated hereinbefore, and because of the very
low development in telephone toll traffic, as shown on page 51. The development in telegraph
traffic is without question due to special factors, since in .\ustralia, which is similar in character
and which also has deficit producing telegraph rates, the telegraph development is only 30% of
that in New Zealand.'^'
Assumption that Telegraph Facilities in the United States are Relatively Inadequate.
With reference to the assumed inadequacy of private telegraph facilities, Mr. Lewis quotes
the following statistics :
MR. LtSWIS' TABLE NO. 7.
Country.
Luxemburg
France
Belgium
Netherlands . .
New Zealand. .
Germany
Hungary
Sweden
Italy
Great Britain.
Japan
Switzerland . .
Russia
Norway
.\ustria
Denmark
United States*
Number of
telegraph
offices to
number of
post offices.
1 to 0.04
1 to 0.07
1 to 1.0
1 to 1.1
1 to 1.2
1 to 1.1
1 to 1.3
1 to 14
1 to 1.5
1 to 1.7
1 to 1.8
I to 1.8
1 to 2.0
1 to 2.2
1 to 2.2
1 to 3.0
1 to 7.7
♦Commercial offices, maintained by the companies.
in connection with which he makes the following statement:
"INADEQU.ACY OF EXTENSION."
"It has been suggested that substantially the entire
capital and current expenditures of the rival telegraph
company is wasted with reference to competitive territory.
The antonym of this condition is the absence of any tele-
graphic service at points which are unattractive to private
finance. There are 64,022 post offices and branches in the
United States and but 6,828 (1907) offices maintained by
the telegraph companies themselves, although they treat
some 22,282 railway-signal stations as telegraph offices.
Converting the railway telegraph into phone signaling is
reducing this rather doubtful claim for proper geographical
distribution of the telegraph service, where, with the rail-
way business having necessary precedence and amounting
to double that of the commercial companies, the citizen's
message, even where service was given, came as a third
and last attention. These telegraph offices are maintained
by the railways at their own expense and for their own
2.3
purposes, and would be quite as available for the postal
administration as they are now to the telegraph companies.
They can hardly be claimed as belonging to the service
rendered by the telegraph companies proper. And while
we are on the subject of giving the public the "advantages
of public ownership, without the manifest disadvantages,"
a comparison of the service rendered under postal ad-
ministration elsewhere and private financiering here may
be of interest."
This Statement and its associated statistics are directly misleading and absolutely erroneous
for the following reasons:
1. Mr. Lewis has included all classes of telegraph offices for foreign countries, but has ex-
cluded railroad and telephone telegraph offices for the United States. The percentage of rail-
road telegraph offices to total telegraph offices in some countries is greater than in the United
States, as shown by the following table: —
Country.
7o of Railway Telegraph Offices
(for commercial business)
to Total Telegraph Offices
1912.
Germany'^
Austria'*"
Belgium"
Denmark""
Hungary""
Italy"
Norway"*
Great Britain'"
Netherlands"*
Sweden"
Switzerland'"
Russia'"
France*"
Western Union, about
13
33.
2
68
48
24
26
60
3
17
21
49
16
53 (Nov. 30. 1913)
It appears from the above lliat the European governments use railway offices very largely
for telegraph purposes, althou,L(h the density of population in most cases is nuich greater than in
this country; and that in Denmark, Sweden, Russia and Ilungarj', the percentage of railway of-
fices exceeds or approaches the Western Union percentage.
2. Mr. Lewis has excluded the various telephone offices used for telegraph purposes for the
United States, but has included such offices for foreign countries. Statistics concerning such
offices are generally not published by the foreign governments, but the facts which follow con-
cerning New Zealand illustrate the unfairness in Mr. Lewis' statistics, which cover only directly
operated Morse offices in the United States. The Annual Report of the New Zealand Administra-
tion for 1910 states, as to total telegraph offices: "Of these, 300 were telegraph offices and 1,663
were tclei)hone offices."'" Probably this means that only 300 were Morse operated offices'" (the
only kind Mr. Lewis has used for the United States).
3. In eliminating all offices except directly operated Morse offices for the United Slates, Mr.
Lewis infers that the service from the offices excluded is inferior. The facts concerning delays
in transmission in various types of foreign telegraph offices are not available ; but so far as the
adequacy of facilities to the public is concerned, the length of hours of telegraph offices is a very
significant factor which Mr. Lewis has overlooked; and one as to which the following statistics
are pertinent, as showing that the telegraph companies give a more complete .service than the
governments : —
24
German Empire"*
Austria*"*
Belgium"
Great Britain"*"
Norway"
France (1911)""
Hungary'**
Netherlands"
Sweden"
Switzerland"
New Zealand (1910)'
Australia (1911)'"....
Per Cent, of Total Offices, 1912—
Open
Complete or Prolonged
Limited
Day and Night.
Day Service.
Day Service.
1.3%
17.87o
80.99fc
1.2
8.4
90.4
1.0
26.0
730
1.5
3.5
95.0
.3
10.0
89.7
.1
5.3
94.6
1.2
14.1
84.7
.7
169
82.4
1.6
AXO
55.4
.3
19.4
80.3
0.0
9S.0t
5.0
2
50.0
49.8
Western L'nion Company"";
Open day and night 19.3%
Open midnight or later 5.9
Open until from 10 p.m. to 12 midnight 6.4
Western Union offices open later than
10 pm 31.6
'Covers government offices only.
tThis percentage should be read in the light of tlic statistics as to hours of telephone opera-
tion in New Zealand, page 29.
Tlie term "Complete or Prolonged Day Service" is not defined in the "Journal Telc-
graphiqiie," from which the above statistics for foreign countries are derived ; but, in general,
"Complete or Prolonged Day Service" does not extend beyond 10 o'clock p.m. Most of the Tele-
graph Administrations do not give, in their annual reports, statistics as to the hours of service
of their telegraph offices. In the case of Switzerland, however, full information of this character
is given, and will serve to indicate the significance of the comparison shown above.
TELEGRAPH OFFICES— SWITZERLAND, 1912.*'
No. of Offices with Continuous Service 6
No. of Offices Open until 10 p.m 17
No. of Offices Open until 9 p.m 359
No. of Offices Open from 7 or 8 a.m. until 12 m., and from 1 p.m. to 8;30 p.m 84
No. of Offices Open from 7 or 8 a.m. until 12 m. and from 2 p.m. to 6 p.m., and from 8 p.m.
to 8 :30 p.m 1,908
Total 2,374
From these statistics it appears that the Western Union Company:
a. Has a very much higher proportion of all-night offices than any government.
b. Has, in proportion, a greater number of all night offices only, than the all-night and
"complete or prolonged day" offices, combined, in either Austria, Great P.ritain, Norway,
France, Germany, Hungary, or The Netherlands.
4. The above is significant on the assumption that the number of telegraph offices in
the United States is relatively as great as in Europe. This Mr. Lewis disputes on the basis of
statistics which exclude all but directly operated offices in the United States, which, as has been
shown, should be included.
Mr. Lewis, however, believes that the assumed inadequacy of telegraph facilities in the
United States is attributable to the lack of the "public service motive." In this connection it
is pertinent to note that in Great Britain, at least, many Post Office telegraph offices are main-
tained by local community or personal guarantees, "under which the guarantors agree for a term
of seven years to pay one-third of any sum whereby the telegraph recipts may fall short of the
annual cost of maintenance." The latest statistics indicate that there were 900 such offices in
Great Britain in 1913, and that 65% of the telegraph offices added during the year were opened on
this basis.'" A similar practice is in effect in Switzerland.""
25
5. . As is shown above, Mr. Lewis should have included all telegraph oflfices in the United
States, regardless of the method of operation or the financial basis on which tliey are conducted.
Mr. Lewis states the number of post offices and branches as 64,022, and, although this includes
post offices in Alaska, Hawaii, etc., where the American land line companies do not operate, this
figure may be used. The number of Western Union Offices on October 31, 1913, was 36,491.
Estimating the number of telegraph offices of other telegraph companies at 5,000, there are, say,
42,000 telegraph offices in the United States; or 1 telegraph office to L52 post offices, against 1
telegraph office to 7.7 post offices, according to Mr. Lewis. The fact is that, in relation to post
offices, there are more telegraph offices in the United States than in Great Britain, Japan, Swit-
zerland, Russia, Norway, Austria, Denmark, or Australia (the latter is 1 to L8; not shown by
Mr. Lewis'").
From the above it is clear that, in spite of the area covered and the high development
of telephone facilities in the United States, its telegraph facilities are not restricted ; and are, in
fact, better than in many of the most important countries referred to by Mr. Lewis.
Summary as to Telegraphs.
Mr. Lewis' propositions concerning telegraphs were: that the institutional efficiency of private
telegraph systems was relatively low ; that their rales were relatively liigli ; and that the develop-
ment of their service was relatively low. These propositions he attempted to prove by various
assumptions which were erroneous. In rebutting his assumptions and conclusions, it has been
shown :
1. That high efficiency in the United States Post Office has not been demonstrated.
2. That the efficiency of the private telegraph organizations is not relatively low, but rela-
tively high.
3. That the theoretical savings in routine operations under postalization could be secured
only by curtailment of service.
4. That the theoretical savings in administration of telegraphs under postalization could
not be effected, and are not effected when governments operate the telegraph.
5. That the theoretical savings in rent umlcr postalization are small and doubtful of actual
accomplishment in practice.
6. That rates of private companies arc not high as compared with domestic foreign rates
as a whole for similar sersice.
7. That rates of private companies are lower than those of governments for similar
service on international lines.
8. That i)rivate companies have reduced their rates considerably during recent years, a
fact which escaped Mr. Lewis' observation.
9. That government rates, though not lower than private rates, result in heavy deficits.
10. That the telegraph traffic development in the United States is high, and, in view of
the great telephone development in the United States, is exceedingly high.
IL That the facilities for telegraph service are not poor in the United States, but, length
of hours of offices considered, are probably the most adequate in the world.
II. TELEPHONES.
Mr. Lewis' discussion of telephones is directed to the proof of three propositions: (A)
the relative inefficiency of private telephone operation; (R) the relatively high prices of private tele-
phone service; and (C) the social inefficiency or inadequacy of private telephone systems; and his
statistics and arguments will be anaylzed under these headings.
26
A. AS TO THE RELATIVE INEFFICIENCY OF PRIVATE TELEPHONE SYSTEMS.
Mr. Lewis' only support of his assumption of low institutional efficiency of the Bell Com-
panies is the following table:
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 8.
Telephone operalifc efficiency.
Country.
Norway
Russia
Belgium
Netherlands (municipal)
Sweden
Denmark (private)
Italy
Netherlands (private)
United States (Bell Co.)
Norway (private)
Switzerland
Netherlands (State)
France
Luxemburg
Denmark
Germany
Austria
New Zealand
Great Britain
Hungary
Japan
Phone calls per
employee per
annum.
146,
114,
98,
9.
79,
79,
67,
65,
58,
50,
47
38,
34
854
659
715
.251
142
000
727
181
134
751
.328
,912
018
Rank
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Postal units per
employee per
annum.
32,414
85,819
35",837
42,947
60,65 i
37,562
53.621
33.097
40.321
38,930
37.236
30,528
28,696
26,056
23,025
21.820
Rank.
The fallacy of conclusions drawn from these statistics is indicated by the analysis of Mr.
Lewis' Tables No. 1, 2, and 3, hereinbefore, in the discussion of which it is shown that the statistics
of postal efficiency are not correct; so that, so far as Mr. Lewis draws conclusions from the as-
sumed rank as to postal efficiency, such conclusions are unsound.
In general, the discussion of Mr. Lewis' statistics as to postal and telegraph efficiency cover
his similar statistics as to telephone efficiency. However, the statistics of telephone efficiency are
erroneous for the following additional reasons:
1. Mr. Lewis apparently derived his statistics of telephone efficiency from the "Journal
Telegraphique." A study of the data which he used shows that he neglected the fact that the
figures on the "total number of employees'' given in that source arc generally qualified in explan-
atory notes (see page 7), and that those qualifications render the figures absolutely unsuit-
able for Mr. Lewis' purpose ; for to show "telephone operative efficiency," the whole number of
telephone employees must be considered, as Mr. Lewis admits by his assertion that "all kinds of
employees of the telephone and post are included in the statement."
The following are the facts concerning Mr. Lewis' errors in this respect:'*'
Norway — State System. The long distance staff is largely joint telephone-telegraph.
Statistics used by Mr. Lewis include only exclusii-ely telephone employees; and hence also do not
include executive officers and staflfs.
Belgium. Joint telephone-telegraph employees are not included in the statistics used by
Mr. Lewis (see also page 7).
Sweden. The statistics used by Mr. Lewis exclude all telephone plant employees, account-
ing employees and all employees of the executive department.
Switzerland. The statistics used by Mr. Lewis exclude 24 apprentice operators, CA7 op-
erators who have other work in addition to telephone duties, and 222 auxiliary operators.
27
France. Mr. Lewis' statistics include only such employees as devote tlieir entire time to
telephone work.
Italv. The actual computation for Italy, from statistics in the "Journal Telegraphique,"
gives an efficiency of 38,490 calls per employee ( 1910) as against 67,727 per employee quoted by
Mr. Lewis.
Netherlands. The statistics used by Mr. Lewis include operators only.
Bell Companies. The efficiency of the Bell organization, including all employees, and
equated by Mr. Lewis' method, was 72,000 calls per employee in 1912, as against 58,134 quoted by
Mr. Lewis.*
It will be apparent from the above, even assuming that Mr. Lewis' method and his data as to
traffic are correct, that the "telephone operative efficiency" of the foreign countries named above
is far below that shown in Table No. 8.
2. Mr. Lewis' statistics of conversations are widely in error, due to his assumption that
one toll or long distance conversation is equal to four local conversations. No broad equation
of toll traffic in this manner is possible. For example: The amount of operating work in-
volved in a long haul toll conversation is ordinarily much greater than for a short haul toll
message. Again, the amount of labor involved depends upon whether there is a direct circuit
between the terminating points, or whether it is necessary to engage the time of several operators
in "building up" the circuit desired. Moreover, there is a very great difference in the kinds of
toll calls. In the case of one class of toll calls, known as "particular person" calls, the calling sub-
.scriber asks to be connected with a particular person at the distant point, in which case the operators
not only have to obtain the telephone at which the called subscriber will presumably talk, but also
to secure the particular person desired before the conversation can begin. In the case of a
second class of toll calls, generally known as "two-number" calls, the calling subscriber asks to
be connected with a specified telephone, and if a particular person is desired, must himself
secure the person after the connection is established, or, if the person is not there, must give his
instructions to whoever answers at that telephone.
In Europe generally the two-number system only is used, so that the operators perform
merely tlie functions of establishing a connection with the called telephone. In the United States
the particular person type of toll service is usually given, so that the function of the operators is
not merely to establish a connection between two telephones, but to secure for the calling sub-
scriber a particular person. That this class of calls is more expensive to handle is evident from
the fact that a special charge is made for this type of service in at least Denmark'*', Norway"',
and Sweden'".
For these reasons an average "toll" call cannot even be approximately equivalent in dif-
ferent countries.
3. There is a serious duplication in the counting of toll conversations in the European
statistics. This is due in two causes: (a) tlic method of counting international messages; and
(b) the practice of counting as a separate conversation each rate unit of time (usually three
minutes) or fraction thereof used in a conversation.
(a) The reasons for the duplication in counting international telegraph messages
arc given hereinbefore, in connection with the discussion of telegraph rates and telegraph
traffic (lcvck)])mcnt (sec pages 15, 20). A similar duplication necessarily exists as to inter-
national telephone traffic, each conversation being counted as one or more messages in the
country in whicli the message originates, the country in which it terminates, and, in some
cases, the country through which it passes. In the case of telegraph messages, this dupli-
cation is very apparent in Mr. Lewis' source, the "Journal Telegraphique," since such mes-
sages are classified as "international outward," "international inward," and "international
transit." In the case of telephone messages, how'evcr, this duplicntion is not apparent except
by tracing the statistics beyond the source which Mr. Lewis has used. For example:
♦However, Mr. Lewis also quoted the fig^iire 65,287, in another connection.
28
The figure for interurban conversations given in the "Journal Telegraphique" for
Belgium is 1,816,793'*= (1910). This agrees with the statistics given in the Annual Report
of the Belgian Telegraph Administration, where it is shown, however, tiiat this total includes
464,044 international messages including both incoming and outgoing messages.^"
It will be apparent that the amount of this duplication in most European countries is
considerable, as in the case of telegraph messages ; and that it results in a very serious infla-
tion of the "units" per employee in Mr. Lewis' "efficiency" statistics, where a single toll con-
versation is counted as four "units."
ibl In most countries the unit period of toll conversation is, as Mr. Lewis shows,
three minutes. In most European countries, however, each three miinites or fraction thereof
of an actual conversation is counted, for statistical purposes, as a separate conversation.
This is not the American practice, so that Mr. Lewis' statistics for foreign countries are
again inflated. This statement needs no further substantiation than a (luuialion from the
instructions of the International Telegraph Bureau, accompanying the form on which the
statistical returns are made by the various governments for publication in the "Journal Tele-
graphique." The instruction is as follow : —
(Translation) "Each interurban conversation is counted as a unit, independently
of the number of central offices through which it passes, if it is completed within the
unit period of time authorized under the rate system used. If it (the conversation) ex-
tends beyond this period, it is counted as many times as there are rate periods.'"**
In the United States from 25% to more than 50% ot the toll conversations extend
beyond three minutes, and from 3% to 10% extend beyond six minutes, varying with the
length of haul ; but each message, regardless of duration, is counted as one message. This
indicates how serious the duplication in the European method of counting is, in comparisons
with toll traffic in the United States. In Sweden the number of rate units used is 31% higher
than the number of actual conversations.'*'
4. The term "phone call." used by Mr. Lewis, is not defined. The statistics for the Bell
System cover completed conversations or messages only ; but it is possible that those for foreign
countries include attempted calls, since the record of completed conversations is obtained only by
deducting from this total of calls, completed and attempted, the percentage, determined by careful
observations, of calls not completed because: (a) the called subscriber does not answer; (b) the
called subscriber's line is busy; etc.* Hence, the statistics for the Bell System are compiled
under the most restrictive definition — in fact, a much broader definition is used for routine admin-
istrative purposes in determining the efficiency of operation. The significance of this state-
ment is indicated by the fact that the Census Bureau in quoting statistics of telephone con-
versations in the United States for 1912 (in published advance sheets) states in a note that
those for the Bell Companies include only completed conversations whereas those for other com-
panies probably include uncompleted conversations in addition. In view of these facts, and
in the absence of specific information to the contrary, it is pertinent to question whether or not
the foreign statistics are comparable with those used for the Bell System.
In central oflSces in exchanges having more than one central office, calls must be classified,
to determine the efficiency of each central office, into outward or originating calls, and into termi-
nating or inward calls, since a large proportion of the calls pass from a subscriber in one central
office to a subscriber in another central office, thereby requiring the attention of operators in both
central offices. The Bell statistics include outgoing completed messages only, regardless of the
number of central offices involved. It is probable that the foreign statistics include originating calls
and inward trunked calls,t especially as the International Telegraph Bureau has found it necessary
in giving instructions, concerning the compilation of statistics of interurban conversations,
specifically to state that the number of central offices through which the calls pass should not
be considered in counting messages.
*This refers to total calls of an exchange. Completed conversations for individual subscribers under
message rates are determined by registers or by making tickets. .
tThe duplication is of course similar to that encountered in the foreign method of countmg international
messages.
29
5. Mr. Lewis' assumption, that a local call is the same in all countries, is unwarranted.
In addition to differences due to various types of equipment and methods of operating, an impor-
tant difference relates to the number of calls which are trunked. This chiefly depends upon the
number of central offices in the exchange area. Calls which must be passed from one central office
to another require the services of two operators. Due to the very high development in the
United States, especially in the large cities, it is probable that the percentage of calls trunked
is much higher in the United States than in Europe.
Another difference in the labor value of local conversations relates to the hours of service.
It is a general practice in the United States to give service during all hours day and night, and
on all days. This means that a considerable number of employees must be provided during late
night hours largely for occasional and emergency service, and that these employees handle rel-
atively few calls. Under the government systems very few exchanges have night service, so that,
other things being equal, the operative efficiency would tend to be less, on the basis of Mr.
Lewis' statistics, in the United States than in foreign countries. Hence, Mr. Lewis' statistics, in
effect, tend to penalize the Bell Companies for their much more complete public service. That
this factor is one of great i:nportance. not only as affecting "operative efficiency," but as regards
utility of service to the public, is indicated by the following statistics concerning the hours of tele-
phone operation in several foreign countries : —
SWITZERLAND.'
Hours of Service.
%of
Total Offices.
With continuous service
. . ■ .
3.5
42.0
8.0
46.5
From 6 a.m. to 9 p.m
From 7 a.m. to noon, and from 1 p.m. to 8:30 p.m
From 7 a.m. to noon, and from 2 p.m. to 6 p.m., and
from 8 p.m.
to 8:30 p.m
100.0
NEW ZEALAND."
Hours of Service.
7oof
Total Offices.
With continuous service (week days)
Open later than 5 p.m., but not after midnight.
Open from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. only
Open more than two hours on Sunday.
Open two hours or less on Sunday...
Not open on Sunday
Not open holidays.
6J
34.1
59.6
100.0
7.4
79
84.7
100.0
80.0
Sweden.
There are only 75 central offices, in 2,064 central offices and switching stations, giving day
and night service; and in many of the exchanges where all-night service is given, a special message
charge is required for each conversation during night hours.""
Belgium.
In what is known as the "Brussels Group," which consists of the city of Brussels and en-
virons, and which has over one-third of the tcKphones in the entire country, there are 23 central
offices, of which only two are operated day and night. Of the remainder, 19 are open only from
7 a. ni. to 9 p in., one is open until 8 p. m., and one until 7 p. m. Those which are open all night
are offices within the city of Brussels."'
The above facts indicate, very clearly, not only that Mr. Lewis' statistics of operative efficiency
are erroneous because of the elimination of large numbers of employees in foreign telephone serv-
ice, because of the duplications in the count of toll messages in foreign countries, because the method
of equating traffic is not even roughly approximate, because of the jirobable differences in methods
30
of counting 'local messages, and because local messages cannot be even roughly equated for foreign
countries ; but also that, under government systems, there is not given the broad, full service which would
secure tlie highest utilization of the system on which Mr. Lewis lays so much stress, although, possi-
bly, their practice of limiting hours of service very largely to the daylight period may assure full loads
for operators while on duty. Even under these conditions, the evidence makes it clear that the number
of calls per employee in the Bell Systeir is much greater than in any other country.
However, there are other facts available wiiich are more indicative of the institutional ef-
ficiency of the private systems. Of these, perhaps the most significant are those relating to the cost
of ])lant under government ownership; for if it costs a government more per unit to build plants, in
spite of the differences in price levals, it is obvious not only that the constructive efficiency of the
governments is inferior, but that inevitably this inefficiency must result in unnecessary bunlens on
the public, either through rates or through taxation. The following statistics show the average in-
vestment per station of the various systems. These statistics are all official, tiiough not all published:
AVERAGE INVESTMENT PER TELEPHONE."*
January 1, 1913.
Country.
Average Investment
per Telephone.
Austria
Belgium
France
German Empire
Hungary
Luxemburg
Switzerland
Australia
United States (Bell)*.
$211
276
257
178
192
176
190
163
153
♦January 1, 1914.
In Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Italy and The Netherlands telephones are operated under both
private and public management ; but, inasmuch as the governments own the toll lines but do not
own all the telephone stations using such lines, and as the companies own large numbers of stations
but few toll lines, the investment statistics for these countries would of course not be significant.
B.
AS TO THE RELATIVELY HIGH PRICES OF PRIVATE TELEPHONE SERVICE.
Mr. Lewis' assumptions concerning telephone rales relate to those for both exchange and toll
service. Regarding rates for exchange service, he introduces tables purporting to show that the
average exchange rate per message is higher in the Bell System than under government operation;
that the rates for local service in large cities are high under Bell operation and low under govern-
ment operation ; and that Bell rates are exorbitant, as shown by the history of rates under competi-
tion and by comparisons of rates in competitive and non-competitive exchanges. Concerning toll rates
he gives a table purporting to show that American toll rates are very high as compared with govern-
tnent toll rates. These tables are analyzed below.
Assumptions as to Foreign and Bell Exchange Rates.
Mr. Lewis first shows a comparison of "local " rates, by which he means the average exchange
revenue per local message. With these rates he compares letter rates, and show-s the percentage by
which the telephone "rate" exceeds or is exceeded by the letter rate.
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 9.
Letter and local telef'hone rates.
Country.
Norway (private)
Sweden
Japan
Norway
Russia
Hungary
Denmark (private)
Austria
Italy
Germany
Netherlands
Belgium
Switzerland
United States (Bell Co.).
Luxemburg
France
Letter
rate
Rank.
Local
Letter
exceeds
rate.
rate.
phone
rate.
per cent.
1
$0,004
$0,026
550
2
.005
.026
420
3
.005
.015
200
4
.006
.026
333
5
.007
.036
414
6
.009
.020
122
7
.010
.026
160
8
on
.020
80
9
.013
.028
115
10
.015
.020
33i
11
.015
.020
33J
12
•.015
.020
33 J
13
.017
.020
17
14
.021
.020
ts
IS
.024
.020
t20
16
.024
.020
t20
•Belgium, 1911. fPhonc rate exceeds letter rate.
31
Mr. Lewis states, in connection with this table, that the inference which may be drawn from
the rank of the Bell rates is not to be explained on the ground that the United States postal rates
are too low. "It yields, in fact, a profit of just one-third." The reliability of this statement is sug-
gested in the discussion of postal deficits, pages 2 to 4, hereinbefore.
Even if it were assumed that these statistics are correct, this table could not be construed as
supporting an argument for government ownership, because, according to Mr. Lewis, private com-
panies in Norway rank first as to low rates, because the private companies in Denmark rank higher
than several important government systems, and because the Bell rates, as shown by Mr. Lewis, are
exceeded in the government systems of Luxemburg and France. In general, these statistics exclude
so many factors that no attempt to answer them in detail is warranted, particularly as accurate statis-
tics which are significant and which indicate the actual situation, are given independently hereinafter,
and are the best answer to such a vague comparison. However, for the sake of completeness, the
following facts may be helpful in correcting any unwarranted impressions they may give :
1. Mr. Lewis' statistics are in error as follows : The Bell figure should be $.017 (1912),
which is below the postage rate; and the Switzerland figure should be $.028.'" These facts are of
some importance as they give the Bell Companies a better rank than the government systems of
Luxemburg, France, and Switzerland.
2. Such slight significance as attaches to these statistics is destroyed by the very doubtful
character of the data as to local conversation in foreign countries, discussed on page 28.
3. The letter rate is not an index either to the cost or the value of the telephone message.
Telephone service and mail service are so dissimilar that no comparison of prices is significant.
The wide variation in the relation of the telephone rate to the letter rate in those countries where
the government operates both services proves this.
4. If Mr. Lewis intends to use the letter rate as a standard of value, the wide variations
in the telephone rate in countries like Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and Belgium, where
conditions are substantially alike, show that the letter rate cannot be so used.
5. On the basis of Mr. Lewis' own statistics, it is apparent that, as a whole, rates are lower
where private companies operate. Of the six countries having a rate of $.01 or less, as shown by
Mr. Lewis, four, namely, Norway, Sweden, Russia, and Denmark, are very largely operated by
private companies. Of those in which the rate is more than $.01, as shown by Mr. Lewis (ex-
cepting the United States), there are only two out of eight, Italy and The Netherlands, in which
private concerns operate.
Mr. Lewis also gives the following statistics, from which he draws no general conclusions,
but which arc intended to indicate that the rates in the United States are high as compared with
government rates.
32
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 10.
Table gh-itig atmual tariffs, fl.il-ratc sen-ice. for leading cities of different countries.
Christiania $2L44
Stockholm ' ' * 24 44
The Hague ..'.'.'.'.'. 2o 00
Copenhagen 32.00
'f ol^) o 34.00
Auckland, New Zealand ' 34 09
New Haven 84 00
Cincinnati ....'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 100 00
Oakland, Cal 84.00
Philadelphia *gQ qq
Chicagot ■ •84;00
Denver 138.00
Amsterdam 36.00
Rotterdam 36^00
Berhn 4j 20
Budapest 57.90
Paris 77 20
London 82.79
Boston ' ■ ■ 125.00
Seattle 90.00
Washington 168.00
Baltimoret 174 00
San Francisco 180.00
New Yorkt 228.00
American average exceeds foreign average 300 per cent.
•Competition.
tRecently this rate raised to $125; competition presumably removed.
JBaltimore and New York limited to 5,400 and 5,700 calls.
This comparison is misleading and incorrect, because:
1. It is a comparison of rates in exchanges having exclusively unlimited service with those
having chiefly, or exclusively, message service. Mr. Lewis admits that such a comparison does
not warrant definite conclusions, and for this reason gives a second table (Table No. 11) in which
rates in what purport to be exclusively message service exchanges are compared. However, it
may be well to note, in connection with Tabic Xo. 10, that llat rates are quoted exclusively only
in The Hague, Tokio, Auckland, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Budapest, and Paris; and that in none
of the cities named are the Bell Company rates exclusively flat rates.
2. The rates compared are maximum rates, whereas in most flat rate cities not more than
10% of the subscribers pay maximum rates, and in message rate exchanges less than l^o pay
the maxirnuni quoted charge, excluding Private Branch Exchange subscribers.
3. A comparison of minimum rates would be more significant because, in many cases, the
minimum rate is used by tlie plurality of subscribers, and because it indicates the availability of
the service. In this connection it may be noted that, whereas the mean maximum American rate is
$133.02 and the mean maximum rate in the foreign cities is $43.46 (as shown by Mr. Lewis), the
mean minimum rale in the American cities is $23.17 as against the mean foreign minimum rate of
$28.80. The minimum rate of the American cities includes at least 365 messages per annum,
whereas in two of the European cities the minimum rate includes no outward service.*
4. The statement that the Chicago rate has recently been increased to $125, "competition
presumably removed," is incorrect. The rate of $84 is a flat rate of the independent company
still operating; and the $125 rate of the Chicago Telephone Company has been in elTect for many
years, and was authorized by the Chicago City Council after complete public investigation in 1907.
Under the Chicago telephone rate ordinance of 1913, this flat rate of $125 was abolished as to all
new subscribers, and in its stead a rate of approximately $125 for not more than 6.000 mcssa.trcs
was established. It should be noted that no change in rates in Chicago has ever been made as a
result of competition. It is also important to note that the rate of $84 is the only rate quoted by
the independent company for business service, and that more than f>0% of the Chicago Bell
business subscribers-f pay less than the independent company's minimum business rate.
♦Stockholm and Copenhagen
tNot including Private Branch Exchange subscribers.
33
5. Air. Lewis' Table No. 10 consists of a list of cities not selected with regard to size,
population, or the number of telephones. It is a matter of general knowledge that rates in large
exchanges must be higher than in small exchanges. I-"or example, tlie rates of the Post Office in
London are higher than in the provinces; the rates in Berlin are higher than in other German
exchanges ; the rates in Paris are higher than in other cities in France.
6. A comparison of the rates in the foreign exchanges, named by Mr. Lewis, having
unlimited service exclusively, with those in the L^nited States of similar size having unlimited
service exclusively, shows that the foreign rates are higher:
Comfarison of rates in exclusively flat rale exchanges.
Foreign Exchanges"* Named by Mr.
Lewist
Bell Companies. |
Name
of
Exchange.
Number
of
Telephones
Ma.ximum
Rate.
Minimum
Rate.
Name
of
Exchange.
Number
of
Telephones.
Maximum
Rate.
Minimum
Rate.
%of
Subscribers
Paying
Not More
Than Foreign
.Minimum Rate.*
The Hague
Tokio
11,594
34,910
5,892
14,341
12,442
24,567
95,033
$36.00
40.50
38.88
46.00
44.00
60.90
7720
$24.00
31.50
16.61
46.00
34.40
60.90
77.20
San Antonio
Omaha
Terre Haute
Rochester . .
St. Joseph..
St. Paul....
New York. .
Philadelphia.
Chicago . . .
11,231
33,358
4,328
14,010
12.094
23,426
483,653
133,523
308,177
$60.00 $18.00
72.00 24.00
42.00 18.00
48.00 24.00
60.00 24.00
72.00 24.00
♦*$36.00 and $42.
1 18.25
78%
79%
77%
81%
94%
Under $77.00
00 79%
90%
91%
.\uckland
.Amsterdam . . .
Rotterdam ....
Budapest
Parist
24.00
JThere is no exchange in the United States having 95,000
telephones or more, with exclusively unlimited service, so
that the minimum rates of New York, Philadelphia and
Chicago are shown for comparison with Paris rates.
**For Manhattan ; lower rates in other parts of the city,
minimum $24.00.
*The per cent, of subscribers paying not more
than the foreign minimum rate, is based on main
stations, excluding private branch exchanges, coin
boxes and public pay stations.
fThcse rates include "entrance fees" where
charged and therefore represent the cost of service
for the first year.
Recognizing some of the inconsistencies in Table No. 10, Mr. Lewis also quotes the following
statistics of rates in message rate exchanges:
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 11.
Hales per call for measured service in principal cities of the world.
Country.
Per call.
2,000 calls.
5,000 calls.
10,000 calls.
Switzerland, Berne
Covington, Ky
$0.0140
.0450
.0184
.0500
.0197
.0490
.0200
.0400
.0200
.0450
,0216
.0450
0240
.0555
.0294
.0648
.0197
.0493
$0.0116
.0360
.0100
.0336
.0106
.0366
.0140
.0280
.0160
.0360
*.0086
.0360
*.01S4
.0420
.0197
.0487
.0123
.0371
$0.0100
,0238
.0060
.0312
.0086
.0283
.0120
.0240
.0100
.0330
♦.0043
.0330
*.0077
0400
.0171
.0265
.0085
.0300
Belgium, Brussels
Baltimore, Md. . .'.
Australia, Sydney
Washington, D. C
Italy, Rome ....
New Orleans, La
Austria, Vienna .'.
Cincinnati. Ohio
Germany, Berlin
Boston, Mass
France, Paris
New York, N. Y
Denmark, private
San Francisco, Cal
Average postal telephone rate .-..
Average American telephone rate
American rate exceeds postal (per cent.)
167
150
200
250
215
250
American rate exceeds Australian (per cent.)
'Computed on flat rates.
This comparison is erroneous and misleading for the following reasons:
1. It is not a comparison of rates for message service, for the rates in effect in Brussels,
Rome, Paris, and Vienna are not message rates. Hence, four out of the eight foreign cities
should be excluded since, as Mr. Lewis admits, flat rates cannot be compared properly with
message rates.
34
2. ^^'hen both flat rates and message rates are quoted, Mr. Lewis uses whichever is the
cheaper in computing his statistics for foreign cities (for example, in BerUn) ; but in preparing his
statistics for some American cities (Boston, Cincinnati, and New Orleans) he has not done this.
3. The exchanges compared vary so widely as to the number of telephones, as shown by
the following table, that in most cases no comparison of rates could be significant :
JANUARY 1. 1913.
FOREIGN CITIES
COMPARED WITH
City
Telephones""
Telephones
City
Berne
Brussels
Sydney (1912)
Rome (1911)
5,113
57 186
Covington, Ky. (Part of
Cincinnati, ()., exchange)
Baltimore, Aid.
Washington, U. C.
New Orleans, La.
Cincinnati, O. (including
Covington)
Boston, Mass.
Xew York
San Francisco, Cal.
.Average
21,470
51 170
22,000
10,049
47,297
18,882
Vienna
Berlin
56,747
57,186
1+4.543
95 033
1S5,703
as.^ r.i ^
Paris
Copenhagen
.Average
50 802 i 107 702
50.720 1 131,656
4. The rates in Berlin do not include night service, for which a special charge of about 5
cents per night message is made both to message rate and flat rate subscribers. It should be
noted that this charge is in addition to any charges which would apply on day messages. ''" A
very large amount of traffic is handled during night hours in large American cities, so that ob-
viously no comparison could be made between the Berlin rates and those of any American city.
5. The comparison relates only to rates for individual line business service. On what
basis it is assumed that a comparison of rates for this class of service only is supposed to be
significant, is not clear. As a matter of fact iiie rate for this service is not only the hig/-est,
but is also, from the standpoint of the public, among the least important. Not only do the very
great majority of the subscribers in Bell exchanges receive service at lower rates, but the great
majority are residence subscribers who receive service at very much lower rates.
It will be seen from all of the above that Mr. Lewis' Table No. 11 is not significant in any way.
As a matter of fact, a comparison of this general type that covered even the chief factors of im-
portance in the respective rate schedules would be so intricate as not to permit any general con-
clusions therefrom.
A General Comparison of Foreign and American Exchange Rates.
Mr. Lewis has attempted to indicate the general relation between American and foreign ex-
change rates by isolated comparisons. As has bei-n shown, his methods and the specific rates selected
were far from correct; but such detailed comparisons must necessarily fail as a basis for general
conclusions. As it is intended to give the facts pertinent to the phase of the government ownership
question under discussion, however, an attempt is made below to supplement the criticism of Mr.
Lewis' statistics and conclusions, as completely as brevity and the technical character of the subject
will permit, with general information indicating the ultimate efYect of government ownership on tele-
phone exchange rates as a whole.
1. It should be noted not only that Mr. Lewis' comparisons of rates, with the exception
of Table No. 9, are without significance because of the comparison of flat rales with message
rates, and of rates in large exchanges with those in small exchanges, but also that no comparison
of rates for a specific class of service is significant Although this fact is more fully developed
in the discussion of Mr. Lewis" Tables Nos. 12 and 13, following, it may be noted here that
rates for residence service in foreign countries, relatively to business rates, are much higher than
in the United States, so that where a superficial analysis might indicate, in some cases, that the
foreign business rates were somewhat lower than in the United Stales, a further analysis would
35
show the foreign residence rates in comparable exchanges to be much higher than in the United
States. It is a matter of general knowledge that American residence rates are much lower than
business rates; but in many foreign countries, for example in France, Switzerland, and Germany,
there is no distinction between business and residence service. That this is a factor of great
importance in rate comparisons is indicated by the fact that in American cities practically no
residence subscribers pay an amount as high as the only rate available for government service
in Paris ($77.20), and that in Chicago there are more residence telephones than there are tele-
phones of all kinds in the entire Paris exchange (95,000), and that some 140,000 of these Chicago
residences pay a rate $50 lower than the Paris rate.
2. A more serious error of omission on the part of Mr. Lewis is his failure to compare
rates for any except large cities. Rates under government operation do not show a close adapta-
tion of schedules to the cost and value of service, because, for one reason, the governments gen-
erally show little interest in the development of the service except in large cities, and, consequently,
are inclined toward a standardization of one schedule for all exchanges, regardless of size or, at
most, to have no more than two or three schedules. Thus, in Switzerland there is one schedule
for all exchanges regardless of size ; and although this has proved almost disastrous both to
development and to tlie revenues, it does make possible the burdening of the smaller places for
the advantage of the larger, where costs and values of service do not warrant subsidization.
The broad policy of the Bell Companies has been to afford telephone service in all parts
of their territories ; and their rates have been such as to develop the country districts as well
as the urban communities. Although a broad study of foreign rates indicates that the govern-
ment rates are relatively higher for residence service even in large cities (Paris and Brussels, for
example) than in the United States, it is particularly true that in the great number of small
places the rates in the United States are lower, even in actual currency, than in the foreign
countries as a whole. A complete exposition of this fact is possible only in an extended dis-
cussion which would be necessarily technical in nature; but a comparison of the character of
telephone development in the several countries will serve to indicate the essential correctness of
this statement.
TELEPHONES PER ONE HUNDRED POPULATION IN URBAN AND RURAL TERRITORIES"'
Country
Austria
Belgium
France
German limpire
Great Britain . .
Hungary
Italy
Netherlands . . .
Sweden
Switzerland ....
Average of above Countries.
United States
Exchanges of i Exchanges of
over 100,000 | less than 100,000
Population Population
2.6
18
2.3
4.6
2.6
2.6
1.2
3.0
17.7*
6.0
3.16
11.44t
.30
.36
.47
1.20
.75
.25
.14
.74
2.46
1.85
.67
8.17
Per cent. Rural
to Urban
Development
11.5
20.0
20.4
26.1
28.8
9.6
11.7
24.6
13.9
30.8
212
71.4
♦Due largely to private operation in Stockholm.
tBell stations only included. The percentage is slightly in error for this reason.
From this table it is apparent that, poor as is the development in the larger European cities,
even this development is attained at the expense of a far more impoverished rural development.
In the light of telephone experience, this relative restriction of country service must be attrib-
uted chiefly to high rates for small exchanges, and perhaps, in part, to an inadequate service. This
fact is corroborated by the statistics as to revenues per station earned by the government sys-
tems. In some cases the revenues per station are considerably /iiV/irr than those of the Bell
System, although in view of the clieaper labor, absence of tax burdens, freedom from legal
responsibility, and the really very small exchanges in large cities, they should be expected, as a
whole, to be very much less than in the United States. The facts concerning the actual ex-
change service revenues per telephone of the various government systems where there is no pri-
vate operation arc as follows:
36
AVERAGE EXCHANGE REVENUE PER TELEPHONE"
Country.
Austria, 1^12
Belgium, 1911
France, 1912
German Empire. 1911
Great Britain.' 1912
Hungary, 1912
Switzerland. 1912
New Zealand, 1912
Australia. 1912
Average for Foreign Countries. .
Bell System, 1912
.•\vcraye
Exchange
Revenue
per
telephone.
~"$24.'.)(r
39.05
28.01
22.69
32.60
30.81
18.43
24.44
28.53
$2682
$30.93
•Not including municipal systems.
In Belgium and Great Britain the exchange revenues per telephone exceed tliose of the Bell
System; and tliat of Hungary is about equal to that of the Bell System, so that no special
comment is needed as to their rates. With reference to the other countries, however, whose
average revenues appear to be lower than those of the Bell System, there are several important
but simple factors involved, which will be made clear below. One of the chief considerations is
that of the size of the exchange operated. As stated previously, it is generally well known that
rates in large exchanges are necessarily higher than those for small exchanges. Unbiased evi-
dence of this is given in the fact that the government rates in large exchanges are higher than
in small exchanges, despite the governmental tendency toward inflexible rate systems. Thus the
rates in London are higher than elsewhere in Great Britain ; those in Christiania are higher than
those in other Norwegian exchanges; those in Paris higher than those in other French cities;
and so on. Hence, it would logically be expected that the average revenues per station in coun-
tries having a srnall number of large exchanges would properly be less than in a country having
a large number of large exchanges, other things being equal. With this in mind it is important
to note that none of these countries have more than a few exchanges of any considerable size,
whereas the Bell has many such exchanges. The significance of this fact may be more clear from
the following table:
Country
Austria'"
France"*
German Etupire"^
Switzerland'"
New Zealand""
Bell System^
Australia — No information obtainable.
No. of Exchanges
of more than 5,000
Telephones
2 •
4
3St
4
1
96
Largest
Foreign
Exchange
Vienna
Paris*
Berlin
Zurich
Auckland
-Vo. of Bell
F.xchanges Larger
than Largest
Foreign Exchange
9
5*
3
46
86
*In every one of the five American exchanges larger than Paris, the average revenue per telephone is
considerably less than the minimum rate in Paris.
tThere are only three exchanges in Germany with more than 30,000 telephones, as against 24 in the Bell
System.
tCities of more than 50.000 population only arc used. There are several small cities with more than
5,000 telephones.
In addition to the above, it should also be noted that there are 2,852,907 telephones in
the Bell System exchanges in cities in the United States of more than 50,000 population. This is
more than all the telephones in all the countries for which revenue statistics are shown above;
yet, despite the fact that the Bell System carries this large number of telephones in large ex-
changes, where the expenses of operation arc much higher, the average revenue per station of
the Bell System is only about $4 higher than the average of all the countries named, in absolute cur-
rency values.
3. Although a comparison of the telephone rates of government systems and of those of
the Bell System, as given above, shows that the Bell rates are not higher than those of the gov-
ernments in terms of currency, the full significance of this fact lies in the consideration, not only
that the Bell System has developed both the large and the small exchange business, but also that
the service is far more adequate in scope and quality than in the government systems. The facts
37
concerning the quality of service cannot be stated in statistical terms except on the basis of
scientific service observations which are not obtainable for foreign countries; but the facts con-
cerning the adequacy of the service are more fully known.
Of these facts the most significant in relation to rates are those concerning the hours of
service. It has already been shown, page 29, that tlie hours of telephone operation in the great ma-
jority of the exchanges of New Zealand, Switzerland, Sweden, and Belgium are so short as to
impose serious limitations on the emergency value of telephone service in all except ordinary
business hours, and, except in a few exchanges, to limit the use of the telephone during evening
and night hours and on Sundays and holidays. .-Mthough the information concerning this factor
in rates and service, in New Zealand, Switzerland, Sweden, and Belgium, will serve to indicate
the general conditions of foreign service, it is important to note, for completeness, that similar
conditions are found in Austria, Germany, France, Great Britain, and Australia. This state-
ment is based on the following general information:
Austria: "As a rule, the hours of offices (telephone exchanges) conform to those of the
telegraph offices. Centrals with more than 100 main stations (i. e., subscribers) have at least
full day service (in summer frum 7 a. m., in winter from 8 a. m., to 9 p. m.).""" This statement
is significant in view of the facts that only 1.2% of the government telegraph offices are open all
day and all night, and that only 8.47o of such offices have complete or prolonged day service."*
Germatty: As mentioned above, a charge is made in all German exchanges for night tele-
phone calls. Since not all exchanges are open at night, rates are also quoted for connecting two
subscribers' lines continuously during the hours when the central offices are not operated; or for
giving a continuous connection during the hours when the subscriber's central office is not oper-
ated, with some distant central office that will be open during such hours.""
In this connection, it should be noted that even in places of 30,000 inhabitants, service is
not given after 9 p. m., and, although the people complain of this, the government does not act.
Ilcrr Wcndel, in the Reichstag on February 21, 1913, described the condition in the following
words (translation) :
"I cannot forego to speak here about the wish expressed by one of our Electoral Districts. I
refer here to Freiburg. There the entire telephone service is interrupted at 9 o'clock p.m. Five min-
utes after 9 o'clock it is impossible to oblam a telephone connection. Now the Town Council of
Freiburg has addressed the Postal Administration and asked for the introduction of night telephone
service. The Postal Administration has refused the request. It is true that Freiburg is a very
pretty, idyllic, and quiet town, and I am glad of it; moreover, the night is not man's friend. I admit
this; but it must also be remembered that not all citizens of p-reiburg go to roost with the chickens,
and a sudden sickness, accident, fire — any kind of trouble — may require a quick telephone call for
a physician, or for a fire brigade, just as much after 9 o'clock p.m. as prior to that time. It seems
to me indefensible that a city of some 30,000 inhabitants should be deprived of telephone service
at 9 p.m., and it is the duty of the Postal .\dministration to get quickly in touch with the Postal
Direction of Freiburg or the Upper Postal Direction of Dresden in order that this justifiable re-
quest of the inhabitants may be granted.''"'
Even in the day time, in many instances, the German telephone service is discontinued.
Kraetke, Secretary of State for the Imperial German Post Office, with reference to this in-
adequacy of the German service, s])oke as follows in the Reichstag on February 21, 1913 (trans-
lation) :
"I have listened to the wish that our telephone exchanges should also be kept open during the
noon hours. I wish to state that the various authorities have been instructed to exert themselves along
this line. In accordance with the reports which are before me, I can state that jO'/o of all our tele-
phone exchanges give service between 12 m. and 1 p.m. In this connection it has also been stated
that it is a mistake that neighboring exchanges stop service at various noon hours. I have also
asked the various Telephone Directions to consider this request, as otherwise our telephone exchanges
are not as valuable to the people as they might be.""'
Great Britain: There are many .exchanges in small places which do not have continuous
day and night service, the break of service being from 10 p. m. to 4 a. m. or 5 a. m."^
France: Small exchanges are closed. two hours at noon, after seven o'clock at night, and
after ten o'clock in the morning on Sunday."' In some of the larger places like Limoges (popu-
lation 92,000) all-night telcjihone service is given, but only because the Chamber of Commerce
pays for the expense, which it meets through subscriptions from the municipality, from newspa-
pers, and from the general public."* Nimes (population 80,000) has no telephone service after
midnight."*
38
Australia: "Hours of Attendance. When tlie revenue from subscribers' lines and ser-
vices connected to any exchange is less than at the rate of £150 per annum, attendance at that
exchange shall be given only during the hours for which the office in question is usually open
for the transaction of public business * * *.
"In calculating the revenue for the purpose of this regulation * * * revenue from
any trunk line connected with the exchange shall not be included.""'
4. Although a study of the foreign rates shows that the rates of the Bell System are,
on the whole, lower than those of the foreign governments, a comparison of rates in terms of
currency values is not fully significant; for the purchasing power of money in the several
countries varies to such an extent that absolute rates do not indicate the comparative avail-
ability of the service to the public. An attempt to equate exactly the telephone rates of the
various countries in terms of the purchasing power of the charges is practically impossible,
but for purposes of comparing real telephone rates, an equation based upon the wages paid to
operators should be significant and approximately correct, especially since the wages of operators
constitute a ver\- large part of the cost of telephone service. In the following table, the ex-
change revenues per station are equated on the basis of the wages of switchboard operators
in the principal cities of each country after three years' service :
THE RE.\L AVERAGE EXCHANGE REVENUES PER STATION IN TERMS OF EQUIVALENT
AMERICAN DOLLARS.'"
Country.
Austria
Belgium
France
German Empire
Great Britain . .
Switzerland . . .
Real
average
exchange
revenue.
$75.60
114.80
63.60
49.40
59.30
27.50
Bell System ' $30.93
5. The facts concerning foreign telephone rales, all things considered, disclose that
the rates of the Bell System are lower than those in foreign countries. In three cases (Switzer-
land, Australia, and New Zealand), however, it has not been made clear that this is true, although
a consideration of the very small exchanges operated in these countries obviously warrants the
opinion that the differences in rates are properly to be expected. However, in the case of
Switzerland, where the equated revenues are S27.50 per station as against $30.93 for the Bell
System, it may be noted that there is a deficit of about 140^ in the telephone service, so that the
true rate is about $31.35 per station, and therefore higher than that of the Bell System. (See
Appendix D.)
In the cases of Australia and New Zealand, statistics as to wages have not been available,
but it is generally supposed that the price levels in these countries and in the United States
are approximately the same. The Australian service, however, results in a deficit of about 259?;
(see Appendix D), so that the cost per telephone for exchange service is about $35.67
as against the nominal average revenue of $28.53, and the average of the Bell System of
$30.93.
In New Zealand, the average telephone rate is, of course, low assuming that the wage
level is equal to that in the United States, and making due allowance for the extremely small
average size of the exchanges operated ; but these rates cover a telephone service probably more
restricted as to hours of operation than in any country in the world, the average length of
hours of operation probably being less than ten hours per day.
Mr. Lewis' Comparison of Rates in Competitive and Non-Competitive Exchanges.
In connection with his discussion of exciiangc rates, Mr. I,ewis prcsent.s the following tables,
said to have been provided by a competitor, concerning Bell rates with and without competition,
and purporting to show that the Bell rates without competition are much higher than under com-
petition :
39
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 12.
A rival of the Bell system gives the following table of
comparative rates before, during, and after competition,
presumably flat rates :
Bell rate after
competition
Bell rate
Bell rate
wiped out or
City.
before com-
during com-
Bell found it
petition.
petition.
impossible
to kill com-
petition
Richmond, Va...
$72
$12
$72
York, Pa
n
15
48
San Jose, Cal.. . .
60
30
60
Dubuque, Iowa..
48
24
48
Winona, Minn...
48
12
48
Savannah. Ga...
36
18
36
Mobile, Ala
64
18
48
Lynchburg, Va.. .
65
12
48
Roanoke, Va
30
30
48
Norfolk, Va
40
40
60
Oswego, N. y...
45
30
36
Kenosha, Wis
30
30
42
Iowa City, Iowa.
42
24
36
Tampa, Fla
30
30
54
Average rate.
$49
$23
$49
MR. LEWIS' TABLE XO. 13.
Postal telephone rates. like mail rates, are uniform for
similar services. The following table of the same rival
gives the rates of the Bell system for some 60 cities,
graded from the highest to the lowest populations. The
letter (c) indicates competition. The depressing influence
of competition on the rates is obvious:
No.
Cit>
Population.
1
2
3
4
S
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
IS
16
17
18
19
20
21
21
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
Zl
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
New York. N. Y..
Chicago, 111
Philadelphia, Pa...
St. Louis, Mo
Boston, Mass
Cleveland, Ohio...
Baltimore, Md
Pittsburgh, Pa
Buffalo, N. Y
San Francisco, Cal.
Cincinnati, Ohio. . .
Washington, D. C.
Los Angeles, Cal.. .
Seattle, Wash
Indianapolis, Ind.. .
Providence, R. I.. .
Rochester, N. Y
Denver, Col
Portland, Ore
Toledo, Ohio
Oakland, Cal
New Haven, Conn.
Memphis, Tenn
Scranton, Pa
Richmond, Va
Hartford, Conn
Trenton, N. J
Springfield, Mass..
Wilmington, Del...
Des Moines, Iowa.
Norfolk, Va
Savannah, Ga
Portland, Me
Johnstown, Pa
Altoona, Pa
Springfield, 111.....
Rlobile, Ala
Springfield, Ohio..
York, Pa
Sacramento, Cal.. .
Berkeley, Cal
San Diego, Cal....
Dubuque, Iowa. .. .
Tampa, Fla
Roanoke, Va
Jackson, Mich
Decatur, 111
Lynchburg, Va
San Jose, Cal
Newport, R. I
Fresno, Cal
Everett, Wash
Burlington, Iowa. .
Alameda, Cal
Oswego, N. Y
Stockton, Cal
Kenosha, Wis
Winona, Minn
Helena, Mont.. . ... .
Iowa City, Iowa..
2,331,542
2.185,283
1,549,008
687,029
670,585
560,663
558,485
533,905
423,715
416.912
364,463
331,069
319,198
237,194
233,650
224,326
218,149
213,381
207,214
168,497
150,174
133,605
131,105
129,867
127,628
98.915
96,815
88,926
87,411
86.368
67,452
65,064
58,571
55,482
52.127
51.678
51.521
46,921
44,750
44.696
40,434
39.578
38,494
37,782
34.874
31,433
31.140
29.494
28,946
27,149
24.892
24.814
24.324
23.383
23,368
23.253
21.371
18.583
12,515
10,091
Rate.
$228-a
84-c
90-c
78-c
125
72-c
174-b
80-c
72-c
180
100
168
63-c
90
54-c
80
48-c
138
72-c
48-c
84
84
48-c
42-c
72
84
36-c
63
46-c
60
60
36
60
30-c
30-c
36-c
48
36-c
48
72
84
48-c
48
54
48
30-c
30-c
48
60
60
60
48-c
72
84
36
60
42
48
60-c
63
.Vote (a): Limited to 5,700 calls; Manhattan district
only. Note (b) : Limited to 5,400 calls.
Twenty- four cities, averaging 342,486 in population, pay
an average rate of $53 under competition, wliile the remain-
ing 36 cities, averaging 188,629 in population, without com-
petition, pay $81. Even where competition is absent there
docs not appear to he any rational order of rates. Stock-
ton, Cal., with 23,253 population, pays the same rate ($60)
as Des Moines, Iowa, with 86.368. and pays twice as much
as Johnstown. Pa., with 55,482 population, and only $24
less than Chicago, 111., under competition.
40
Mr. Lewis' conclusions from a study of tiicse tables arc apparently: (1) that Bell rates are
exorbitant where there is no competition; and (2) that there is an unjustifiable lack of uniformity
in Bell rates, whereas postal rates are uniform for the same service. With reference to Table No.
12, it should be noted :
1. The table is directly mendacious in that the columns sliowingf Bell rates "before com-
petition" and Bell rates "after competition wiped out, or Bell found it impossible to kill compe-
tion," are for the highest grade of business service; whereas the rates shown in the column "Bell
rate during competition" are in no case, except for Kenosha, Wisconsin, rates for the highest
grade of business service, but are in most cases for a lower grade of residence service; and
in some cases, like York, Savannah, and Norfolk, the rate stated has not been quoted for any
kind of service. The rates given as in effect before and after competition are in several instances
incorrect. In the column "before competition" the rates shown for Norfolk and Savannah
were not quoted for any class of service, and the rate shown for Winona was quoted for a
party line service. In the column "after competition wiped out, etc.," the rate shown for
Norfolk was for individual line flat rate business service, while individual line message rate
business service was available at $24.00 less per annum ; the rate shown for Savannali was a
residence rate ; and the rate shown for Winona was not quoted for any class of service.
2. The rates of the following exchanges named have been decreased, instead of increased,
after competition has ceased :
Richmond, York (still competitive), San Jose, Dubuque, Savannah, Mobile (still com-
petitive), Lynchburg, Oswego, and Iowa City. Rates have been increased by the Bell Com-
pany in no case, with the possible exception of Winona.
3. Such reductions as have been made in rates after the introduction of competition
have, in most cases, been similar to those made at about the same period in non-competitive
exchanges.
4. The statistics given by Mr. Lewis are not only incorrect as quoted in these instances,
but the inferences which he draws or wishes drawn are not justified in general. A study of
the rate history in exchanges where former competition has ceased, in places of more than 10,000
population, shows the following:
BELL RATES AFTER CESSATION OF COMPETITION.
No. of % of
Exchanges. Exchanges.
No change in rates 47 51 T
No increase in rates in 3 years 3 3V86
Rates decreased 30 32 J
Rates increased w ithin 3 years 13 14
Total 93 100
The above statistics cover exchanges where competition ceased prior to 1913. The total
number of such exchanges in places of more than 10.000 population is about 140, and those
eliminated in compiling the above table were not used because of no record, incomplete record.
Bell exchange sold, or facts of doubtful interpretation.
41
With reference to Table No. 13 it should be noted :
1. That the rates quoted purport to be the Bell rates for individual line business service;
but the rates quoted are not Bell rales for such service in the following instances: Chicago,
Philadelphia, Cleveland, Minneapolis, New Orleans, Denver, Memphis, Dayton, Spokane, Tren-
ton, Wilmington, Springfield, O., San Diego, Jackson, Decatur, and Burlington.
2. The rates compared are those for flat rate, mixed flat and message rate, and ex-
clusively messai^e rate exchanges. Mr. Lewis admits that a comparison of flat rate and mes-
sage rate schedules is incorrect and misleading.
3. The exchanges are apparently compared on the basis of population and not on the
basis of the number of telephones ser\'ed. The following statistics will indicate how mislead-
ing the comparison is in this respect:
STATEMENT ILLUSTRATING COMPARATIVE SIZE OF EXCHANGES ASSOCIATED IN THE
COMPARISON.
Development Statistics as of January 1, 1913.
COMPETITIVE RATES.
COMPARED WITH—
City. Company.
No. Telephones.
^'°- City
Telephones. ^"y-
Chicago Bell
Ind.t
Philadelphia Bell
Ind.t
308,177
21,000
133,523
21,000
366,596
New York (Manhattan and part of Bronx)
Buffalo Bell
Ind.t
32,231
18,000
107,702
.... San Francisco
Indianapolis Bellt
Ind.t
28,000
14,000*
35,365
. . . .Denver
Rochester Bellt
Ind.t
14,010
14,000
44,810
26,250
Seattle
Providence
Memphis Bell
Ind.t
11,575
3,000
40,267
Oaklandx
Scranton Bellt
Ind.
10,661
3,000
16.022
17,939
12.891
16,180
New Haven
Syracuse
. . . .Birmingham
.... Richmond, Va.
Trenton Bell
Ind.t
7,967
3,000
14.819
Hartford
Wilmington Bell
Ind.t
9,255
3,000
15.502
16.074
Sprinfificld, Mass.
Des Moines
Johnstown Bellt
Ind.t
2.015
5,500
9.908
Portland, Me.
Springfield, O BclU
Ind.:
5.750
4,000
40,267
Berkeleyx
Everett Bellt
Ind.t
2,167t
2.200
40,267
Alamedax
♦Includes Broad Ripple.
tindicates the exchanges, the rates of which arc used in the comparison.
•Bell rate, $48.00; Independent rate not known.
tAs of October 1, 1912.
xOakland, Berkeley; and Alameda constitute one exchange.
5. In comparing rates in mess.ige rate cities, the maximum quoted message charge is
used. This is grossly misleading, since less than one per cent, of the subscribers pay the
maximum quoted message charge, or more, in any exchange. It would be more significant to
quote the minimum message charge, since from 30% to 50% of the development in a given
class of .service is secured at the minimum rate. In this connection the following comparison
is significant: —
42
R.\TES FOR IXDIVIDU.\L LINE BUSINESS SERVICE. AS QUOTED IN CERT.MN
COMPETITIVE CITIES, AND THE MAXIMI'M AND .\1IXIMU.\1 RATES FOR
THE SAME CLASS OF SERVICE UNDER MESSAGE RATE SCHED-
ULES IN THE NON-COMPETITIVE CITIES.
C0MPETITI\t.
NON-COMPETITIVE.
(For Slime Class of Sen-ice.)
City.
Rale Quoted.
City.
Maximum Rate.
Minimum Rate.
Chicago
$84.00
9000
72.00
72.00
63.00
54.00
48.00
46.00
48.00
$228.00
174.00
180.00
168.00
100.00
96.00
13S.00
8().00
63.00
72.00
$48.00
39.00
60.00
39.00
48.00 (for local
service only)
50.00
48.00
40.00
39.00
42.00
Philadelphia
Qcveland
San Francisco
Washington
Cincinnati
Buffalo
Los Angeles
Indianapolis
Denver
Rochester
Providence
Wilmington
Springfield (Mass.) .
Sacramento
San Diego
6. Rate schedules can be considered only as a whole, and specific rates cannot be com-
pared for general purposes. The comparison quoted by Mr. Lewis contemplates the highest grade
of service only, whereas the minimum rate for business, and particularly the minimum rate for
residence service, are more important. The error of Mr. Lewis' comparison in this respect
is shown by the following: —
STATEMENT OF MINIMUM RATES IN CERTAIN CITIES WHERE MAXIMUM RATES
WERE SHOWN IN THE COMPARISON.
CoMPETiTi\-E Cities.
NON-COMPETITIVE CiTIES.
City.
Company.
Minimum Rates.
Minimum Rates.
City.
Business. | Residence.
Business. 1 Residence.
St. Louis
Bellt
Ind.
$36.00
60.00
$24.00
24.00
$36.00
30.00 '
$24.00
nd
2100
Boston
Geveland
Bell
Ind.t
42.00
36.00
18.00
24.00
24.00
24.00
Baltimore
Buffalo
Bell
Ind.t
42.00
36.00
24.00
24.00
12.00*
1825
San Francisco
Los Angeles
Bellt
Ind.t
3600
36.00
18.00
18.00
3000
36.50
27.37
30.00
18.25
1825
Washington
Cincinnati
Milwaukee
Indianapolis
Bellt
Ind.t
42.00
42.00
18.00
24.00
36.50
1825
Denver
Rochester
Bellt
Ind.t
42.00
40.00
24.00
24.00
£4.00
27.38
. 24.00
18.25
Seattle
Providence
\f eiTiDhis
Bell
Ind.t
48.00
4«.00
30.00
30.00
48.00
18.00
Oakland
Wilmington
Bell
Ind.t
36.00
46.00
24.00
21.00
48.00
39.00
24.00
25.00
Des Moines
Springfield (Mass.)
Bell
Ind.t
42.00
42.00
18.00
24.00
42.00
18.00
Sacramento
Decatur
Beli:
Ind.:
30.00
30.00
18.00
18.00
27.00
12.00
Burlington (la.)
*Ready to serve charge. Messages 5c. each.
tindicates the exchanges, the rates of which are used in the comparison.
:Thc $3000 rate shown in the comparison is quoted by both the Bell and the Independent Companies
for party line service.
It has not been possible to cover all the details of Mr. Lewis' Tables Nos. 12 and 13. To do
this would require a long and technical discussion, not warranted in this paper because Mr. Lewis
apparently does not attach much importance to the tables, so far as government ownership is con-
cerned. However, in the brief analysis given, an attempt has been made to make clear that the sta-
tistics as to Bell rates and their history have been di'lortcd before they reached Mr. Lewis' hands,
and that any conclusions drawn therefrom would be absolutely erroneous. This analysis may be briefly
summarized as follows:
43
1. The statistics used bristle with direct and absolute errors of vital significance.
2. Bell rates have not been increased as a result of the withdrawal of competition, but.
in most cases, have either remained unchanged or have been decreased.
3. The comparison given in Table- 13 includes both Bell and independent rates, although
the Tabic purports to include only Bell rates.
4. The comparison in Table 13 cannot be significant because maximum rates only are
quoted, because flat rates and message rates are compared, because the comparison is based
upon population and not upon the number of telephones, because the rates of one class of service
only are compared, because minimum rates are not considered, and because the most important
clement, residence rates, is disregarded.
Assumptions as to Toll Rates.
With reference to telephone toll rates, Mr. Lewis gives the following table of average toll
receipts per toll message:
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 14.
Average charge, interurban (toll) and long-distance.
Country.
Rate.
Luxemburg
Germany . .
Switzerland
Sweden . . .
France ....
Japan
Norway
Great I3ritain
Netherlands
Italy
United States (Bell Co.).
Denmark
Belgium
Hungary
Austria
$0,030
.036
.074
.079
.090
.100
.100
.120
.130
.190
.190
230
.230
.260
.280
This table is greatly in error chiefly on account of the duplication in the counting of foreign toll
messages, as explained on pages 27, 28; and because receipts from international messages must be
divided between the systems over which such messages pass. On the basis of the duplicatory sta-
tistics— the only ones available for these foreign countries — the table is substantially correct, except as
to Luxemburg and Germany, as might be surmised from the differences between Germany and
Switzerland or Austria, adjacent countries.
In Luxemburg, of course, there is no toll or interurban service, since Luxemburg is merely
a single exchange in itself. The figure Mr. Lewis uses can obviously be only a prorate from inter-
national business, or receipts from local exchange calls from public (pay) stations.
As to Germany, Mr. Lewis has evidently used the number of calls describer' in the "Journal
Telcgraphique" as "interurban" calls, amounting in 1911 to 377,262,940, or almost twice the corre-
sponding number in the Bell System. The unsuitability of this figure for Mr. Lewis' purpose, though
evident on the face of it, is explained in detail in a letter from tlie German Post Office, dated Decem-
ber 18, 1912, stating that this figure "includes conversations in suburban service, for which a toll
charge is not made. I am very sorry that I cannot comply with your request to state the real num-
ber of interurban calls subject to special charge * "■ ■* as no special statistics on this point are
available."
However, as the United States ranks with a lower revenue than Denmark, Belgium, Hungary,
and Austria in this table, Mr. Lewis doubts its accuracy, not because of the very evident inconsist-
ency between the figures for the foreign countries, but because he questions the accuracy of the Bell
figure, which, however, includes the long distance service, without duplications either in revenue
or in the count of messages, and which was, in 1912, $.201 — less than Mr. Lewis shows for the four
countries named. Nevertheless, for this reason, Mr. Lewis shows the following table of rates for toll
service, intended to suggest that the toll rates of the Bell System are exorbitant :
44
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 15.
Long-distance tariffs.
Country.
(a) Sweden
(fc) Norway
(c) France
(<f) Italy
(e) Belgium
(/) Denmark
ig) Japan
(A) New Zealand
(i) Great Britain '
(it) Germany
(/) Australia
(m) .\ustria
(n) Hungary
(o) Russia
(/■) United States (Bell Co.).
100 miles. I 3(X) miles. I 500 miles. | 700 miles.
$0.08
.09
.10
.19
.19
.20
2a
24
24
.24
.32
.38
.38
.38
.60
(a) $0.13
(it) 24
(fr) .34
(f) .35
(».) .38
(«) .38
(d)
(/)
(9)
(o)
W
(/)
(0
.38
.40
.50
.62
.72,
.80
.84
(/>) 1.80
(o) $0.20
(t) .36
(m)
(")
(f)
(/•)
(ff)
.38
.38
.53
.60
.82
1.50
(a) $0.34
(m) .38
(k) .48
(c) .58
(i7) 1.25
(/) 126
(^) 3.00 I (/>) 420
XoTE. — The letters preceding the name of each country are used to identify the countries to
which the rates given for 300, 5(X), and 700 miles belong.
Table No. 15 is incorrect and misleading for the following reasons: —
1. In several instances there are important errors of fact.
2. The table does not take into account the shorter distances which are the more im-
portant.
3. The comparison does not take into account important aifferences in the methods of
applying the unit charges.
4. The ser\-ice given in the foreign countries is "two-number" service, whereas the
service given in the United States is "particular person" service, the rates for which should
not be, and are not, the same in any country where both types of service are given.
5. The comparison covers "ordinary" service only, whereas the Bell rates cover "urgent"
or express service. This Mr. Lewis admits.
6. The comparison covers domestic sen ice only, whereas a fair comparison should include
international service.
7. The comparison does not take into account dilTerences in the cost of construction
and in operating wages.
8. The comparison does not take into account differences in costs due to differences
in the character of service.
9. The comparison does not take into account the fact that toll service in foreign
countries does not pay for its cost.
These more important considerations, in a comparison of foreign and American toll rates,
are discussed in detail below:
1. ERRORS OF FACT.
In the cases of Norway'" and France,"" Mr. Lewis has confused kilometers with miles,
the rates in both cases applying to 1(X) kilometers, or 62.1 miles, and not to 100 miles.
As to Austria, Mr. Lewis has shown a rate of 38 cents for all distances, whereas the
rates are: 100 miles, $.38; 300 miles, $.61; 500 miles, $.81.""
In Sweden the rate for 500 miles is $.27, not $.20.'"
In Denmark the correct rate for 300 miles is 554, not $.40.'"
In Japan the correct rates for distances of 500 and 700 miles are $.87 and $1.12, respec-
tively, and not $.82 and $1.25."' ^ . . „„
In New Zealand the rate quoted by Mr. Lewis for 500 miles must be mcorrect. smce
it is lower than that which he quotes for 300 miles."*
2. THE COMPARISON DOES NOT COVER SHORT DISTANCES.
The rates for the shorter distances are obviously and necessarily more importarit with
reference to volume of traffic than those for the longer distances in every country, both because
the rates for the longer distances are the higher, and because the natural social and economic
interests are closest with nearby places. This is easily to be seen from Mr. Lewis l^'^JNo
14, where in most cases the average revenue per conversation is far below the rate for lUU miles.
45
3. METHODS OF APPLYING UNIT CHARGES
The American rates are for an initial period of tiiree minutes. For longer conversations
the rates, for each additional minute, are about one-third of the initial rate. The foreign rates
are, in nearly all cases, as Mr. Lewis states, for an initial period of three minutes; but over-
time is charged for at the initial rate for each additional three minutes or fraction thereof.
This is a very important difference in rates, since a very considerable number of conversations
extend beyond three minutes, but less than four minutes or five minutes.
4. FOREIGN RATES ARE FOR "TWO-NUMBER" SERVICE ONLY.
The rates which Mr. Lewis quotes for foreign countries are for a service generally
known in the United States as "two-number" service. Under this type of service, the subscriber
orders connection with a specified telephone, either by giving the telephone number and exchange,
or, in some cases, by giving the name of the subscriber and his exchange, in which case the
designation of a subscriber by name is merely to aid in locating the particular telephone desired ;
and when that telephone is secured, regardless of wlio answers, the connection is established
and the conversation is cliarged for from the time the telephones are connected. In the United
States this type of service is given only for very short distances (usually not more than 20 miles).
The "particular person" service, which is the type of service in general use in the United
States and which is the only service given beyond short distances, differs from the "two-num-
ber" service in that the calling subscriber orders arrangements for a conversation with a particular
person ; and no charge is made unless conversation is actually had with the specified person.
The differences in these types of service are exceedingly important in relation to rates ;
for in the case of "two-number" service, the calling subscriber pays for the time required to
secure, or in attempting to secure the particular person desired; whereas no charge is made,
under the "particular person" method, unless the person requested is obtained. Moreover, if the
particular person desired is not available at the time and at the station called, the call is in
very many cases useless to the subscribers calling,', under tlie "two-number" method, although it
must be paid for.
It is obvious that wlieii the "particular person" method is used, a considerable amount of
time on the part of operators, as well as a considerable amount of circuit time, is consumed in
obtaining particular persons, so that the costs per call are higher. As to circuit use, this time
is charged for as a part of the conversation under the two-number method, and under this method
a part of the operator's work is transferred to the subscriber.
In some countries, for example, in France and Great Britain, there is no provision what-
ever for the handling of particular person calls. In other countries, for example, Sweden, Nor-
way, Denmark, Germany, and Au.stria, a special charge is made for "particular person" service.
A statement of these charges ("varying according to distances covered) and their relation to the
regular toll charge for three minutes follows :
Norway"
Additional
Charge for
Particular Person.
Cents.
Charge for
Initial Period
I Ordinary Rates).
Cents.
%
Additional
Charge to
Charge for
Initial Period.
1.34
2.68
2.68
5.36
5.36
5.36
5.36
4.0
67
9.4
13.4
201
26.8
33.5
400
*
20
28
20
27
20
17
13
*No "particular person" service.
Surd,;,"'
Additional
Charge for
Particular Person.
Cents.
Charge for
Initial Period
(Ordinary Rates).
Cents.
%
Additional
Charge to
Charge for
Initial Period.
6.7
6.7
6.7
6.7
6.7
6.7
6.7
6.7
6.7
4.0
80
13.4
20.0
26.8
335
40.0
47.0
53.6
167.0
84.0
50.0
33 5
25.0
20.0
17.0
140
12.5
46
Denmark. The charge for "particular person" service is 6.7 cents. The initial rates vary
from 6.7 cents to 53.6 cents. The "particular person" rate is, therefore, from lOO^o to 12.5%
higher than the two-number rate.*"
Grrtfuviy. The charge for "particular person" service is 5.95 cents in addition to the
regular rates. As the rates vary from 4.76 cents to 47.6 cents, the "particular person" rate is
from 125% to 12.5% higher than the "two-number" rate.'"
Austria. The charge for "particular person" service is 6.1 cents in addition to regular rates.
As the rates vary from 6.1 cents to 81.2 cents, the "particular person" rate is from 1007o to 7.5%
higher than the "two-number" rate.""*
In the United States the "particular person" rates are ordinarily 5 cents higher than the
"two-number" rates at short distances ( from 5 to 20 miles'), and are from 30% to 20^0 higher
than the "two-number" rate for longer distances in the few cases where "two-number" service
(optional) is given.
It will be seen from the above that for distances up to 30 miles the "particular person" rate
in Europe is about 100% higher than the "two-number" rate : and that for greater distances the
"particular person" rate is not less than about 127r higher than the "two-number" rate. It is a
fact that in comparing American toll rates with foreign rates, when no specific "particular per-
son" charge is stated, an amount equal to 100% of the ordinary rate for the three minutes may
be 'added with propriety for distances from 25 miles to 50 miles, and an amount equal to
25% should be added for greater distances.
Mr. Lewis' comparison is, therefore, misleading in that the rates compared are not for
the same kind of service. In this connection it should be noted that for the longer distances
in the United States, when both "particular person" and "two-number" service are given (for ex-
ample, New York- Philadelphia),* the very great majority of messages pass at the "particular
person" rate, although it is 25% higher than the "two-number" rate. This will indicate roughly
to what extent subscribers in France and Great Britain, for example, may be burdened with
c'arges for unavailing calls under the "two-number" system (i. e., in cases when the particular
person desired is not obtained after the connection is established).
5. THE COMPARISON COVERS ORDINARY SERVICE ONLY.
As in the case of the comparison of telegraph rates, Mr. Lewis has omitted the "urgent"
or preferential foreign toll rates. His excuse for so doing is that there is no preferential
rate in the United States — "the day charge is all the same and one has to wait his turn despite
the rate." This is not true, because there is normally no waiting. The average time elapsing
from the filing of the order for a long-distance conversation until the completion of the con-
nection is not in excess of 5'/2 minutes; whereas the delay in foreign countries on "ordinary"
conversations is often from one to several hours — in some cases "ordinary" conversations can-
not be obtained except early in the morning or late in the afternoon. Facts concerning the
delays in service in forei.gn countries are given on pages 47-49 following. It should be noted
here, however, that Mr. Lewis should have based his comparison on the "urgent" rates of
foreign countries, which apply to the only service which even approximates that given in
the United States.
6. THE COMPARISON COVERS DOMESTIC RATES ONLY.
Again, as in the case of telegraph rates, Mr. Lewis has omitted any comparison of inter-
national rates, even in quoting the rates of countries so small in size that there are only a few,
if any, long hauls except those which are intemational.
Mr. Lewis has, then, in his comparison omitted any factor compensating for the differ-
ences between "particular person" and "two-number" service ; has omitted any indication of the
differences in methods of charging for overtime; has omitted "urgent" rates; and has omitted
international rates. A study of foreign domestic toll rates in which some of these factors are
taken into consideration shows that, in terms of currency, the American rates are lower for
short distances than the foreign ordinary rates; that they are lower than the foreign urgent
rates at 25 miles; and arc lower for four minute urgent conversations up to at least 100 miles.
In view of the fact that the very heavy toll traffic normally and naturally is confined within radii
♦This is the longest two-number service haul in effect in the United States.
47
of from 35 to 50 miles,* these facts are of great importance, for obviously the foreign govern-
ments could afford to carry long-distance traffic at great losses if the charges on the short dis-
tance traffic were unnecessarily high, which is clearly the fact. (See Appendix G.) Inasmuch
as the international rates are higher than the domestic rates, it is obvious that for all hauls
within a moderate distance the international rates must be very much higher than the Ameri-
can rates. Thus, the German domestic rate for "two-number" service up to 15 miles is about 5
cents; but for the same distance across the Austrian border it is about 12 cents, or about 1409o
higher.'" Similarly, the domestic rate in Belgium is 19.3 cents; but across the French border,
even if the distance were only 5 miles, the rate would be increased to 29 cents (ordinary serviced,
which will cover a conversation of from 35 to 45 miles in the United States.''^ Again, the rate
between border towns of France and Gcnuany is about 24 cents."- These rates are so clearly
far higher than American rates for these short hauls that considering the natural volume of
short haul traffic, the rates for long diS'lances could be reduced to almost nothing, and the inter-
national toll service as a whole could still be profitable.
7. THE COMPARISON DOES NOT TAKE INTO ACCOUNT DIFFERENCES IN
COSTS.
Mr. Lewis distinctly disclaims that any differences in prices of materials and labor should
be taken into account, because it is his opinion that the prices of copper and poles are higher
in Europe than in the United States by the cost of transportation to Europe; and because he
believes that the cost of copper and noles are the chief items of toll plant cost. In this opinion
Mr. Lewis is greatly in error, because pole timber in Europe is not imported from the United
States, because the difference in the price of copper is only about 7 cents per 100 pounds:, and be-
cause the cost of poles and copper constitutes only a part of the total cost of toll lines. The
cost of copper and poles is only 45^ of the total cost of toll lines in the Bell System and
only 14^ of the cost of total telephone plant. The remainder of the cost consists of labor
expense and the cost of manufactured material, in which labor cost is a large element.
As is generally known, labor costs are much less in Europe than in the United States,
so that it is fair to state that toll lines, when economically constructed, must cost less in Eu-
rope than in the United States. However, plant charges are not the only item in the cost of
toll service, and for the shorter hauls the cost of operating labor and the charges on terminal
plant constitute a very important item of cost; so that, particularly as to the shorter hauls,
the cost of service generally corresponds to the wage level and the relative value of money.
A comparison of operators' wages is a fair index of relative costs, or of the value of money,
and ought to be taken into consideration not only in connection with exchange rates but also in
connection with toll rates. For this reason, the toll rates in various countries have been equated
on the basis of relative operators' wages, as shown in Appendix E, and a comparison of equated
toll rates given in Appendix G, Table II. This comparison shows clearly that the Bell toll rates
are lower than the foreign deferred rates at least for distances up to one hundred miles; and
that they are lower even at two hundred miles than the foreign rates for four minute conver-
sations. When the comparison is made between the American rates and the foreign preferred
rates, which do not cover a service as good as that given in the United States, it is found that
the American rates are lower for all distances.
8. THE COMPARISON DOES NOT CONTEMPLATE DIFFERENCES IN CHARACTER
OF SERVICE.
From a cost standpoint alone, a comparison of toll rates should take into account the
differences properly assignable to variations in the character of loll service given. The import-
ance of the difference between "two-number" and "particular person" toll service, in comparisons
of toll rates, has already been discussed; but a difference in the character of service, with respect
to delays in completion of connections, is of equal if not of greater importance. The following
are a few pertinent facts illustrating the character of government toll service:
♦At least 75% of the toll traffic of the United States falls within this distance. This is true also of
foreign countries. For example, in Switzerland over 70% of the toll traffic is of less than 30 miles haul.""
4J^
GREAT BRIT.-\i\— DIRECT CIRCUITS."
London-Paris
Average length of time from filing
of long distance order to completion of
connection.
Ordinary Messages. | Preferred Messages.
1 hour
20 mins.
30 mins.
30-40 mins.
30-40 mins.
15 mins,
20 mins.
20-30 mins.
.30-40 mins.
30-40 mins
■
No Preferred
Service.
45 mins.
15 mins.
1 hour
lyi hours
Preferred Service
not stated.
London-Brussels
London-Leeds
London-Sheffield
London- Nottingham
London-Glasgow
London-Liverpool
London-Bristol
London- Manchester
London-Birmingham
SWEDEX-DIRECT CIRCUITS.""
Stockholm-Malmo
45 mins.
2 hours
... .a
10 mins. 1
32 mins. 1
35 mins. |
Stockholm-Gefle
Stockholm-Lulea
Stockholm-Gothenburg
GERMANY-DIRECT CIRCUITS."*
Berlin-Budapest
Berlin-Cologne
Berlin-Frank fort
Berlin-Paris
»The lines are so occupied that ordinary conversations can be had only early in the morning or late
in the afternoon.
The following quotation from a speech in the Reichstag confirms these statistics as to
present conditions in Germany:
"Thus, complaint is made of the long time that a subscriber must wait in order to get long
distance connections, especially connections between the West and the more central parts of the country,
and in particular between Dusseldorf and Berlin. For years the Imperial Post Office has been acquainted
with these complaints. In 1907 the Dusseldorf Chamber of Commerce made an investigation and found
that the waiting time exceeded two hours. In 1910 it was proved that the average lime of waiting
to be connected by telephone service between Dusseldorf and Berlin* was still over one hour, and the
average time between Dusseldorf and Mannheim, Dortmund, and Cologne was forty-four, thirty-nine,
and thirty-four minutes, respectively. Later, conditions again grew worse. The average time required
to get a connection with Berlin is now I'A hours. According to reports from a number of firms if the
operator be requested to get Berlin, the general reply is that unless the conversation is classified as
'urgent,' the connection will take several hours. In fact, the Administration recommends a scheme of
'urgent' conversations to overcome the trouble.""*
♦About 400 miles.
DENMARK.
minutes."'
Average waiting time for all lines (maxinuim distance 100 miles) 14J4
FRANCE. Officially reported complaints of Chambers of Cominerce concerning delays
in toll service:'"
Chamber of Commerce of Alais (population 25,000) :
"As regards telephone communications, for example, several business houses have reported that it has
been impossible on several occasions to obtain connections with Marseilles (85 miles) and Lyons (115 miles),
even after uailing four hours."
Chamber of Commerce of Chambery (population 23,0(X)) :
"Telephone communications with Geneva (SO miles), Lyons (60 miles). Paris (280 miles), Grenoble
(30 miles), are practically impossible during the greater part of the year, and it is necessary to wait hours
for a connection. In the case of Paris, the connection is obtained the day after the call has been filed.
Chamber of Commerce of Rouen (population 125,000):
"At the head of the reforms which we would like to see realized we place the improvement of the tele-
graph service, and especially the improvement of the telephone service, which still leaves much to be desired.
It Ukes an average of 55 minutes to secure a connection with Paris (70 miles)."
UNITED STATES. The average time required to complete a long distance connection on
the lines of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company (unless the particular person de-
sired cannot be located) is less than 6>^ minutes from the time the subscriber files the order.
On "two-number " service, the type of service given by all the governments, the average time be-
tween New York and Philadelphia is about 70 seconds.
49
The complaints of the Chambers of Commerce in France (only a few are quoted above)
indicate very clearly the cause of the foreign delays, and the relation of the cause to the cost
of service. These Chambers of Commerce state that the government does not establish enough
circuits to carry the business promptly, and repeatedly urge the placing of an adequate num-
ber of circuits. In some cases, the Chambers of Commerce have actually paid the govern-
ment the entire cost of placing additional circuits to handle the business, just as in the case
cited hereinbefore public subscriptions were required to pay for night exchange service.
The great delays in foreign toll ser\'ice are largely the result of insufficient plant. It
is the policy and practice of the Bell Companies to establish plant in accordance with the re-
quirements during the hours of heavy traffic, so that a rapid telephone service is given at all hours.
This, of course, results in the limited use of costly circuits; whereas the foreign method, if
operating is equally efficient, by spreading the traffic over a number of hours through enforced
delay, results in a very high utilization of plant, but a very low efficiency of service.
9. TELEPHONE TOLL SERVICE DEFICITS.
Not only are the foreign toll rates higher than the American toll rates, but even with
the really higher rales, the foreign toll service in many cases does not yield enough revenue
to cover its cost. This is true at least of Switzerland, Bavaria, Australia, and New Zealand, as
shown by the following facts :
Switzerland. An official investigation has disclosed that in 1909 the toll service
resulted in a deficit of 6^ of the toll receipts.'"
Bavaria. The loss on the toll service of Bavaria was 250,000 marks in 1908. (See
Appendix D.^
Australia. Excepting the Sydney-Melbourne trunk line, the toll ser\-ice of Australia
produced a loss of i54,112 (about $263,000) in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1913; and, includ-
ing the Sydney-Melbourne service, about £51,325 (approximately $250,000). This loss was
equal to about 35% of the toll revenue."*"
New Zealand. The telegraph and toll telephone services combined result in a deficit
• of about 23^0 of the telegraph and toll revenues. (See Appendix D.)
C. AS TO THE SOCIAL INEFFICIENCY OR INADEQUACY OF PRIVATE TELEPHONE
SYSTEMS.
Mr. Lewis states, in edect, that the deterrent influence of high rates has prevented a develop-
ment of the telephone business in the United Stales and that this, in itself, results in lower efficiency of
personnel than governments obtain. Me therefore estimates that the government could secure an
enormous increase in traffic willi its, presumably, lower rales. It has been shown in the preceding pages
that the efficiency of the American telephone service is not relatively low ; that .American rates for tele-
phone service are, in fact, lower than those of the government systems ; and it is now submitted that the
American telephone service is the most fully developed and is the most adequate in the world. Mr.
Lewis' ultimate proof of his contentions as to institutional efficiency and as to rates rests, as he
affirms, on the relative development of the service. This test of Mr. Lewis' reasoning, and of his
facts as well, is accepted not only for purposes of discussion, but as fundamentally sound ; for it is a
matter of experience in the telephone business, as in other busines.ses, that when rates are high or
service is inefficient, the use of the service is restricted; and that when rates are low and service is
efficient, the use of liie service is high. The issue is, therefore, squarely joined on the facts con-
cerning the relative development of telephone service under private ownership and under govern-
ment operation. Mr. Lewis' only statistics directly bearing upon the development of telephone serv-
ice are the following:
50
MR. LEWIS' TABLE NO. 16.
Long-distance com-crsalions per phone.
Country.
N'limbcrof |
conversations.
Rank.
Denmark
Netherlands
Denmark (private) .
Germany
Sweden
Russia
Norway
Switzerland
France
Norway (private).
Italy (private)....
Japan
Italy
United States (1912, Bell).
Belgium
Austria
Hungary
761
634
348
301
150
142
135
130
125
109
73
69
62
48
44
37
34
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
This comparison is intended to include what is known in the United States as "toll and long
distance" conversations. It is in error for the following reasons:
1. The statistics of toll conversations are erroneous, because in Germany local trunked
calls are included as "toll" and the Administration cannot give the statistics of toll messages;
because in most foreign countries messages are counted by rate periods and not by actual conver-
sations; and because international messages are counted twice. These errors are discussed in
connection with Table No. 14. page 43.
2. Statistics of toll or interurban conversations cannot be significant as to the develop-
ment of toll service when related to the number of telephones. It is obvious that the greater
the development of local telephone service, the greater the proportion of subscribers of restricted
means, and of subscribers whose social or business circles are naturally limited to relatively small
spheres. When telephone seirice is largely confined, as it is in the government systems, to the
merchants and larger houses and to the more prosperous residences, the number of toll con-
versations per telephone would be likely to be high as against that in a system where the tele-
phone was used by small business houses and in residences of all classes. As will be shown below,
the development in telephones is so much greater in the United States than in foreign countries
that it might be expected, although this is not the fact, that the number of toll conversations per
telephone in the United States would be lower than in those countries.
For these reasons it is more significant to state the number of toll messages per capita, and
this method is analogous to Mr. Lewis' method of measuring telegraph traffic development and mail
development.
With moderate allowance for duplication in counting messages in foreign countries, the inter-
urban and long distance toll traffic in the several countries is as follows:'""
51
Country.
Austria
Belgium
Denmark*
France (1911J...
German Empiref
Great Britain
Hungao' (1911).
Italy (1910)
Netherlands
Norway
Sweden
Switzerland
New Zealand . . .
Australia
United States. .. .
Population
in Thousands.
Interurban
Toll Conversations
P
er Lapifa.
29,056
.17
7,570
.26
39,601
.71
46',i22
.78
21,050
.09
34,452
.10
6,078
.82
2,422
3.74
5,604
3.25
^ Maximum possi-
3,841
2.58
ble. Obtained by
1,071
.61.
dividing toll reve-
nue by the mini-
mum rate.
4,669
.70
96.299
3.36
♦Denmark not included, as it is believed that, in addition to the ordinary European "pad-
ding" by using rate periods and counting inward and transit international messages, there is the
same type of duplication in counting messages between the private companies, and between the
private systems and the government system, and between two companies over the government
system. There is no doubt, however, that, due to the development by private companies, the traffic
is higher than elsewhere in Europe.
fThe .Administration states that no figure can be given and that those quoted in the "Journal
Telegraphique" include free inter-office trunk calls in suburban traffic — in addition to duplications in
counting.
It will be seen from the above that with the most conser/ative corrections in the foreign sta-
tistics, and wii'ii a moderate estimate of traffic for non-Bell Companies in the United States, the
development of toll traffic in the United States is exceeded only by that of Norway, where the
statistics as to private companies and the state system may be subject to duplication. Probably the de-
velopment in Denmark approaches that in the United States. It should be noted, however, that the only
countries in which the development of interurban toll traffic is approximately as high as that of the
United States are those in which a very large part of the telephone business is conducted by private com-
panies— in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark.
Not only is the development of interurban toll and long distance traffic in the United States
higher than that under exclusively government operation, but the development of the local service, which
is relatively of much greater importance in the United States, is not even approached in any other
country of the world. Mr. Lewis has given no statistics as to local telephone development ; but his
conclusions as to institutional efficiency and as to local rates are most conclusively proven in error by
local development statistics.
There are two ways of showing the development of local service: first, to state local traffic in
relation to population; and, second, to state the number of telephones in relation to population. The
first method indicates the actual use made of the telephone, but does not properly account for the
important factor of emergency service. The second shows, in a general way, the utility of the
telephone to the people, including its emergency or "insurance" service, without directly indicating its
actual use in messages. Both methods of indicating local telephone development should be used in
order to give a complete statement of the facts.
Statistics as to total telephone traffic have been given in connection with the discussion of Mr.
Lewis' Table No. 6, page 21. Inasmuch as the interurban traffic per capita, as shown above, is
small, for general purposes a statement of total telephone traffic per capita will indicate the develop-
ment in local traffic. For this reason, the statistics given hereinbefore as to total telephone traffic
per capita are repeated below :
52
Country.
Operated by.
United Staics.
Denmark
Sweden
Norway
Germany . . . .
Netherlands .
Great Britain.
Lii.xcmburg . .
Belgium
Switzerland .
Austria
Italy
Hungary . . ..
France;
TrafTic per Capita. % of U. S.
Private
Private*
Gov. and Private
Gov. and Pri\-ate
Government
Governmentt
Gov. and Mun.
Government
Government
Government
Government
Gov. and Private
Government
Government
161.99
8U>4
77.47
7000
34.89
27.92
23 81
18.45
1823
17.85
12.55
9.93
9 59
8.36
100.0
50.0
47 8
43.2
21.5
17.2
14.7
11.4
112
110
7.1
6.1
5.9
5.2
♦Less than 2% of local operation is government.
tincluding municipal. There is a small amount of private operation.
No Statistics are published for New Zealand.
In Australia the development in 1910 was about 40 per capita; but since then exclusively mes-
sage rate schedules have been adopted in all exchanges, so that it is probably much less than 40 at
the present time.
These statistics of traffic development require no special comment, except that the foreign
statistics are very greatly inflated, as is clearly shown hereinbefore, pages 27-29. In passing, it may
be noted that the development in the United States is more tlian four times that of any country in
which there is exclusively government operation. It is, of course, a matter of conjecture as to what
the development in Denmark would !iave been if private concerns had been permitted to establish a
complete system.
Although the statistics of traffic development are very significant in connection with Mr.
Lewis' general argument, those of station (i. e., telephone) development are even more so. These are
shown below in two tables, the first giving the general development by countries ; and the second, giv-
ing the relative development in some of the principal cities of the world.
TOTAL TELEPHONES IN SERVICE AND NUMBER OF TELEPHONES PER 100 POPU-
LATION IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES, JANUARY 1, 1913.""
Country.
Operated by.
No. of
Telephones.
Telephones per
100 Population.
% of U. S.
Development
Uniterl States
Private
Private*
Government
Gov. and Private
Gov. and Private
Government
Govcrnmetit
Government
Government
Government
Governmentt
Government
Government
Government
Government
8,975,074
118.398
42.934
217.554
75,000
121.020
90.573
1,302.672
738.738
3,910
77,195
58,640
293.195
161.230
75,738
9.1
4.2
4.0
3.9
3.1
2.6
2.3
1.9
1.6
1.5
1.3
0.8
0.7
0.5
0.4
100.0
46.2
44.0
42.9
34.1
28.6
25.3
20,9
17.6
16.5
14.3
8.8
7.7
S.S
4.4
Denmark
Sweden
Australia
Switzerland
Luxemburg
Beluiiim
France .
Austria
Hungary
*Some government operation.
fSome private operation. Largely municipal.
53
STATEMENT SHOWING COMPARATIVE TELEPHONE DEVELOPMENT
IN PRINCIPAL CITIES IN THE UNITED STATES AND IN OTHER COUNTRIES
JANUARY 1, 1913.
UNITED STATES.
OTHER COUNTRIES."
Gty.
Population.
Bell
Telephones
per 100
Population.
Total
Telephones
per 100
Population.
Population.
City.
Operated by.
New York, N. Y
Chicago, 111
Philadelphia, Pa
5,270,000
2,358,000
1,614,000
1,417,000
825.000
788,000
623,000
620,000
582,000
541,000
454,000
414,000
345,000
222,000
255,000
166.000
9.2
13.1
8.3
11.0
7.5
82
8.2
8.3
9.8
12.9
23.7
10.5
13.7
15.9
15.3
20.1
3.4
3.2
6.2
2.7
3.6
5.9
2.8
2.6
5.5
4.6
8.4
4.3
1.4
3.5
1.3
1.6
1.5
3.2
22.8*
2.0
1.0
7,280,000
2,940,000
2.320,000
2,115,000
1,150,000
1,207,000
880,000
839,000
606,000
617,000
608,000
558,000
565,000
537,000
547,000
487,000
340,000
308,000
351,000
243,000
292,000
London
Paris
Berlin
Vienna
Glasgow
Hamb'g-.Mtona
Budapest
Brussels
Munich
Leipzig
Copenhagen
Dresden
Marseilles
Breslau
Lyons
Antwerp
Liege
Chemnitz
Stockholm
Trieste
Ghent
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Private
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Government
Gov. & Priv.
Government
Government
St. Louis, Mo
Pittsburgh, Pa
Baltimore, Md
Cleveland, Ohio
Cincinnati, Ohio
San Francisco, Cal
.Milwaukee, Wis
Washington, D. C
Portland, Ore
Omaha, Neb
I
*0f which 70 per cent, is that of the Stockholm Telephone Company which competes with the government
and does not have connection with the government long distance lines.
It should be noted in connection with the above statistics, that the development in Stockholm
and Copenhagen compares very favorably with that in the various American cities. This fact refutes
the argument that the difference in American and European development is due to differences in the
commercial and social character of the people in the United States and in tiie foreign countries; and
indicates that under progressive commercial management the telephone could be as widely used in
Europe as in the United States.
It should be further noted that in Europe, under government management, the larger cities are
comparatively well developed, whereas the country districts and smaller cities have very little develop-
ment. In the United States the large cities have not been developed at the expense of a general tele-
phone development.
A somewhat more significant statement of urban telephone development is contained in the
following table in which cities of more than 300,000 population in Northwestern Europe and the
I 'lilted States are listed in the order of telephone development:
I
54
TELEPHONE DEVELOPMENT IN CITIES OF MORE THAN 300,000 POPULATION IN THE UNITED
STATES AND NORTHWESTERN EUROPE. ARRANGED IN ORDER OE DEVELOPMENT.
JANUARY 1. 1913.""
City
Tolcphones
San Francisco .
Stockholm
Stockholm
Los Angeles
Washington . . . ,
Chicago
Detroit
Boston
Minneapolis . . . .
Milwaukee ,
Cincinnati
New York
Copenhagen
Philadelphia ....
Cleveland
Pittsburgh
Baltimore
Kansas City . ; . . .
Charlottenburg . .
St. Louis
Buflfalo
Stockholm
Stuttgart
Newark (N. J.).
Berlin
Frankfort
Hamburg- Altona
Munich
New Orleans . . . .
Hanover
Leipzig
Cologne
Dresden
Dusseldorf
Nuremburg
Hull
Jersey City
Glasgow
Breslau
Edinburgh
London
Essen
Liverpool
Chemnitz
Paris
Rotterdam
Budapest
Vienna
Bradford
Amsterdam
I'russels
Portsmouth
Manchester
Bristol
Leeds
Dublin
Newcastle
Nottingham
Belfast
Birmingham . . ..
Sheffield
Antwerp
Liege
Marseilles
Lyons
Blackburn
Bolton
per 100
Operated by
Population*
;'3.7
Private
22.8
Gov. & Privatet
159
Private only
14.0
Private (Bell only)
13.7
Private
13.1
Private (Bell only)
12.9
Private
11.0
Private
10.6
Private (Bell only)
10.S
Private
9.8
Private
92
Private
8.4
Private
83
Private (Bell only)
8.3
Private (Bell only)
8.2
Private
82
Private
8.1
Private (Bell only)
8.1
Government
75
Private (Bell onlv)
7.1
Private (Bell only)
6.9
Government (only)
6.5
Government
62
Private
62
Government
6.1
Government
5.9
Government
5.5
Government
5.1
Private
4.7
Government
4.6
Government
4.3
Government
4.3
Government
42
Government
4.0
Government
4.0
Gov. & Municipal (1913)
3.8
Private
3.6
Government
3.5
Government
3.4
Government
34
Government
3.4
Government
3.2
Government
3.2
Government
3.2
Government
2.9
Municipal
2.8
Government
2.7
Government
2.7
Government
2.7
Municipal
2.6
Government
2.5
Gov. & Municipal
2.5
Government
2.1
Government
2.1
Government
2.0
Government
20
Government
2.0
Government
1.7
Government
1.7
Government
1.7
Government
1.6
Government
1.5
Government
1.4
Government
13
Government
1.2
Government
12
Government
States
States
States
States
States
Countrv
United States
Sweden
Sweden
United States
United States
United States
United States
United
United
United
United
United
Denmark
United States
United States
United States
United States
United States
Germany
United States
United States
Sweden
Germany
United States
Germany
Germany
Germany
Germany
United States
Germany
Germany
Germany
Germany
Germany
Germany
Great Britain
United States
Great Britain
Germany
Great Britain
Great Britain
Germany
(jreat Britain
Germany
France
Netherlands
Hungary
Austria
Great Britain
Netherlands
Belgium
Great Britain
Britain
Britain
Britain
Britain
Britain
Britain
Britain
Britain
Great Britain
Belgium
Belgium
France
France
Great BriUin
Great BriUin
Great
Great
Great
Great
Great
Great
Great
Great
•This covers Bell stations only, for the American cities.
fAbout 70 per cent, of development is private. This development of the Co.npany and of
the State are shown separately in the table in the proper order.
55
Summary as to Telephones.
Mr. Lewis' propositions concerning telephones were : that the institutional efficiency of private
telephone systems was relatively low; that their rates were relatively high; and that the develop-
ment of their service was relatively low. These propositions he attempted to prove by various
assumptions which were erroneous. In rebutting his assumptions and conclusions it has been shown
that :
1. The institutional efficiency of the American telephone service is not exceedingly low but
exceedingly high.
2. The rates for American exchange service are clearly lower than those of any government
system.
3 The rates for telephone service are lower in large American cities than in many large
foreign cities operated by government administrations.
4. The rates in the smaller American exchanges are strikingly lower than in the smaller ex-
changes of the government systems. This is indicated most clearly, for general purposes, by the
disparity between the "rural" development in the foreign countries and the development in the for-
eign cities, resulting from the disproportionately high rates in rural communities of foreign coun-
tries.
5. The history of rates in American cities which were formerly competitive does not war-
rant the statement that, following the withdrawal of competition. Bell rates have been increased. As
a matter of fact, it is clearly the case that, in general, the reverse has been true.
6. The American toll rates are clearly lower than those of the government systems for all
distances within which the great volume of interurban toll traffic passes ; and are, in fact, so much
lower, tliat the American toll rates as a whole are distinctly far below the foreign toll rates.
7. The development of toll traffic in the United States is not relatively low, but relatively
high, and is, in fact, approached only in those countries where private operation of telephone
systems has materially fostered the development of the utility.
8. The development of local service, as indicated by local traffic per capita, is at least
double that in any foreign country, although it is noteworthy that, in those countries which rank
nearest to the United States in the development of traffic, private operation is a factor of very
great importance.
9. The development of telephones per one hundred population in the United States is more
than double that in any foreign country.
10. The development of American telephone service, as indicated by the development in the
largest cities, is greater, on the whole, than m foreign countries. It is, however, equalled in
those large foreign cities where private companies operate, either exclusively, or in competition
witli the government.
11. The dcvclupmenl of telephone service, as indicated by the number of telephones per
one hundred population in the smaller exchanges and rural communities, is very much greater in
the United States, not only absolutely, but relatively to the development in the large cities in the
respective countries.
CONCLUSION.
It has been shown, in the preceding pages, that tlie information given by Mr. Lewis is not only
seriously incomplete, but that, when not in error, it supports conclusions entirely contrary to those
which he has drawn. While it has been a part of the purpose of this paper to meet some of the
specific criticisms made by Mr. Lewis, the larger purpose of the paper has been to present significant
information concerning tiie effect of government ownership on tlie efficiency, rates, and development
of the telegraph and telephone services. In all fairness, it should be stated that the information
given has been derived from many official sources which have probably not been available to Mr.
Lewis, who has been compelled to rely largely upon the "Journal Telegraphique" — a source which,
although official in a sense, is necessarily inadequate for a careful study of this subject.
56
In further justice to Mr. Lewis, something ought also to be said concerning the very serious
difficulties under which the layman labors in the coUcclion and interpretation of the highly technical
statistics of the telegraph and telephone utilities. This difficulty, of co'irse, is not peculiar to these
utilities — it applies equally to any complex business or subject, whether it be transportation, banking,
or insurance.
In conclusion, perhaps no more appropriate expression can be given to tiie spirit in which
this paper has been prepared, than that furnished b} a statement made by Theodore N. Vail, Presi-
dent of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company, in response to an inquiry, December 19th
1913:
"Our telephone system has been the study of investigators from many countries. It has been
considered the world's model, not because it is the largest, but because it gives llie best service and
is more useful to the public than any other system.
"Such success as we have achieved has come from our study of facts and our willingness
to be guided by them. We have not endeavored to sell our telephone system to the government for
the reason that the facts as we have gleaned them during the last thirty years from all parts of
the world, have not justified such a course.
"Our people are personally familiar with every telephone system that today exists. The tele-
phone experience of Japan or France, is as closely studied as the experience of one of our Amer-
ican cities.
"We have freely given our aid to make the government systems in foreign lands as good as
possible, believing that every advance in the art helped us to advance. We have never found any
foreign subscribers as well served as our subscribers, nor any foreign public receiving greater ad-
vantages from the telephone than the American public.
"We recognize our responsibility to the telephone-using public, which is practically the whole
public, and for that reason favor an intelligent, painstaking, thorough, scientific study of the pro-
posals for public ownership. We cannot be content if facts which we know to exist are care-
lessly ignored. But if all the facts are discovered, understood, and exploited, we are bound to be
content with a decision based on these facts."
57
APPENDIX A.
INFORMATION CONCERNING THE ADEQUACY OF COMPENSATION
FOR RAILWAY MAIL TRANSPORTATION IN THE UNITED STATES.
1. THE OFFICIAL DOUBT AS TO THE ADEQUACY OF COMPENSATION TO
RAILROADS.
Postmaster General Burleson:
"Compensation To Railroads for Carrying The Mails.
"Compensation to railroads for carrying the mails is under the present laws adjusted upon
the basis of average daily weights of mails carried. In addition to this certain rates of pay arc
allowed for full railway post-office cars 40 feet and more in length, fitted up and furnished for
the distribution of mails en route. Reference has been made in previous annual reports to the
inquiry conducted by the department under authority of law into the operating receipts and ex-
penditures of railroad companies carrying the mails and to the submission to Congress of the
results of such inquiry, together with recommendation for a change in the method of adjusting
pay.
"The whole subject has since been taken up by a joint committee of Congress authorized to
make inquiry into the subject of postage on second-class mail matter and compensation for the
transportation of mails. The department's officers in charge of transportation have, upon the re-
quest of the comnu'ttee, appeared before it during the numerous hearings which have been held
and have submitted such additional information as they possessed upon the general subject. The
representatives of the railroad companies have also appeared before the committee. In the mean-
time the new conditions in the postal service, mainly those arising from the inauguration and the
development of the parcel-post system, are being given careful consideration in connection with
the general question, and before the commission is ready to report the final views of the depart-
ment will be submitted to it.
"Tlie determination of what shall be the basis for ascertaining a fair rate of compensation
for carrying the mails is not free from difficulties. From a careful consideration of the subject it
becomes evident that the carriage of the mails by the railroad companies for the Government can
not be considered as of the same character of service as that performed by them as common car-
riers for the general public. Tlie railroads have received certain benefits from the States from
which they derive their corporate existence, anrj their interstate commerce is subject to the reg-
ulation of the Federal Government. Some of them have received substantial aid from the Federal
Government by grants of lands, and otherwise. They are declared by law to be post roads. As
mail carriers they are agencies of the Post Office Department and are performing a governmental
function. The po.stal business is not carried on by the Government for profit but in furtherance
of the constitutional power to establish post offices and post roads under which it furnishes postal
facilities to all of its citizens. The railroads, therefore, may not deal with the Government as
they would with a shipper who uses their facilities as a common carrier for profit or for some
special advantage. Furthermore, the general business which sustains a railroad is to a large ex-
tent dependent upon the mails and their certain and expeditious transportation, and the carriage
of the mails by the railroad contributes to its prosperity to an extent and in a manner which does
not obtain for any other class of its business. From these and other considerations, it follows that
rates for carrying the mails on railroads should be less than those which might be fixed for com-
mercial business."
"In order to provide additional compensation to mail contractors for carrying parcel-post
matter. Congress authorized the Postmaster General to make certain readjustments of pay to rail-
road companies and to screen wagon and star-route contractors.
58
"On account of the increased weight of mail rcsiihing from the enactment of the parcel-
post law, the Postmaster General was autiiorizcd by the act of March 4, iyi.\ to aikl to the com-
pensation for transportation on railroad routes on anti after July 1. l^KS, f,.r the remainder of
the contract terms, not exceeding 5 per cent thereof per annum, excepting upon routes weighed
since January 1, 1913, and to be adjusted from July 1, 1913. Careful estimates have been made
of the increase in the weight of mails carried on all railroad routes coming within the scope of
the law. The routes atTected include those in the second, third, and fourth contract sections and
those located m the New England States in the first contract section. Additional compensation has
been allowed, based upon the statutory rate earned by the estimated increased weight of mails,
not exceeding, however, 5 per cent, the limit fixed by law. The increase in annual rate of com-
pensation by the allowances made under this authority aggregates $1,()S2.360.19."
"Criticism by some has been directed against the department for the inauguration of the
parcel-post system with provisions of only 5 per cent increase in compensation to railroads where
weighings have not occurred since January 1, 1913. and for * * *
"With respect to the first it should be remembered that Congress provided for the inauguration
of the system, and, with such facts before it as were available, authorized the addition of not exceed-
ing 5 per cent, to the compensation from July 1, 1913, as above stated. It must be presumed that
Congress intended this allowance to be full compensation for the additional weights carried until it
should make other provision. * * *"'-
II. TABLE INDICATING, IN GENERAL, THE BASIS OF COMPENSATION TO
RAILROADS. SCHEDULE OF COMPENSATION TO RAILROADS."
Average weight
of mails per clay
carried over whole
length of route
Fay Per Mile Pi-r Annum.
Indeterminate
Weifiht Warranting
.Allowance of
$1 per mile
3/3/1873
7/12/1876
6/17/1878
3/2/1907
Land Grant
Railroads
200 lbs
$50.00
75.66
10066
125.66
150.66
175.00
200.66
25.00
25.00
25 00
30.00
40.00
50.00
$45.00
67.56
90.66
ll'i.SO
135.66
157.50
180.66
22.50
22 50
$42 75
64.12
85.56
106'.87
iisis
149.62
171.66
21.38
21.38
$42.75
64.12
85.S6 •
106".87
118.25
149.62
171.66
20.30
19.24
25.00
27.50
32.50
40.00
$34.20
51.36
68'.46
8S.56
102.60
119.70
136.80
16.24
17.10
12
20
20
20
60
60
80
200-500 lbs
500 lbs
500-1000 lbs
1000 lbs
1000-1500 lbs
1500 lbs
1500-2000 lbs
2000 lbs
2000-3500 lbs
3500 lbs
3500-5000 lbs
5000 lbs
SOOO-48000 lbs
For every additional 2000
lbs. over 5000 and un-
der 48000
For every 2000 lbs. over
48000
Railway P. O. Cars
40 ft. long
45 ft. long
SO ft. long
55 ft. long
III. PAYMENTS FOR TRANSPORTATION OF MAILS AND FOR TRANSPORTATION
OF EXPRESS MATTER OF SIMILAR CHARACTER.
Presented by Mr. Julier before the Walcott Commission to Refute the Statement that More
was Paid for Mail Transportation than for Express Transportation:
59
TABLE SHOWING AND COMPARING RATE RECEIVED BY RAILWAYS PER HUNDRED WEIGHT
FOR TRANSPORTATION OF UNITED STATES MAIL AND RATES RECEIVED FOR
THE CARRIAGE OF EXPRESS BUSINESS BETWEEN POINTS NAMED
BELOW."
NEW YORK to:
Buffalo
Chicago
Omaha
Indianapolis ...
Columbus
East St. Louis .
Portland, Me. . .
CHICAGO to:
Milwaukee ....
Minneapolis ...
New Orleans . . .
Detroit
Cincinnati
CINCINNATI to:
St. Louis
Chicago
Cleveland
Distance
440
980
1,480
906
761
1,171
347
85
421
922
284
306
374
306
263
Mail
Rate per
100 lbs. (a)
$1.58
3.57
5.38
ill
2.49
4.38
1.33
.34
1.83
5.27
1.34
1.20
1.61
1.20
1.26
Express
Amount Act
ually
Amount Actually
Received by
Received by
Railroad Cos.
Railroad Cos.
per 100 lbs.
(b)
per 100 lbs. (c)
$1.16
$4.13
2.59
5.47
4.89
6.62
2.57
5.04
2.06
5.32
3.50
570
1.22
4.83
.40
3.30
2.00
4.52
3.16
643
.75
3.48
1.07
3.98
1.31
3.72
1.07
3.58
.92
3.47
(a) Allowed Railroad Companies under last weighing, including cost of railroad post office
cars.
(b) On all classes of business carried for express companies, including heavy merchandise,
fish, live stock, machines, etc.
(c) On shipments weighing 7 lbs. and under carried for express companies.
IV. STATEMENT OF THE CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL RAILROAD
COMPANY, 1906, SHOWING THAT PAYMENTS FOR TRANSPORTING EXPRESS
MATTER HAVE INCREASED MORE RAPIDLY FROM 1894- TO 1905 THAN RECEIPTS
FOR TRANSPORTING MAIL MATTER.
TABLE COMPILED FROM ANNUAL REPORTS OF INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION SHOWING
COMPARISON OF TOTAL EARNINGS OF ALL ROADS IN U. S. FROM MAIL AND EXPRESS.
I
Year
Mail Earnings
Express Earnings
Per cent.
Express
To Mail
1894
$30,059,657
30,969,746
32,379,819
33,754,466
34,608,352
35,999.011
37,752,474
38,453,602
39,835.844
41,709,396
44.499,732
45,426.125
$23,035,300
24,284,508
24.880,383
24,901,066
25,908.075
26,756,054
28,416,150
31,121,613
34,253.459
38.331.964
41,875.636
45.149,155
76
78
76
73
74
74
75
80
85
91
94
99
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
TABLE SHOWING PRINCIPAL EXPENSE ITEMS OF POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT FROM 1898-1905.
Transportation of Mails on R. R. and R. R. P. O. car pay
Compensation to Postmasters
City Free Delivery
Compensation of Clerks in P. O
Compensation of R. R. Mail Clerks
Transportation of Mails on Star Routes
Transportation of Foreign Mail
Rent. Light, I'liel. etc
Rural Free Delivery*
Total Expenses
Total Receipts
♦Commenced 1898.
1898
1905
Increase
$^4,203,253
17.453,433
13.386.593
10,589,069
8,066,602
5,286.614
1,620.282
1,581.649
50,0a)
$98,033,523
89.012.618
$44,893,960
22,743.342
20,919.078
21.215,303
13,120,155
7,326,596
2,693,812
2,568,572
20,819,944
$167,399,169
152,826,585
$10,690,706
5,289,908
7.532,484
10.626,234
5.053,553
2,039,981
1,073,529
986,922
20,769,944
$69,375,656
63,813,966
Per cent.
Increase
31
30
56
100
62
38
66
62
71
n
60
V. CONGRESSMAN MOON, IN A SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
JANUARY 17, 1914:
"There is another question that is intensely' vital to the welfare of this people, a question
the consideration of which by the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads awaits only the
incoming report. That is the matter of the computation of pay, the method of pay to railroads
and transportation companies of the United Stales for the handling of the mails. The railroads
insist today tiiat they are not sufficiently compensated for this service. The department tells us
that the compensation of the railroads is too great. Of course, no honest man wants the railroad
companies to carry the mails of the United States for less money tlian it costs them to carry
those mails. No man would be unwilling that they should have a fair remuneration. Yet the
metliod by which this compensation is determined is so unsatisfactory, so incomplete, so unbusi-
ness-like that you cannot come within $15,000,000 of determining what the legitimate pay should
be for the inland transportation of the mails.
"You can know, of course, what you do pay. You know what they carry. You know
what you receive by way of compensation in postage, but under the present methods you cannot
estimate sufficiently close to determine what would be the legitimate compensation, as I say, within
$15,000,000 or $20,000,000.
"By the way, I had better remark here that the United States is divided into four divisions
for the purpose of weighing the mails and ascertaining the compensation due to inland carriers
for the transportation of the mails. There is a quadrennial weighing. For instance, the mails
are weighed in New England this year. That weight will form the basis of compensation by the
ton-mile for four years. The mails in the western, northern, and southern sections are weighed,
each once in four years, and the system of compensation there is the same. It is only every four
years that you get at the weights, and it has been charged — I know not how truly — that during the
weighing period the mails in one section are diverted and carried around through that section in order
that the weigl.t of the mails may be heavy in that section, in order that the same mail may be
weighed many times and form the basis for computation of pay. Whether this is true or not, I
cannot say. I would imagine, however, that no great amount of fraud of this sort would be
practiced. Yet, let it be ever so honest, the conditions of this country, its transportation, its bus-
iness, its industries, vary so much in a period of four years that if you base the pay upon the first
of the four years the compensation for the next three years must be altogether a matter of specu-
lation, because the increase may be double what it was, or it may be less than one-half of what
it was, or it may be normal. The commission which is soon to report will bring before the com-
mittee a plan by which it is hoped to obtain more satisfactory results."'*
61
APPENDIX B.
THE ELIMINATION OF CERTAIN TELEGRAPH OPERATIONS
UNDER POSTALIZATION.
Under the heading "Efficiency of Telegraphic Administration," Mr. Lewis states: "The
next element, 'efficiency in details of management,' will require more elaborate discussion." The
discussion consists solely of two lists of operations involved in transmitting and accounting for
commercial telegrams at the present time, which are followed by the simple statement that, "with
the introduction of the stamp and other simplified postal methods," sixteen of the operations in
the first list and that all of those in the second list (forty-two in number) could be eliminated.
A classification of the items named by Mr. Lewis, although his list is somewhat incomplete,
will indicate the true relation of each detail of work to the general functions involved in tele-
graph operation. This classification is as follows:
1. Those operations directly involved in the receipt and delivery of telegrams at counters
and by messengers. Most of these operations are not peculiar to the telegraph business, and
may be perceived by the public and easily understood without special knowledge. They may
be entitled "Commercial Operations."
2. Those operations directly involved in the electrical transmission and receipt of messages.
These operations are not generally seen by the public, are not similar to those in other kinds of
business, and are technical in character. They may be designated as "Operating Work."
3. Those items of work which are associated with general accounting and auditing of
telegraph business, and known as "Accounting Operations."
Before discussing Mr. Lewis' suggestions under these heads, It may be stated that the
obviously important question at issue is not whether the elimination of any of these practices
would reduce expenses, — that is admitted, — but whether the practices themselves could or could
not be abolished under government ownership, without detriment to the service. Changes involv-
ing all these operations which Mr. Lewis thinks could be eliminated, have been considered by the
telegraph companies and have been rejected. Moreover, stamps have been used and the practice
has been abandoned by telegraph companies. Mr. Lewis has raised no new question. It is pro-
posed merely to show that practices which are not satisfactory under private operation would be
equally unsatisfactory under Government ownership.
COMMERCIAL OPERATIONS.
The following items (as numbered in Mr. Lewis' list) may be described as "commercial
operations." Those lettered Mr. Lewis thinks can be eliminated under postalization.
The Telegraph Company (i. e. Receiving Clerk).
1. Figures charges on telegrams.
2. Reads each message for purpose of properly deciphering it.
3. Marks on each message "time filed."
4a. Enters each telegram on sheet "receiving clerk's record."
5. Turns in cash to local cashier.
^- f
7b. J (See "Operating Work," page 63.)
8c. [
Delivery Clerk.
lie. Makes wet copy of telegram.
12f. Puts delivery number on telegram.
13g. ATakes out delivery sheet for messenger.
14h. Enters telegram on "delivery clerk's record."
I
62
15. Encloses telegram in envelope and addresses envelope.
16i. Examines delivery sheet to see telegram is properly receipted for.
17'}. Collects cash from messenger to cover "collect received" telegrams.
ISk. Turns in cash to local cashier.
Messenger Boy.
19. Delivers telegram to proper addressee.
20-1. Secures receipt for telegram on delivery sheet.
21. Collects cash on "collect" telegrams.
22m. Returns delivery sheet and cash to delivery clerk.
4-a. ENTRY OF TELEGRAM ON THE RECEIVING CLERK'S RECORD. This proc-
ess is really an accounting process. The receiving clerk's record is merely a check against the
receiving clerk's cash. It is true that if stamps could be used exclusively and no cash payments
were permitted, there would be no occasion for the receiving clerk's record. The elimination
of this item depends upon the consideration as to whether or not stamps can be used exclusively.
(See page 70.)
U-e. WET COPY OF TELEGRAM. This is necessary: first, in order that, if a message
should be lost in delivery, a copy of it may be available for duplicating purposes; second, for
service purposes, in order that if any question concerning the service on a message arises, the
necessary data for investigating the service at the terminal office may be available; third, in
order that a complete record of the message may be on hand for reference as a basis for the
necessary service messages, in case the addressee requires its duplication or verification of
doubtful words; fourth, in order that piompt and correct responses may be made to patrons
making inquiry concerning their messages; and fifth, that a copy may be available in case the
addressee should call while the messenger is out on his route with the message (which happens
frequently in the case of transient addressees). Apparently, this operation is not related to the
question of stamps ; and it could not be eliminated without curtailment of service.
12f, 13g, 14Ii. DELIVERY NUMBER ON MESSAGE, DELR'ERY SHEET, DE-
LIVERY CLERK'S RECORD. What Mr. Lewis refers to as "delivery clerk's record" is
actually known as the Delivery Register.
The delivery sheet is a small sheet which a messenger takes out with him and on which
he secures receipts for the messages delivered. The delivery number is placed on the message
itself (it is copied with the message on the water copy), on the delivery sheet and on the de-
livery register. The original message is, of course, delivered to the addressee and passes out of
the possession of the telegraph company. After delivery, the only means of identifying the
addressee's receipt on the delivery sheet with the message which was delivered to him is the
delivery number appearing on the sheet and the corresponding number appearing on the water
copy of the message.
The delivery number, as stated, is also placed on the delivery register (which is kept by
the delivery clerk), and on this register is also entered the number of the messenger to whom
the message was given and the time when he was sent out with it. The purpose of this is to
insure that, if the messenger should lose any of the messages entrusted to him, or should lose his
delivery sheet after having delivered his messages, there will be some way of determining what
messages he had, the water copies of the messages being identifiable by reference to the number
on the delivery register, as compared with the delivery numbers on the water copies. In serv-
ice investigations and supervision, the deliver)- number also serves as a speedy means of tracing
the service on messages which, without this ready means of identification, would be extremely
laborious and expensive.
The use of stamps does not appear to be involved in these operations, so that Mr. Lewis'
criticism of them indicates that the telegraph companies arc merely doing work which they could
avoid, and which their own interests would be likely to eliminate, if practicable. These opera-
tions appear to be as necessary as similar operations in connection with registered mail ; and it is sug-
gested that it is as important to secure an accurate delivery of telegrams as of registered mail.
63
16i, 20-1, 22m. MESSENGER SECURING RECEIPT FOR TELEGRAM ON DE-
LIVERY SHEET AND EXAMINATION OF DELIVERY SHEET BY DELRERY CLERK
TO SEE THAT TELEGRAM IS PROPERLY RECEIPTED FOR. The suggested elimina-
tion of the addressee's receipt, infers that a service as important as that of the delivery of tele-
grams may be conducted with an utter lack of control or responsibility concerning its proper
performance. Every message is important to the person who sends it and to the person who
receives it; and, therefore, it is important to the telegraph company, or to whatever agency per-
forms the telegraph service, to know that each message has been properly delivered. The rec-
ord of its delivery, having been established by the addressee's signature, may be required to
establish the fact and the lime of delivery in response to inquiries either from the sender, or
from the addressee, in cases where a subordinate or agent of the addressee has receipted for the
message. It is frequently of importance, also, that the fact and time of delivery be established
in connection with controversies arising between the parties to the correspondence. The prime
necessity of the receipt and of the notation of the time of delivery by the addressee is that it
may be determined whether the delivery service is being properly performed, and if it is not,
that proper remedial action may be taken. The Post Office itself requires receipts, not only for
registered mail matter, but also for special delivery letters.
The examination of the delivery sheet by the delivery clerk is a necessary corollary to
the taking of the receipt. The examination is made for the purpose of verifying (so far as is
possible by any means) the correct delivery of each message, and also of determining whether
there has been any undue delay in the delivery of any message.
In fact, it appears not only that these operations are necessary to good telegraph service,
but that their elimination would not be consonant with existing postal practice.
17j, 18k. COLLECTION OF CASH FROM THE MESSENGER TO COVER COL-
LECT RECEIVED TELEGRAMS. If the messenger is to collect the tolls on collect messages,
he must turn in the cash to the delivery clerk, and the delivery clerk must account for such
cash to the cashier. These functions can be eliminated only on the assumption that a "collect"
telegraph service will not be given ; for obviously "collect"' messages cannot be handled with a
strictly stamp settlement, and the government operated systems do not handle "collect" business.
It needs no extended discussion to demonstrate the value and importance of "collect message"
practice. Probably over 10 per cent, of the telegraph business of the United States is sent "col-
lect" today to the great accommodation of the public. It is hard to understand on what theory
the Government would curtail this service, purely to compel the adoption of exclusive stamp
payments.
To summarize the considerations with respect to commercial operations, the only processes which
could be eliminated by the use of stamps are 17] and 18k— and these could be dispensed with only
by refusing a "collect" telegraph ser^'ice. All other items which Mr. Lewis would eliminate are
essential to good telegraph service and are similar to those of the Post Office for similar kinds
of business.
OPERATING WORK.
The following is Mr. Lewis' list of operating items, those lettered being the operations to
be dispensed with under postalization :
The Telegraph Company (i. e.. Sending Operator).
6. Sends telegram.
/b. Puts time sent, numbers, sending and receiving operators' signals on telegram.
8c. Checks off numbers on number sheet, and initials sheet.
Receiving Operator.
9. Receives and transcribes telegram on proper blank.
lOd. Checks off number on number sheet and initials opposite the number.
Receiving Operator (Relay Point).
23. Receives and transcribes telegram on proper blank.
24n. Checks off number on number sheet and initials sheet.
64
Sending Operator (Relay Point).
25. Sends telegram.
26-0. Times telegram, etc.
27p. Checks off number sheet.
All the foregoing processes are necessary to the maintenance of efficient service. They
serve to disclose delays in transmission, to prevent the loss of messages, and to place the in-
dividual responsibility for delays, lost messages and errors.
7b. OPERATORS' SIGNALS. Good service can be maintained only by constant watch-
fulness against bad service. When errors are made in iransmiiiing messages, when there are
delays in their transmission, or when messaj;es do not reach their destination at all, the fault is
always tliat of some one individual who has handled the message at one of the stages in its
progress. To eliminate inefficient service conditions, the first essential is to identify the in-
dividuals responsible for them. The operators' signals fix with certainty the identity of the
operators who handled each message. The abolishment of their use would remove a safeguard
against service deterioration, as indispensable under govermnent operation as it is under private
operation, if there is to be any serious intention of giving the public the kind of service to which
it is entitled.
7b, 26-0. TIMING TELEGIL\MS. Time is of the essence of telegraph service. The
most satisfactory telegraph service is that which is most quickly performed. In general, tiie pub-
lic is concerned only in the lapse of time between the filing of the message and its delivery to
the addressee ; but in order that this interval may be as short as possible, it is necessary that the
time consumed in each of the steps which go to make up the total service on the message be re-
duced to a minimum. To do this, it is essential that there be some means of controlling the time
consumed in those different functions, that there be some way of telling whether such time con-
sumed is excessive, and of correcting any inefficiency in that respect which may develop. For
this reason, all messages are timed when they are filed, when they are sent by the operator, when
they are received, and when they are delivered, and, if relayed, they are timed when received at,
and when sent from tlie relay office. The result is, that if any message has been unduly de-
layed, it can readily be ascertained when and where the delay occurred; also that there is, in
each office, on the messages themselves, a complete record, which otherwise would not have been
available, of the promptness with which the business is handled in that office. Such a record is
of prime importance for the purposes of the inspection which it is necessary to make, to de-
termine whether the service is being kept up to the standard.
The timing of messages also enables the responsible chiefs in operating rooms to arrange
the routing and transmission of accumulated business in case of wire interruptions, and under
normal conditions affords them a ready means of supervising and controlling the transmission
of the telegrams passing through the office. Without timing, this control would be lacking, there
would be no effective gauge of the speed of the service, there would be every opportunity for
the service to become slack and to deteriorate without adequate means of locating the difficulty,
and of correcting it.
lOd, 24n, 27p. THE NUMBER SHEET AND NUMBERING OF TELEGRAMS. The
primary object of the numbering of telegrams by operators in the order of their transmission
and the checking-off of corresponding numbers on the so-called number sheets, is to prevent the
loss of messages.
In actual operation the first sending operator, when taking his place at the wire, establishes
communication with the office with which he is to work, and begins the transmission of the first
message. At the same time, with his left hand, he marks on the message the number "1," and the
call of the office to which the message is being sent fas, for instance, "B" in the case of Balti-
more). When he is completing the transmission of the message he adds, also with his left hand,
the time, and his own "sign." The entire operation is simultineous with the transmission of the
message and occupies no additional time. The first thing the receiving operator writes on his
receiving blank is the corresponding number of the message and the sign of the office from which
it is sent to him. The sending operator, having sent message No. 1, is supposed to mark off the
number "1" on the number sheet, under the heading "Sent," and the receiving operator, when re-
65
ceiving the message, to mark off the number "1" on his number sheet, under the heading "Re-
ceived." In actual practice, where there is a series of messages going one way between two op-
erators in succession, the transmission of none of them is delayed for the purpose of marking off
the numbers on the sheet, but at the completion of the series the marking off of the correspond-
ing numbers is done in one operation, which consumes no more than a second or so.
When either the sending operator or the receiving operator is relieved, the operator re-
lieving him notes the number of the last message sent or received, respectively, and if he be the
sending operator, assigns the next following number to the first message which he transmits,
which the receiving operator is required to verify from his record. Each operator places his sign
opposite the numbers of the messages which he has transmitted or received, respectively.
Messages may be lost from various causes. It may happen that a sending operator, having
placed the number and the sign of the distant office on a message, is in some way interrupted,
and that he may inadvertently place the message with the incomplete sending marks with the
sent business, then proceeding with the next message, giving it the next following number. As-
suming that he has thus erroneously placed the message No. 148 in the "sent" business without
having actually transmitted it or completed its transmission, and proceeds to transmit the next
message, giving it the No. 149, the receiving operator will challenge the incorrect number, thus
preventing the loss of message No. 148, which would otherwise have occurred. It may happen
that in the course of the transmission of a series of messages between two points the wire is
temporarily interrupted by an intennediate ground or from any one of a number of possible causes.
The sending operator frequently has no means of knowing that his signals are no longer reach-
ing the distant office and, if the interruption occurs between messages, the receiving operator can-
not tell whether the ensuing pause is one occurring naturally in the course of intervals between
messages, or whether it is due to temporary wire failure. The sending operator, in the mean-
time, continues to send his messages, and the fact that they did not reach their destination can-
not be detected until the wire is restored. The next number given the receiving operator reveals
the gap. He challenges the number, gives the sending operator the last number which he has
received, and the missing messages are thus easily identified and retransmitted. If the numbering
were eliminated, as suggested by Mr. Lewis, the loss of the messages might not be discovered at
all, and if it were discovered by chance, the description over the wire of the messages which had
reached the distant office, and the identification of those which had not, would be an extremely
laborious and time-consuming process; and witli the volume of business handled in important
offices, would in the end give no assurance of a correct result, particularly as all messages are
removed from the operators' tables, for filing or distribution to other wires, as quickly as tliey are
disposed of.
The accurate use of tlie number sheet is specially important at the time when one operator
relieves another. It is customary for the relieving operator to be at the wire before the relieved
operator leaves it, but there may be, on occasions, a short interval, and the number slieet pre-
vents the loss of any messages which may be sent from the distant sending office in the interim.
At the close of the day, the offices which have worked with each other compare numbers from
the number sheets, as an additional check that no messages have gone astray or failed between
them. The Telegraph Companies apply the most drastic discipline to any operators failing to
observe strictly the rules with reference to the checking of numbers on number sheets. In spite
of this, it has occasionally occurred that messages have been lost through negligence of operators
in this very respect. The extent to which losses would occur, in the complete absence of a muri-
bering system, can only be conjectured.
Secondary functions of tlie numbering system are the following:
The numbers of the messages afford a brief, convenient and absolutely safe way of identi-
fying them when it is necessary to refer to them in service messages asking repetition, or the
verification of specified text words, or reports of delivery, etc., more particularly in communica-
tions between chiefs when, on account of some mishap in the operating room, a quick repetition
of the message is required.
66
The number sheets, showing how many messages have been handled by each operator,
afford a most important means of gauging the efficiency of individual operators as affecting their
rating. It enables the traffic chief to judge whetiicr an operator is capable of handling the volume
of business passing over the wire to which he is assigned, or if the capacity of the operator be
established, to judge whether he is perfonniiig his full duty, and thus prevent avoidable delays
in traffic. It thus plays an important part in enabling the chiefs to assign the operators so that
the best use can be made of the wire facilities, and also in maintaining the efficiency of individual
employes.
The number sheet is an automatic record of the number of messages handled in the operat-
ing room, and affords the cheapest, easiest and most accurate way of obtaining the statistics
which are necessary, in order to check the operating cost, and to prevent extravagance in opera-
tion in individual offices.
The best thought of experienced telegraph men has for many years been given to de-
vising the simplest and most effective means of protecting the service, and it has not been pos-
sible to find any expedients which are as effeaive, and as little wasteful of time, as the estab-
lished safeguards, the removal of which Mr. Lewis suggests.
ACCOUNTING OPERATIONS.
Mr. Lewis makes the statement that the following accounting operations would give way,
under public management:
Cashier (Local).
1. Checks up and balances "receiving clerk's record" of messages.
2. Checks up and balances "delivery clerk's record" of messages.
3. Checks up and balances money-order clerk's sent-and-received record.
4. Checks up "charge accounts" weekly or monthly bills of customers for messages.
5. Turns over above four accounts to bookkeeper.
6. Checks up receiving clerk's record, branch offices.
7. Checks up delivery clerk's record, branch offices.
Bookkeeper (Local).
8. Records cash received, daily receiving clerk's record.
9. Records cash received, daily delivery clerk's record.
10. Records cash received, "sent" money orders record.
IL Records cash received, "received" money orders record.
12. Records cash received, receiving clerk's record, branch offices.
13. Records cash received, delivery clerk's record, branch offices.
14. Records all charge accounts.
15. Records payment of charge accounts.
16. Makes out weekly balance sheet.
Charge Account Clerk.
17. Makes out charge accounts (weekly and monthly).
18. Balances with bookkeeper.
19. Sends out bills of charge accounts.
Auditor's Office (Local).
20. Balances with cashier "receiving clerk's" record.
21. Balances with cashier "delivery clerk's" record.
22. Balances with cashier "receiving clerk's" record, branch offices.
23. Balances with cashier "delivery clerk's" record, branch offices.
24. Checks up number sheets of main and branch offices.
25. Keeps book record of branch office receipts.
67
26. Inspects "sent messages" to see that they all bear number, time and operator's sig-
nature.
27. Makes daily record of messages on forms supplied for "Sent paid," "Sent collect,"
"Received paid," "Received collect," for public, press and Government accounts.
28. Statement of Goverrmient messages sent paid, for Government, for general auditor.
29. Statt-meiit of Government messages sent collect, for Government, for general auditor.
30. Statement of Government messages received paid, for Government, for general auditor.
31. Statement of Government messages received collect, for Government, for general
auditor.
32. Statement of messages upon which are "other line" toils, for general auditor.
Zi. Makes daily check sheets for eacli city (amount of tolls).
34. Makes statement of "deadhead" messages.
35. Makes monthly statement of uncollected messages.
36. Sorts all messages as to cities.
27. Sorts all messages as "sent paid."
38. Sorts all messages as "received paid."
39. Sorts all messages as "sent collect."
40. Sorts all messages as "received collect."
41. Figures amount of tolls on each message.
42. Files all njessages by dates.
43. Answers all check-error sheets.
44. Makes daily statement of "sent" press report (number of words and city).
45. Counts number of words in "sent" press matter.
46. Makes daily statement of "received collect" press matter.
47. Counts number of words in "received collect" press matter.
At the outset, it should be pointed out that there is no "Auditor's Office (local)" in any
individual office. The functions which are attributed to the "Auditor's Office (local)," insofar as
they are performed, are bookkeepers' functions. It is true that the bookkeeper performs auditing
functions, but the auditing features of his activities are coincident with the other functions which he
performs. While he may be referred to as a "local auditor," at the same time the "local auditor" and
the bookkeeper are one and the same person.
As a result of the separate classification under "Bookkeeper" and under "Auditor's Office
(local)," there is a duplication in the enumeration of processes.
In the larger offices, constituting less than 10% of the total number of independent Western
Union main offices (excluding Branch Offices and Railroad Offices where no such organization exists),
there is a cashier and a bookkeeper. In that proportion of the remainder of the offices where the
employment of a bookkeeper is warranted by the amount of business handled, the cashier's func-
tions, so far as the cash is concerned, are performed by the manager, and so far as the reports
and records are concerned, by the bookkeeper, thus consolidating the majority of the functions
which in Mr. Lewis' list are separately enumerated.
Assuming an office sufficiently large to have a cashier and a bookkeeper, and checking the
items enumerated by Mr. Lewis according to the number given them in his list, and remembering
that the functions attributed to a local auditor's office are, if at all, performed by the bookkeeper:
1, 2, 6 and 7: The cashier doe"^ not check up and balance the receiving clerk's record and
the delivery clerk's record at main and branch offices. These are one and the same operation,
and it is performed by the bookkeeper.
The receiving clerk and delivery clerk turn their cash over to the cashier, but their regis-
ters go to the bookkeeper, who does the checking, and in that connection simultaneously obtains
a record of the cash received according to the registers. Therefore, numbers 8, 9, 12 and 13 are
coincident with numbers 1, 2, 6 and 7 respectively, and represent pure repetition in tlie enumera-
68
tion. There is a balancing between the bookkeeper and the casliier, as enumerated under 20,
21, 22 and 23, but this consists merely of a comparison by the cashier of the totals of his record
of cash received, and of the totals of the bookkeeper's record of what should have been received,
which is submitted to the cashier.
3: There is no checking of tlie transfer agent's record of money transfer receipts and
pajinents performed at the local office except where there are special transfer agents, which is
true only of the very largest offices. At these offices the cashier checks the transfer agent's bal-
ance, which is taken into his accounts, at the end of the month only.
There are less than 10 offices in the Eastern Division in which there is a special money
transfer agent, and possibly less than 30 offices in the whole country.
In all other cases where an office is a money transfer office, the manager or cashier is the
transfer agent, and perfomis the duties described as those of the "money order clerk."
4: This item is correct.
5 : On account of the inaccuracies in the items preceding No. 5, this statement is, of
course, also inaccurate, and should be eliminated.
6, 7, 8 and 9 are covered under items 1, 2, 6 and 7.
10: The bookkeeper has nothing to do with the money transfer service. The cashier,
however, records cash from money transfer receipts.
11: There is, of course, no "Cash Received" on "Received" money orders record, and
this item should be eliminated.
12 and 13 are covered under items 1, 2, 6 and 7.
14: This work is performed by the cashier, and not by the bookkeeper, and the item is
correct insofar as it is a monthly operation, being the entry of totals of monthly bills rendered
in the customers' ledger.
15: This appears to be correct.
16: There is no weekly balance sheet prepared. Perhaps this is confused with the daily
summary of business furnished to the cashier.
17 and 19: In the very large majority of offices, the bookkeeper does this work himself,
and there is no separate "Charge Account" clerk, as distinguished from the bookkeeping depart-
ment. In the very largest offices there m&y be a special bill clerk or bill clerks, but they are a
part of the bookkeeping department.
18: As the making out of the bills is a bookkeeper's function, as covered by No 17, the
item No. 18, supposed balancing between charge account clerk and bookkeeper, falls away, be-
cause that would be in fact a balancing of the bookkeeper with himself.
19: Covered under item No. 17.
20, 21, 22 and 23 are covered under items Nos. 1, 2, 6 and 7.
24 : At the very largest cities only is this work done, and then in connection with item No.
27. -Xt the large majority of offices it is not done, as it is covered by item No. 27.
25 : Only the very large offices maintain this record. The great majority of offices do not.
26: The inspection of messages to see that they bear the number, time and operator's
signature is performed in the operating room. Neither the bookkeeper nor any "Auditor's Office
(local)" has anything to do with it.
27: This is substantially correct, except that the function is performed by the book-
keeper, e ,, ■ , u
28 29, 30 and 31 : The bookkeeper makes a statement, for purposes of collection through
the general auditor's office, of Government messages sent paid and received collect (items 28 and
31) This is however, a single statement and should not be separated into two separate items,
and, further, it should be considered a part of item No. 17, in the same way as any other charge
account. ,. _
No such statement is made of Government messages sent collect or Government messages
received paid, and items 29 and 30 should, therefore, be eliminated. _^
32- No statement is made of messages upon which there are other line tolls for the
general auditor. (The only exception is in the case of wireless messages, where settlements are
made through the general auditor, an abstract being prepared by the coastal stations only. This.
of course, is a practically negligible proportion of the total business.) There used to be such a
statement many years ago, but it has long since been abandoned.
69
33: It is true that a daily check is made by the bookkeeper, but this is done by daily
entries in a loose-leaf ledger account, and not by making daily sheets.
34: The bookkeeper makes a statement of "deadhead"' messages, but this statement is
made once at the end of each month only.
35: The bookkeeper makes a monthly statement of uncollected messages, except where
there are less than five such messages.
36, Z7, 38, 39, 40 and 42: The bookkeeper does sort all messages by cities, and according
to whether they are sent paid, received paid, sent collect or received collect, and files them by
date, but this in the average office is all one operation. In the very largest offices (such as New
York, Chicago, Pliiladelphia and other large cities), there are two processes involved; one, the
separation of the messages according to whether they are sent paid, received paid, sent collect
or received collect and the second operation, their separation according to cities. The arrang*-
ment by dates is automatic in all cases, because each day's business is handled separately.
41 : The bookkeeper figures amount of tolls on each message. This is correct, but, as to
the cash business, is an incident to the checking and receiving clerk's records. As to messages re-
ceived paid and sent collect, it is an incident to the keeping of the check record against each
city (item 33).
43: Answers all check error sheets. This is correct, but is a monthly operation.
44 and 46: The bookkeeper does make a daily statement of "sent" press matter, and of
"received collect" press matter, but the two classes of messages are listed in one operation, and
should not be separated into distinct functions.
45 and 47 : Counting of press messages. In the average office the press matter is counted
by the operator, and in the average office the operator's count is accepted by the bookkeeper. In
the larger offices, the bookkeeping department counts such press matter as has not been counted
by operators. The bookkeeping department counts all Press Association matter, because that is
not counted by the Press Association operators, or by the telegraph company's operators. The
counting of such press matter is an incident to posting the tolls in the Check Ledger (item 33).
Statement of Actual Daily Accounting Operations at Average Western Union Independent Main
Offices.
CASHIER.
1. Records cash received from branch offices, receivers and customers and on money
transfers.
2. Verifies record of cash received with bookkeeper's daily summary and posts credits to
customers' accounts.
3. Records money transfer receipts and payments.
4. Maintains daily record of debits and credits.
BOOKKEEPER.
1. Assorts messages into "Receipts" (Cash and Charged), "Checks," "Dead Heads" and
"Service Messages."
2. Checks receivers' and delivery clerks' registers.
3. Enters charges on bills.
4. Assorts messages by States and towns.
70
5. Enters message tolls in check ledger
6. Prepares summary of daily business.
7. Counts and classifies messages for statistical purposes.
RECEIVERS AND DELIVERY CLERKS, M.\IN AND BRANCH OFFICES.
1. Enter "Sent Paid" and "Received Collect" messages on receivers' and delivery clerks'
registers.
A statement, showing the net result of the foregoing criticism of Mr. Lewis' enumeration
of accounting processes, and also a comparison between his enumeration and the actual number
of daily accounting operations, follows:
Operations on Mr. Lewis' List.
Disposition.
Covered on .\ctual List of :
Daily Operations under :
1.
3
5
10
11
14
15
16
17
18
24
25
26
28
29
32
33
34
35
36,
41
43
44
45
2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 20, 21, 22 and 23.
and 19.
and 27'.
and 31.
and 30.
yi, 38, 39, 40 and 42.
and 46.
and 47.
Eliminated
Eliminated
Eliminated
Monthly Operation
Eliminated
Not kept at average office
Eliminated
Eliminated
Eliminated
Monthly Operation
Monthly Operation
Eliminated
Monthly Operation
Cashier 1 Bookkeeper
Cashier 3
Cashier 2
Bookkeeper 6
Bookkeeper 3
Bookkeeper 7
Bookkeeper 3
Bookkeeper 5
Bookkeeper 1 and 4
Bookkeeper 7
Bookkeeper S
SUMMARY.
Operations enumerated on Mr. Lewis' list 47
No. of actual daily operations ^2
Difference ^5
Accounted for as follows :
Eliminated '
Consolidated 22
Monthly Operation ^
35
Less :
Operations not covered by Mr. Lewis ^
Mr. Lewis' suggestions concerning the elimination of accounting processes are, of course,
based on the assumption of the use of stamp for the purpose of paying tolls on messages.
The more important consideration in dealing with this phase of the matter is, therefore,
whether the use of stamps in connection with telegraph traffic in this country is feasible. The
result of applying the stamp system would necessarily be to place the service on a strictly cash
basis. Every message would have to be either prepaid with stamps when filed, or paid for, m
accordance with due stamps, by the addressee. It would eliminate any comprehensive facilities
for the acceptance of messages over the telephone, and it would also eliminate all charge ac-
counts.
71
The \\'estern Union Company statistics show tliat in the month of October, 1913, at so-
called test offices (331 offices), 2,553.625 messages were filed at the counter, 2,161,919 were col-
lected by messengers, and 606,126 messages, representing 11.4% of the total nmnber of messages
filed, were filed by telephone. The acceptance of messages over the telephone, of course, in-
volves the extension of credit to the person filing the message. The method in which the tolls
are collected in connection with telephone bills is familiar. The percentage of messages thus filed
is some indication of the extent to which the public has accepted and makes use of this facility.
Particularly in rural communities, where a person wishing to send a message may be located
at a considerable distance from the telegraph office, the use of the telephone for filing mes-
sages is practically indispensable, and under less rigorous conditions, it has been found to be a
great advantage to the telegraph-using public. In view of the present development and the prob-
able normal growth of the practice, as its advantages become more and more apparent, it is
doubtful whether the people would tolerate the abolishment of this convenience. On the other
hand, if, under a stamp system, the practice of accepting messages over the telephone is to be
continued, it will, of necessity, just as it does now, involve the extension of credit and the
keeping of such records as are necessary to keep a proper account of the amounts due, and to
enforce their collection.
The business community generally has become accustomed to the convenience of a telegraph
charge account, because it simplifies the processes of filing a message for the customer. A
charge account customer can send his message to the telegraph office by messenger, or in any
way in which he prefers. He need not consult any tariffs, he need not "count" his message. The
correct amount of the tolls will be determined when the message is received at the telegraph
office and the proper charge made against his account. Where telegrams are filed in rapid suc-
cession as, for instance, in the case of firms dealing on Exchanges, and seconds are important,
the elimination of unnecessary processes on the part of the customer is indispensable.
In the case of the cash customer who files his message at the counter, the affixing of
stamps would merely substitute certain processes not now employed for some of the existing
ones. Receiving clerks would have to procure stamps from some central distributing bureau.
That bureau would have to keep accounts of the stamps received by it, and of the stamps dis-
tributed to receiving clerks. The receiving clerk would still have to count each message to de-
termine the proper amount of the charges. Instead of then simply taking the cash for tlie
amount, he would liave to go through the process of selling stamps to the customer who, in
turn, would have to affix them to the message. The receiving clerk would be obliged to keep
account uf ihc nunilie-r of stamps furnished him and of the number sold, in order that the cash
on hand might be ascertained, to correspond with the difference. The essential processes of
determining the charge on the message and collecting the charge from the customer would be
the same as now.
72
APPENDIX C.
LETTER CONCERNING THE AMALGAMATION OF POST OFFICE
AND TELEGRAPH ORGANIZATIONS IN EUROPE.
"Stockholm, Dec. 18th, 1913.
"Dear Sir:
Concerning the question of amalgamating the Post and the Telegrapli, you expressed a desire
to know Count Hamilton's personal views on this point. I am now in a position to give you a
translation of some opinions in a statement signed by him and handed in to the Government in con-
nection with a report of a Committee that had proposed some changes in the organization of our
government departments and also hinted at the possible advantages of a fusion of the Post and Tele-
graph. The passage in the statement reads as follows: * * * The Commissioners have also
brought up the old and, in the opinion of the Telegraph Administration, long ago abandoned ques-
tion of amalgamating the Telegraph and Post departments into one, though the Commissioners de-
clare that they are not convinced that the present time is fully suited for the realization of such an
amalgamation. The Comm:s therefore do not give a full statement of the use and the advisability
of the fusion, but emphasize that experience from abroad decidedly suggests lliat an extended union
between the Telegraph and Post departments under ordinary circumstances could be advantageously
realized, and that a common administration for these two departments is theoretically the best form
of organization. The present circumstances, that were not to be considered as ordinary, should con-
sist of the fact that an important work is going on within the Telegraph department with respect to
the uniform organization of the Telephone system. Affirming the statement as to the circumstances
and expressing the hope that the work of organization within the Telegraph department, the growth
of which is so sensitive, may never slacken, the Telegraph Administration in this connection dares
to pronounce the apprehension that by eventually satisfying the desire of taking examples from
abroad in the aforesaid question, difficulties arise, which easily may happen when foreign models are
replanted in our own soil, that is to say that when the transplantation is once effected, the foreign
prototypes have in the meantime vanished and have been replaced just by that which was rejected
by us at home. An expert delegated from the English Post and Telegraph departments, having
studied these matters during a long time in European states, on his visit to Stockholm last summer,
expressed an opinion little agreeing with that expressed by the Commissioners. In a letter of a
later date the following interesting information is given :
'I have had the advantnge, during the past 18 months, of having visited many of the European
countries and of having met many officers of the Postal and Telegraph services in these countries. I have
found that, in every country I have visited, there is a consensus of opinion that today the Postal De-
partment should be administered separately from the Telegraph and Telephone Department, and in those
countries in which the Post, Telegraphs and Telephones are combined under one Administration in theory,
I have found that at headquarters the Administration of the Posts is separated in practice from that of
the Telegraphs and Telephones; and that this separ.ition extends in many cases to the Provincial Admin-
istrations. As you are aware, two Royal Commissions have recently investigated the organization of
the Posts, Telegraphs and Telephones in Italy, where at the present time the Telephones arc under an
Administration separate from that of the Post and Telegraphs. It has been strongly urged by these Royal
Commissions that the Telegraphs should be separated from the Posts and placed with the Telephones;
and that in future the Postal Department should constitute an Administration separate from that of the
Telegraphs and Telephones.'
"From this might be concluded that the tendency abroad — if attention necessarily must be paid
to matters abroad — goes in a direction totally different from that supposed by the Comm :s. The
opposite would just have been miraculous. Considering the development of later years characteriz-
71
ing not only the telephone but nowadays also the telegraph, the combination of the exclusively tech-
nical Telegraph Department with the exclusively administrative Post Department would be an ex-
tremely unpractical proceeding. The advantages that in some respects could be realized by the
amalgamation, and which are incidentally referred to by the Comm:s, possess a worth that is com-
paratively insignificant; and that may be gained very easily without the risk of the great incon-
veniences that, according to the opinion of the Telegraph Administration, an amalgamation would
bring to both of the departments threatened. Moreover, the Comm:s themselves point out that al-
ready, at the present time, a good deal is done in favor of the public in the respect referred to by
the Comm:s. The Telegraph Administration can add to this that still more will be done in the
same direction, though in a simpler and more practical way than that suggested by the Comm:s,
with proposed meetings of the chiefs, reporting traffic division chiefs from both sides, minutes, and
so on. The Post and Telegraph Committee of 1902 did not either mention a word regarding the
question of amalgamation, probably because already, at that time, it was considered that it had
been got rid of for good on account of the unwillingness of the Committee of 1902 to realize it.
Thus, not having been considered even at an earlier stage possible to carry, it would be still un-
happier to try it now or in the future when the development, which is fortunately swelling year by
year on both sides, is also yearly claiming an ever more intensive management."
Faithfully yours,
(Sd.) Ernst Halling, Statistician."
74
APPENDIX D.
TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONE DEFICITS UNDER GOVERNMENT
OPERATION
The facts concerning the financial results of government operation of telegraphs and tele-
phones are difficult to ascertain, not only because the expense accounts of the two services are usually
consolidated (and, in some cases, are also combined with those for the postal services as well), but
also because the system of accounting adopted often fails to differentiate between capital and cur-
rent expenditure. However, some definite information is available on this subject, and, in addition,
a great deal of data which indicates the probable facts in a general way. This information follows:
GENERAL
Comments Concerning the Earning Capacity of European Telegraph and Telephone Admin-
istrations.
From Editorial Review of the Year 1901. in the "Journal Telegraphique," January 25, 1902,
(Translation) :
"As stated above, the telephone has become the rival of the telegraph and tends to diminish
the telegraph revenues. One would be inclined to conclude that this riva'ry is detrimental to the
interests of the telegraph service only in countries in which the telephone service is still operated
exclusively by private enterprise, whereas it is not of great consequence in states in which both
the telephone and the telegraph services are in the hands of the government, provided that the de-
crease which the rivalry causes in the revenues of one service is offset by an increase in the revenues
of the other. This conclusion would be justified if the revenues of the telephone service were
sufficient not only to cover its own expenses, but also to palliate the loss in telegraph revenues. But,
unfortunately, such is not the case, for only a very small number of Administrations succeed in
covering the expenses of both services * * * It is a fact that the traffic of the two services does
not increase as rapidly as the expenses incurred for the construction and the extension of the
systems and that this traffic becomes from day to day less productive, due to the constant reduc-
tions in rates- which the .Administrations are forced to effect."
From a monograph by Dr. Hans Schwaighofer, a German authority. (Translation) :
"The reasons why, from year to year, not only in Germany but in almost all countries, sub-
sidies for the telegraph service are necessary, are various. Probably the main reason is that
* * * the rates were originally based upon entirely erroneous assumptions." "*
AUSTRIA
No information is available as to the financial results of either the telegraph or the telephone
service, but the combined postal, telegraph, and telephone services produced (1912) a deficit of about
$500,000." As the postal service is generally conceded to be profitable in Europe, it is very probable
that this deficit results from telegraph or telephone operation, or both, on which, therefore, the
deficit is probably greater than $500,000.
BELGIUM
No information.
DENMARK
From 1876-77 until 1902-03, the combined telegraph and telephone services showed annual
deficits, but since that date the published receipts have exceeded the published expenses by about
15%. In reply to an inquiry, however, the Administration explains that no charges for interest or
depreciation are included in the published expenses, so that the published profit is fictitious. It is
significant that the net result of the telegraph and telephone operations from 1876 to 1911, even
without allowing for interest or depreciation, was a loss of about $395,000.»'
FRANCE
Telegraphs.
Senator Emile Dupont states (1911), in an official report on the Budget (i.e., Appropriation
Bill), that the entire telegraph service is operated at a loss.'"* In discussing this loss, he refers to
the official report on the Budget of 1905, made by -M. Sembat. as Secretary of the House of Deputies
Budget Committee, in which Sembat estimated the loss on the telegraph service in 1905 at $1,880.000.,
or about 23% of the telegraph revenue. This estimate, Senator Dupont thinks, is conservative.'"
75
Telephones.
M. Scmljat, in the report just referred to, estimated a deficit in the telephone service of $380,-
000., or over 5%.'"'
GERMANY
February 15, 1901, Representative Paasche stated in the Reichstag that, according to a com-
munication from the Secretary of State for the Post Office, the German telegraphs required a subsidy
of $3,500,000. per annum, including charges for depreciation and interest on capital. This was about
45^0 of the telegraph revenue for 1900."'
March 27, 1912, Secretary of State for the Imperial Post Office Kraetke stated in the Reich-
stag: "The gentlemen know that tlic Telegraph Administration operates at a very heavy loss"
(Translation.)'"*
GERMANY-BAVARIA
A special report of the Imperial Post Office, published in 1908, states that the loss on the
telephone service in Bavaria is 150,000 marks per annum. This loss, however, appears to result from
the toll service, as the report shows a net profit from the exchange ser\'ice. The total loss on the
toll service is 250,000 marks per annum.""
GREAT BRITAIN
From "The Post Office. An Historical Summary," published by the Postmaster-General of
Great Britain in 1911:"'
"At no time has the revenue from the telegraph service been sufficient to pay the interest on
the capital; and for tlie lasi twenty years the service has been carried on at a considerable
loss. ♦ * *
"From 1892 onwards the balance sheet has regularly shown a deficit * * * ; _
"The largest deficit hitherto recorded occurred in 1903-4 when it amounted to 957,782£. In
1909-10 it was 858,314£ or 1,130,005£ including the interest on stock."
From First, Second, and Third Reports from the Committee of Public Accounts, 1910:"'
Sir John Brigg:
"To have established a capital account for telegraphs would have involved the valuation of
the assets of the undertaking at the present time, and the inter-departmental Committee on which
I sat, on which the Treasury were represented, and on which we had Mr. Peat, the then President
of the Chartered Accountants, recommended in the circumstances that it was not worth to incur
the huge expense of a valuation and that for telegraphs we should dispense with the capital ac-
count. One reason why that was recommended was that we knew the loss was about a million
(i) a year, and it was not very encouraging."
Tlie telegraph deficit in the year 1912-1913 was officially reported as £957,566 ($4,653,771).
This was about 307o of tlie receipts.""
No information.
No information.
ITALY
HUNGARY
NETHERLANDS
The telegraph service resulted in 1912 in a deficit of Fl. 1,670,228 ($671,431.) or about 62%
of the telegraph receipts.'"
NORWAY
No information.
SWEDEN
From Report of Walter F. Burgess to Chicaj^o City Council, April 1907:
"The manner in which the figures of the (Telegraph and Telephone) Department are pre-
sented, and the padding of the 'assets' is an excellent example of the way in which the figures of
many of the continental Telephone and Telegraph Departments are presented and there can be no
doubt that if the Telegraph and Telephone Department made proper allowance for depreciation
upon its property and was obliged to create a sinking fund and pay interest for all moneys which
it has obtained at different times, the alleged profit which it shows at the present time would be
converted into a deficit."
76
SWITZERLAND
From ^[essage of the Swiss Federal Council to the Federal Assembly, December 20, 1909.
(Translation) :
"The average receipt from a domestic telegram (65.7 centimes) is considerably below the
average cost for all kinds of telegrams (745 centimes), and this proportion grows worse, if we
make the comparison with ihc cost ol a domestic telegram only (at Uast !^0 ccntiims).'""
The deficit on domestic telegraph traffic is, therefore, about 22% of the receipts therefrom.
The loss on the telephone service from 1901 to 1909 was 3,613,953 Francs (about $700,000.).
This was about 14^ of the telephone revenue for the same period."
112
AUSTRALIA
In 1910 a Royal Commission on Postal Services made the following statements concerning the
financial results of the Australian Post Office Department:"'
".■Xccepting the most liberal reading * * * the estimated loss on the transaction of the
Department from the inception of the Commonwealth to June 30, 1909, amounted to at least
£2,300,000 ($11,190,000.).
**************
"The information furnished would make it appear certain that the postal section of the
Department returns a profit as a whole but the extent of such profit was not ascertainable. » • *
"Your Commissioners therefore conclude that the Department's unsound financial position is
due to the fact that telegraphic and telephonic services are rendered a' rates which do not return
revenue sufficient to cover all charges against capital account, and working expenses.
**************
"Consequently the postal section of the Department has to assist in carrying the financial
burden of the telegraph and telephone sections. This is distinctly inequitable, and the result is that
the mail facilities to outlying districts suffer curtailment, while telegraphic and telephonic facilities
are furnished at a loss. » * *
"Your Commissioners endeavored to obtain the above mentioned information with the object
of definitely establishing which were paying and which were non-paying branches of the Department,
and of showing the relative extent to which they were paying or non-paying. The Accountant in
New South Wales estinuted the cost of earning II of revenue to be as follows:
Postal Ser^•ice £0 14 10
Telegraph Service 1 9 6
Telephone Service 1 5 0
"The only other information on this subject was supplied by the South .Australian representa-
tive of the Commonwealth Auditor-General, who had for many years been associated with the .Ac-
counts Branch in New South Wales. This witness' estinvate of the cost of obtaining £1 of revenue
in South Australia was as follows :
Postal Service £0 15 10
Telegraph Sen-ice 1 1 5
Telephone Service 1 3 2
"In addition to the figures quoted, the Chief Electrical Engineer stated that to obtain £1
of revenue from the telephone service involved an expenditure of £1 7s., exclusive of sinking
fund."
It will be noted that these official estimates of deficits in telegraph and telephones are in pro-
portion as follows:
Per Cent, of Deficits to Revenue.
Telegraph. Telephone.
New South Wales ■ 47.5 25.0
South Australia ' -^ ^^-^
Australia ^^•"
Another official report shows that the results of the operation of the entire postal services for
the year ended June 30, 1913, was a deficit of £407.102 ($1,982,587.). This loss was 9.67o of the
total Postal Department revenue, and was the result of lieavy deficits in both the telegraph and
telephone branches, as follows:" "^
TeWrat>hs ■ £164.108 ($799,206.)
riSncs :;;:;::::::::::::::: ^^'^757 ($1,079,956.)
% of telegraph loss to telegraph revenue ^•
% of telephone loss to telephone revenue "•'
NEW ZEALAND
The following statistics show the annual losses, in recent years, in the New Zealand telegraph
and telephone toll services, which are not separated as to expense. The net results shown below, it
will be noted, are exclusive of interest charges which, if taken into account, would materially increase
the deficits shown:
77
Year
Ended
Total Value of
Telegraph and
Telephone Toll
Business.
Total Telegraph
and Telephone
Toll Expendi-
ture (exclud-
ing interest
charges).
Official Net Profit (excluding in-
terest charges) of the Com-
bined Telegraph and Tele-
phone Toll services.
March 31.
1908
1909
1910
I
231,897
242,925
255,063
277,817
300,166
t
275,757
307,166
322,485
344,046
364,613
i $
-~ 43.860 — 213.160
- 64,241 — 312,211
- 67,422 — 327,671
— 66,229 — 321,873
— 64,447 — 313,212
1911
1912
Totals
1,307,868
1,614,067
—306,199 —1,488,127
The loss in 1912 was about 21.3^ of the revenues, and for the five year period was about 23.4%
of the revenues.
The above statistics were computed from those published in the Annual Reports of the Post and
Telegraph Department, New Zealand, and, to avoid errors due to possible misinterpretation of the
reports, were submitted by letter to the General Post Office, New Zealand, for verification. The fol-
lowing is part of the reply from the Secretary:
"The result arrived at by you in connection with the loss on the combined telegraph ana
telephone toll services is correct. The deficit for the combined services, after the value of free
government work is taken into account, amounts, as you say, to £64,447.
"Your assumption, that the deficit is due to the rates being too low, is also correct. It has
been found from specially computed statistics that the only classes of telegrams which are profi,t-
able to the Department are 'Urgent' and bureau messages."
i
78
APPENDIX E.
RELATIVE VALUE OF MONEY IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES
AND IN THE UNITED STATES, AS REFLECTED IN THE WAGES
OF TELEPHONE OPERATORS.
COMPARISON OF THE WAGES OF ORDINARY DAY SWITCHBOARD OPERATORS.
These wages are here represented by the minimum wage (,on beginning full active service) and the wage at the end
of three years of sen-ice in the largest exchange in each coun'.ry.
Country.
Laigest Elxchange.
Minimum Weekly Wage.
Actual.
E.xpressed in
per cent.,
United States
Figure being
100%.
Weekly Wage at end
of Three Years.
Actual.
Expressed in
per cent.,
United States
Figure being
1007o.
Austria
Belgium
Denmark
France
German Empire
Great Britain..
Netherlands
Norway
Sweden :
State
Company
Switzerland
United States. . .
Vienna
Brussels
Copenhagen
Paris
Berlin
London
Amsterdam
Christiania
Stockholm
Stockholm
Zurich
New York
$3.00
2.60
2.50
4.10
3.95
2.65
320
3.70
3.10
3.10
520
6.00
50%
43%
42%
68%
667o
44%,
53%
62%
S27o
52%
87%
100%,
$3.30
3,35
3.40
4.45
4.60
5.50*
7.20
4.00
4.00
4.00
6.70
10.00
33%
34%
34%
45%
46%
55%
72%
40%
40%
40%
67%
100%
*Only if the operator is 22 years of age or over; it operator is less than 22 years of age, Iier wage is less
than this figure.
79
APPENDIX F.
HISTORY OF TELEGRAPH RATES.
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF ORDINARY TELEGRAPH RATES IN THE UNITED
STATES.'"
The fundamental basis of the Western Union rate schedule consists of "state" rates and
"square" rates, the squares used for rate purposes having dimensions of 50 miles on each side. Except
where special or "exception" rates are in effect, the "square" rates apply to all points to which the
"state" rates are not lower.
The "square" rates were originally adopted in 1869; from that time on, such rates gradually
replaced, for the shorter hauls, the almost invariably higher rates previously in effect. Before 1880,
possibly at as early a date as 1875, "square" rates had been extended over the whole United States —
the western and southern schedule being, however, higher than the eastern schedule.
On April 1, 1889, a rather general reduction in the so-called "state" rates was introduced. As
a result of this change, the maximum rates between points lying east of the Mississippi River, west of
New England, and north of the Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi line (except between points lying
in the far southern portions and points lying in the far northwestern portions of the territory de-
scribed) were reduced from 60 cents to 50 cents. At the same time the maximum rates between many
of the western states were reduced by about 2Qfo to 25%.
Between 1890 and 1895 the western and southern schedule of "square" rates was replaced by the
lower eastern schedule.
From the comprehensive reduction of April 1, 1889, to April 1, 1907, some dozens of sporadic
reductions, varying on the whole from 15% to 35%, were made in the maximum "state" rates (includ-
ing as "state" rates the rates between a state as a whole and an individual city in a distant state),
while a number of 37^% reductions in the maximum rates between points in the same state were
effected.
During the period prior to 1888, a large number of special rates were introduced, the majority
of them affecting traffic between important centers. About 1905 a beginning was made in the direction
of eliminating such special rates; and on April 1, 1907, a large number of them were increased to
accord with the appropriate "square" and "state" rates. At the same date many "state" rates were
also increased by 10 or 15 cents.
On July 1, 1912, a very sweeping reduction in the Western Union "square" rates was made.
Prior to this date, the "square" rate from any office to any other office, located within the two zones
of squares adjoining its own square, was 25 cents for ten words, and the rate to the next following
two zones of squares was 40 cents. On July 1, 1912, the rate to the first zone of 40 cent squares was
reduced to 30 cents. This reduction affected the rate from every Western Union office in the United
States to every other Western Union office located within the third zone of squares; and, in the
aggregate, counting tlie rate between any two offices affected as one rate, the number of rates reduced
was between five and six millions.
* OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF ORDINARY DOMESTIC TELEGRAPH RATES IN
THE MORE IMPORTANT COUNTRIES OF WESTERN EUROPE.'"
Summary.
The history of the domestic telegraph rates, for ordinary service in the more important countries
of Western Europe, shows that in but two of these countries (Sweden and The Netherlands) have
these rates been changed since October 1, 1894 — a period of approximately twenty years. In Sweden
the change (June 8, 1906) consisted of merely a reduction in the minimum number of words for which
*In Europe the address and signature of a telegraph message arc subject to the regular rates applicable to
the text.
80
payment is required, the actual rate per word remaining exactly as fixed in 1889. In Tlie Netherlands
the change (July 1, 1898) effected a reduction only in the rate for words in excess of ten, and thus
did not in any way affect messages of ten words or less, which constitute about one-half of the do-
mestic traffic; and the rate for such messages is still the same as in 1886.
With these two exceptions, the most recent rate change was in Denmark, where the rate for the
longer hauls was substantially increased on October 1, 1894.
In Germany, the real ultimate effect of the rate change of February 1. 1891, was the elimination
of the small fixed charge per message (five cents) which was incorporated in the rate adopted in 1876.
In Great Britain, a general reduction in rates was effected on October 1, 1885, when the present
rate was adopted.
In Belgium and in France, the rate has stood without change for over thirty years, the present
rates being introduced in 1882 and 1878, respectively.
The dates when the present rate for ordinary domestic service went into effect in each of these
countries are shown below :
France May 1, 1878
Belgium January 1, 1882
Great Britain October 1, 1885
Germany February 1, 1891
Denmark October 1, 1894
The Xetherlands July 1, 1898
Sweden June 8, 1906
Further details follow.
Great Britain.
The rates of the private telegraph companies, which controlled the telegraph business of the
country prior to 1870, varied — according to distance — from 1 shilling (24 cents) for 20 words, to 2
shillings (48 cents) for 20 words, additional charges being levied where a message passed over the
lines of two or more companies.
In 1870, however, the private telegraph systems were acquired by the state, which immediately
adopted a uniform rate of 1 shilling (24 cents) per 20 words, with 3d. (6 cents) for each additional.
5 words, the address and signature being free.
On October 1, 1885, the above rate was replaced by a rate of 6d. (12 cents) for 12 words and
i^d. (1 cent) for each additional word, the words in both the address and signature being charged
for. This rate has remained unchanged to the present date.
Germany.
On March 1, 1876, a fixed charge of 20 Pfennig (5 cents) per message, plus 5 Pfennig (1J4
cents) per word, was introduced.
On July 1, 1886, the fixed charge per message of 20 Pfennig (5 cents) was abolished, and a
straight charge per word of 6 Pfennig (lyi cents) was substituted.
On February 1, 1891, the charge per word was reduced to 5 Pfennig (I'A cents), but a minimum
of 50 Pfennig (12 cents) per message was required. This is the present rate.
Sweden.
April 1, 1865, marked the adoption of a rate of 1 Krona (26.8 cents) for 20 words and 25 0re
(6.7 cents) for each additional 5 words.
On January 1, 1889, the minimum rate was reduced to 50 0re (13.4 cents) for 10 words, plus
5 0re (1.3 cents) for each a.lditional word (instead of 25 pre for each addiliiMial 5 words).
On June 8, 1906, the minimum rate was reduced to 25 0re (6.7 cents) allowing 5 words. The
charge of 5 0re (13 cents) for each additional word remained unchanged— and this is the present
rate.
The Netherlands.
On October 1, 1879, a tariff was adopted providing a fixed charge per message of 15 Dutch
cents (6 U. S. cents), plus 1 D.-tch cent (4/10 U. S. cent) per word.
81
On July 7, 1886, the rate was changed to 25 Dutch cents (10 U. S. cents) for 10 words and
3 Dutch cents (1.2 U. S. cents) for each additional 2 words.
On July 1, 1898, the present rate was adopted, namely: 25 Dutch cents (10 U. S. cents) for
10 words; 5 Dutch cents (2 U. S. cents) for each additional 5 words up to a total of 50 words; 5 Dutch
cents (2 U. S. cents) for each additional 10 words beyond a total of 50 words.
Denmark (Long Distance Service).
October 1, 1894, the rate was increased from:
50 0re (13.4 cents) for 20 words and
25 0re (6.7 cents) for each additional 10 words,
to the present rate of :
50 0re (13.4 cents) for 10 words and
5 0re (1.3 cents) for each adaitional word.
Belgium.
No change has been made in the rate as adopted January 1, 1882. This rate is:
SO centimes (10 cents) for IS words;
10 centimes (2 cents) for each additional 5 words up to a total of 50 words;
10 centimes (2 cents) for each additional 10 words beyond a total of 50 words.
France.
Tlie rate which went into effect on May 1, 1878, stands today. This rate is:
S centimes (1 cent) per word, a minimum of
50 centimes (10 cents) per message being required.
GOVERNMENT INTERNATIONAL TELEGRAPH RATES FOR ORDINARY SERVICE
IN IMPORTANT EUROPEAN COUNTRIES. "'
(The countries included are Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, The
Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Switzerland.)
Maximum rates for ordinary international telegraph traffic were established by a general in-
ternational agreement adopted by the International Telegraph Conference (held in St. Petersburg) as
early as 1875. This schedule of maximum rates has been more or less revised by all subsequent In-
ternational Conferences, which have been held as follows: London 1879; Berlin 1885; Paris 1890;
Budapest 1896; London 1903; and Lisbon 1908. The Lisbon (1908) revision is in effect at the
present time.
These general international agreements established maximum rates only ; the Conference left
the individual governments free to fix special reduced rates through special individual agreements,
so that, as a mattter of fact, in practically all telegraph traffic between adjacent countries, the present
rates have been fixed by special agreements, and are lower than the maximum rates established by the
general international agreements.
The result is that — according to the international tariff book published by the Office of the
International Telegraph Union in 1910, supplemented by such modifications as have occurred since
that date — of the 45 separate rates at present in effect between the ten countries here considered
(counting the rate between any two countries as a single rate), 24 rates still correspond to the maxi-
mum rate allowed under the latest revision of the general international agreement, while 21 rates
(those between adjacent countries) are rates established by special agreements.
A brief outline of the history of both these classes of rates, based on the publications of the
Office of the International Telegraph Union, follows:
A. Rates Corresponding to the Maximum Allowed under the General International Agreement
(Revision of 1908).
Prior to 1885 the international rate schedule adopted by the Conferences was based upon a
fixed charge per message plus an additional charge for each word. In the revision of 1885, however,
the fixed charge per message was abolished, and all rates were based on a straight word charge. As
this basis has been retained in all subsequent revisions, the exact effect of these revisions is apparent
from a comparison of the various revised schedules.
82
First, comparing the schedule of 1885 with the revision of 1903, it is found that of tlie 24
rates wliich still correspond to the maximum, 11 had been reduced— by an average of about one cent
a word— by the end of the period of eighteen years; whereas 13 rates, or over one-half, not only had
not been reduced prior to 1903, but were not reduced even in 1903, so that they remained without
change for 23 years (1885-1908).
The revision of 1908 effected moderate reductions all along the line, all but three of the 24
rates being decreased by about one-half a cent a word on the average. A comparison of the 1908 re-
vision with the 1885 schedule, however, shows that 15 of the 24 rates have been reduced by less
than one cent a word between 1885 and the present time — a period of appro.ximately 30 years.
B. Rates Fixed by Special Agreement.
As has already been stated, 21 of the present rates between the 10 countries under considera-
tion are the result of special agreements. Of these 21 rates, 13 were fixed prior to 1893, or over 20
years ago, exactly as they exist today.
Of the eight special rates which have been reduced during the past 20 years, three were
j-educed in 1911 as a result of the joint acquisition of the Great Northern Telegraph Company's Eng-
land-Norway cables by the governments of Great Britain and Norway, for. coincident with this trans-
action (January 1, 1911), the rate from England to Norway was reduced from 3d. (6 cents) per
word, to 2>2d. (5 cents) per word ; while before the end of the year, similar reductions had been made
in the rate from England to Sweden and to Denmark for the purpose of bringing these rates into
line with the rate to Norway.
The changes during the past 20 years in the remaining five special rates have been as follows :
On July 1, 1909, the rate from the frontier zone of Austria to Switzerland was reduced
from 10 centimes (2 cents) per word to 9 centimes (1.8 cents) per word.
On May 1, 1902, the rate per word between Norway and Sweden was reduced from 10 0re
(2.7 cents) to 5 0re (1.4 cents), the fixed charge per message, however, remaining unchanged.
On January 1, 1903, the rate of 5 0re (1.4 cents) per word (in addition to a fixed charge per
message) between the coast of Denmark and the coast of Sweden was extended to include all offices
in both countries.
On January 1, 1903, the rate per word between Denmark and Norway was reduced from 10
Pre (2.7 cents) to 5 0re (1.4 cents), the fixed charge per message remaining unchanged.
In 1901 the rates for words in excess of 50 in messages between Bel.e^ium and The Nether-
lands was reduced from 5 centimes (1 cent) per word to 2>^ centimes {'/2 cent) per word.
83
I
APPENDIX G— TABLE I.
OMPARISON OF ORDINARY A\D URGEXT DOMESTIC TOLL RATES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES WITH TOLL RATES
IN UNITED STATES. RATES FOR 10 MILES ARE IN ALL CASES FOR "TWO-NUMBER" SERVICE; FOR
ALL OTHER DISTANCES THEY ARE FOR "PARTICULAR PERSON" SERVICE.
RATES IN CENTS.
10 Miles.
Minutes.
Sweden
Ordinary
Urgent
Norway
Ordinary
Urgent
Denmark
Ordinary ....
Urgent
Germany
Ordinary
Urgent
Austria
Ordinary
Urgent
France*
Belgium!
Great Britainf ....
New Zealand! ....
United States§ ...
Mean of Foreign
Countries
Ordinaryt
UrgentJ
% Mean Foreign
Rates to
United States
Rates
Ordinary ' 142
Urgent I 240
4.0
8.0
4.0
12.0
6.7
13.4
4.7
14.3
8.1
24.3
4.8
19.3
6.0
6.0
5.0
7.1
2.0
8.0
16.1
8.0
24.0
13.4
26.8
9.5
28.6
16.2
48.6
9.6
19.3
12.0
8.0
5.0
11.5
21.4
230
428
8.0
16.1
8.0
24.0
13.4
26.8
9.5
28.6
16.2
48.6
9.6
19.3
12.0
10.0
5.0
11.8
21.6
236
432
25 Miles.
Minutes.
10.7
14.7
8.0
21.4
13.4
20.1
12.0
23.8
18.3
42.7
10.8
24.1
9.0
9.0
15.0
12.8
19.5
85
130
14.7
22.8
14.7
41.5
20.1
33.5
17.9
41.7
30.5
79.3
18.0
24.1
15.0
11.0
20.0
18.3
31.9
92
160
SO Miles.
Minutes.
14.7 10.7
22.8 14.7
14.7
41.5
20.1
33.5
17.9
41.7
30.5
79.3
18.0
24.1
15.0
13.0
25.0
18.7
32.1
75
128
14.7
22.8
12.0 21.4
30.8 58.9
16.1
25.4
17.9
41.7
26.4
67.0
10.8
24.1
16.2
16.2
30.0
16.6
27.4
SS
91
25.4
44.2
29.7
n.z
46.7
127.9
18.0
24.1
28.2
20.2
40.0
14.7
22.8
21.4
58.9
25.4
44.2
29.7
n.z
46.7
127.9
18.0
24.1
28.2
24.2
50.0
100 Miles.
Minutes.
25.4 I 25.8
46.8 47.3
64
117
52
95
14.7
22.8
25.5
65.7
26.8
46.9
29.7
77.3
46.7
127.9
18.1
24.1
30.0
30.0
60.0
27.3
49.2
46
82
22.8
38.8
45.6
126.0
46.9
87.1
53.5
148.7
87.3
249.9
32.6
24.1
54.0
38.0
80.0
44.9
56
111
22.8
38.8
45.6
126.0
46.9
87.1
53.5
148.7
87.3
249.9
32.6
24.1
54.0
46.0
100.0
45.8
89.5
46
90
200 Miles.
Minutes.
20.1
33.5
32.2
85.8
46.9
87.1
29.7
77.3
67.0
188.8
30.1
75.6
60.0
120.0
45.1
79.7
38
66
33.5
60.3
59.0
1662
87.1
167.5
53.5
148.7
127.9
371.5
54.2
135.6
76.0
160.0
78.3
147.4
49
92
500 Miles.
Minutes.
33.5 33.5 60.3
60.3 60.3 113.9
59.0
1662
87.1
167.5
53.S
148.7
41.6! 77.3
113.0 1 220.1
60.3
113.9
77.3
220.1
127.9 87.3 1 168.5 168.5
371.5 249.7 ! 493.3 493.3
54.2 66.0 119.0 119.0
135.0 181.0
92.0 I ..
200.0 300.0
80.3
149.4
40
75
81.9
134.0
27
45
326.0
400.6
150.2
254.5
38
64
326.0
500.0
150.2
254.5
30
51
♦These arc the minimum rates for these distances. In many cases higher rates are in eflfect. No "particular person" service is given,
or which reason 50% of initial rate is added at 25 and 50 miles, and 25% is added for other distances.
J Increased 25% for distances of 25 miles or more to make comparable with "particular person" rates.
tincreased 50% at. 25 miles, 35% at 50 miles and 25% for greater distance to make comparable with "particular person" service.
§These rates are figured on the basis of 6 mills per mile to the nearest higher multiple of 5 cents, except for 10 miles, when the
egular "two-number" rate is given. 6 mills per mile is used by Mr. Lewis, and is a fair average rate for the United States.
tin obtaining the mean ordinary and urgent rates, the rates in France, Great Britain, Belgium, and New Zealand were considered
oth as ordinary and as urgent.
84
APPENDIX G— TABLE IT.
SHOWING FOREIGN' DOMESTIC TOLL RATES IN COMTAKISON WITH AMERICAN TOLL RATES.
THIS TABLE DIFFERS FROM TABLE I. PRECEDING. ONLY IN THAT THE RATES HAVE UEEN EQUATED ON THE BASl
OF THE VALUE OF MONEY AS SHOWN BY WAGES FOR SWITCHBOARD OPERATORS AFTER 3 YEARS"
SERVICE. (SEE APPENDIX E.)
RATES IN CENTS.
10 Miles.
25 Miles.
50 Miles.
100 Miles. 1 200 Miles.
500 Miles.
Minutes.
Minutes.
Minutes.
Minutes.
Minutes.
Minutes.
3
4
5
3
4
5
3
4
5
3
4
S
3
4
5
3
4
S
Sweden
Ordinary
10.0
20.0
20,0
26.8
36.R
36A
26.8
36.8
36.8
36.8
57.0
57.0
50.3
83.8
83.8
83.8
151.0
ISl
Urgent
20.0
10.0
40.3
20.0
40.3
20.0
36.8
200
57.0
36.8
57.0
36.8
36.8
30.0
57.0
53.5
57.0
53.5
57.0
63.8
97.0
114.0
97.0
114.0
83.8
80.5
151.0
147.5
151.0
147.5
151.0
284.8
284
Norway
Ordinary
Urgent . . •
30.0
60.0
60.0
53.5
104.0
IW.O
77.0
147.3
147J
164.3
315.0
315.0
214.5
415.5
415.5
••
Denmark
Ordinary
19.7
39.4
39,4
.^9 4
592
59.2
47.4
74.7
74.7
78.8
138.0
138.0
138.0
256.0
256.0
LVgent •
39.4
102
78.8
20.7
78.8
70 7
59.2
761
98.5
38.9
98.5
38.9
74.7
38.9
130.0
64.6
130.0
64.6
138.0
64.6
256.2
116.3
256.2
116.3
256.0
64.6
492.7
116.3
492.7
116.3
90.4
168.0
Germany
Ordinary
168
Urgent
31.1
24..=;
62.2
490
62.2
49 0
51.7
55.5
90.7
92.4
90.7
92.4
90.7
80.0
168.0
141.5
168.0
141.5
168.0
141.5
323.3
264.6
323.3
264.6
168.0
203.0
323.3
387.6
323.3
245.7
478.5
510.6
478
Austria
Ordinar)-
387.6 ! 264.6
510
Urgent
73..S
147.0
147.0
129.4
240.3
240.3
203.0 1 387.6
387.6
387.6
757.6
757.0
572.1
1125.8
1125.8 757.6
1495.0
1495
10.7
S6.7
10.9
21.4
56.7
21.8
21.4
56.7
21.8
24.0
70.9
16.4
40.0
70.9
27.3
40.0
70.9
27.3
24.0
70.9
29.5
40.0
70.9
51.4
40.0
70.9
51.4
40.2
70.9
54.5
72.4
70.9
98.2
72.4
70.9
98.2
67.0
136.4
120.4
245.5
120.4
245.5
146.7
329.6
264.4
592.7
26^
Belgium
Great Britain
592
.\\"\v Zealand*
United States
.5.0
5.0
5.0
15.0
20.0
25.0
30.0
40.0
50.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
120.0
160.0
20O.O
300.U
400.0
MX)
Mean of Foreign
Rates
Ordinar>-
191
31 1
31.1
34.9
50.3
50.3
43.4
66.7
66.7
68.9
116.4
116.4
105.7
193.9
193.9
182.9
337.3
337
Urgent
34.0
61.0
61.0
55.2
91.1
91.1
75.8 ' 131.5
131.5
135.1
248.8
248.8
214.0
410.6
410.6
326.0
623.1
62J
% Mean
Foreign Rates
1 to United
1 States Rates
' Ordinary
3f«
6??
622
233
251
201
145
167
133
115
146
116
88
121
97
61
84
Urgent
680
1240
1220
368
455
364
252
329
263
225
311
249
178
256
205
109
156
1
•No information.
85
APPENDIX H.
LIST OF REFERENCES AND AUTHORITIES
'Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Finances, December 2, 1912, page 32. The items given
are:
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT:
Salaries and Expenses $1,597,691.58
Defijcicncy in Postal Revenues 1,568,194.88
Establishing Postal Savings Depositories 287,553.80
Miscellaneous Items 7,791.62
Total— Post Office Department $3,461,231.88
The amount quoted in the text was obtained by deducting the amount "Deficiency in Postal Revenues" from
the Total.
'Public Laws of the United States of America passed by the Sixty-second Congress 1911-1913; Washington 1913.
Session III, Chapter 142, 1913. Appropriations used derived from pp. 778, 799, 780, 781, 754, 755.
'Chapter 143, Session III, Sixty-second Congress; approved March 4, 1913. The items of appropriation check
with the detailed list of items of expense given in the Report of the Post Office Department for 1912, pp.
344-346.
* Annual Report of the Supervising Architect for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1912, page 281.
'Annual Report of the Supervising Architect, 1912. The statistics given are obtained by combining, for each class of
building, the detailed expenditures given on pages 204 to 217.
'Annual Report of the Supervising Arcliitect, 1912, page 5.
' Annual Report of the Postmaster General, 1913, page 21.
' Annual Report of the Postmaster General, 1913, page 45.
'Annual Report of the Postmaster General, Great Britain, 1912-13, page 92.
"Annual Report of the Postmaster General, Great Britain, 1912-13, page 41.
" Annual Report of the Postmaster General, 1913, page 22.
" Annual Report of the Postmaster General, 1913, pp. 21-24.',
" Congressional Record, Vol. 41, p. 3,146.
"Speech of Representative Hanger, April 29, 1912; reported in Congressional Record, Vol. 48. p. 5.069.
" Mr. Julier, before the VValcott Commission. Reported in Congressional Record, Vol. 41, p. 3,150,
"Congressional Record, January 17, 1914, p. 1,748.
" Letter of Justinian Oxenham, Esq., Secretary of the Postmaster General's Department, of Australia, dated No-
vember 17, 1913, transmitting to the Postmaster General a report of tlie Cliief Accountant. Postmaster-
General's Department. Balance Sheet on 30th June, 1913, and l'"inancial Statements Slewing the Working
Results of the Various Branches for the Year 1912-13, Together with Covering Reports by the Secretary
and the Chief Accountant. The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, 1913.
"Letter from General Post Office, London, dated March 28, 1913.
"Translation. Grand-Duche de Luxembourg. Administration dcs Postes, Tclcgraphcs et Telephones. Renseigne-
ments Statistiques pour les Annees 1911 et 1912. Luxembourg, 1913. Page 2, foot-note.
" Congressional Record, Vol. 51, page 2,124.
" Report of First Assistant Postmaster General for 1913, page 21 ; 49,614 post offices of the fourth class.
"Report of the Postmaster General (Great Britain) on the Post Office, 1912-1913. Page 62.
""Congressional Record, Vol. 51, page 1,418] next to last paragraph.
'* Information Supplied by the Secretary to the Post Office. 1912 (to the Select Committee on Post Office Servants),
pp. 9 and 10.
" Rapport Prcsentc aux Chambres Legislatives par M. le Ministrc des Chemins de Fer, Postes et Telegraphes. (For
the year 1911.) Partie C. Bruxelles 1912. Page 22.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVI, No. 11, November 25, 1912, page 283. Note 9, Relgique.
"Letter of A. Hamilton, Directcur de la Division Administrative de la Direction Generale dcs Telegraphes de
Suede, dated Stockholm, February 18, 1913.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, V.,1. XXXVI, No. 11, November 25, 1912, page 282.
" Idem, page 282, and notes 4 and 5, page 286.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXV, No. 11, November 25, 1911, p. 266; and note 6 under Suisse, p. 270.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXV, No. 11, November 25, 1911, p. 262; and notes 7 and 8, Bclgiquc, p. 267.
"Journal Telcgraphique, Vol. XXXV, No. 11, November 25, 1911, p. 266; and notes 5 and 6, Pays-Bas, p. 270.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVI, No. 4, April 25, 1912, p. 78; and note 5, Suede, p. 80.
"Journal Telcgraphique, Vol. XXXV, No. 11, November 25, 1911, p. 266.
"^ .Annual Report of the Post and Telegraph Department for the Year 1910, New Zealand, p. 11.
"Annual Report of the Post and Telegraph Department for the Year 1912, New Zealand, p. 11.
86
"Journal Telegraphique. Vol. XXXV, No. 11, November 23, 1911, p. 266.
No. of OlVicts with Permanent Service 0.0
No. of OtTices » ith Full or Extended Day Service 1 857
No. of Offices with Limited Day Service ' %
Total 1,963
This information is the latest available, January 27, 1914.
"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 5, May 25, 1913, p. 107.
No. of Offices with Permanent Service 5
No. of Offices with Full or E.xtended Day Service 165
No. of Offices with Limited Day Service 1_S0S
Total 1_67S
"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 25, 1913, p. 254.
No. of Offices with Permanent Service 17
No. of Offices with Full or Extended Day Service 437
No. of Offices with Limited Day Service 1,225
Total 1,679
"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 25, 1913, p. 258.
Sweden.
No. of Offices with Permanent Service 46
No. of Offices w iih Full or Extended Day Service 1,252
No. of Offices with Limited Day Service L615
Total 2,913
The Netherlands.
No. of Offices with Permanent Service H
No. of Offices with Full or Extended Day Service 250
No. of Offices with Limited Day Service ." 1,216
Total 1,477
Switzerland.
\o. of Offices with Permanent Service 6
No. of Offices with Full or Extended Day Service 460
No. of Offices with Limited Day Service 1,908
Total 2,374
"Bericht der eidgenoessischen Telegraphen-und Telephonverwaltung ueber ihre Geschaeftsfuehrung im Jahre 1912.
(Switzerland) p. 17.
"Post-und Tclegraphen-Nachrichten fucr das Publikum, (Germany) July, 1913, p. 31. British Post Office Guide,
January 1, 1914, p. 87. Tclegraphen-Tarif, (Austria, Official) July 15, 1911, p. 8. Annuairc de I'Administra-
tion des Postes et des Telegraphes de France, pour 1907, p. 115.
"Special Report by E. Y. Gallaher, General Auditor, Western Union Telegraph Company, January 29, 1912. Not
published.
"Post Office Department, Annual Reports, 1912, p. 112.
" Report of First Assistant Postmaster General for 1913, p. 21.
"Act of July 12, 1876. Quoted in Senate Report 201, Sixtieth Congress, First Session, 1908, p. 232.
"Tarif Telegraphique Etabli le ler Mai 1911. Published telegraph tariff sheet of the Luxemburg Administration.
"Telcgrafreglemente, 1909, Svcnsk Forfattnings-Samling, 1909. No. 52, p. 7.
" Relazione interno ai Servizi Postali, Telegrafici, e Telefonici per I'Esercizio 1909-1910, p. LXI.
"Royaume de Belgiquc. Tarif Telegraphique, ler Juillet 1909. p. 6.
"Netherlands: Volledig Tarief voor Telcgrammen, 1 Maart 1911, p. 15.
" Determined by the Western Union Telegraph Company in January, 1914, by counting the actual words not
charged for in 2,623 telegrams from New York City. Actual average by American count, 11.48 words.
The telegrams were selected, in about equal numbers, with reference to those going to large cities and
those going to smaller cities and towns. The European count was applied to more than 120 of these tele-
grams to determine the average difference between the two counts. For telegrams addressed to large cities,
the European count is shorter by not more than 1.5 words ; and for those addressed to the smaller towns,
is shorter by less than .5 words. The difference is due almost entirely to the difference in methods of
counting numbers of more than one digit.
" (British) Post Office Guide, No. 231, p. 89.
" Post-und Tclegraphen-Nachrichten fuer das Publikum. (Germany) July, 1913, p. 31.
"Annuaire de I'Administration des Postes et des Telegraphes de France, pour 1907, p. 110.
" Telegraphen Tarif (Austria, Official), July IS, 1911, p. 4.
"Reglement de Service International annexe a la Convention Telegraphique Internationale de St. Petcrsbourg.
Revision de Lisbonne 1908. Articles XIX and XX. This covers international service only, but the practice
is general. (See references ", **, " and ** above.) Usually no mention is made of the signature and a
signature is not required.
8;
"For example, in Great Britain. (See British Post Office Guide, No. 231, p. 94.)
'' Annuaire dc rAdniinistration des Postes et des Telegraphes de France, pour 1907, pp. 115 and 117.
" Reglement for den Indenlandske Telegramveksling, Kristiania, 1911, pp. 13 and 21.
" Hoofdbestuur der Posterijen en Telegrafie. (The Netherlands) Volledig Tarief voor Telegrammen, pp. 11 and 15.
"Telegrafreglemente, 1909. Svensk Forfattnings-Samling, 1909, No. 52, pp. 7 and 17.
" British Post Office Guide, No. 231, p. 86.
•* Post-und Telegraphen-Nachrichten fuer das Publikum. (Germany) July, 1913, pp. 30 and 32.
"Telegraphentarif. Vienna, 1911, pp. 11 and 27.
" New Zealand Post and Telegraph Guide, February, 1912, p. 286.^
" Telegraphen-und Telephon-Handbuch fuer die Schweiz, 1897, p. 25. No change has been made in Swiss telegraph
rates in recent years, although it is understood that they are now being revised.
" Telegramtakst for Danmark, July 1909, pp. 1 and 5.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 25, 1913, pp. 254 and 258 (Belgium, traffic and revenue
from "expres postaux" excluded).
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVI, No. 11, November 25, 1912, p. 281 and notes thereto. Mr. Lewis' figure is
in error, largely due to the inclusion of 10,324.821 pneumatic messages, and the corresponding revenue of
4,607,482 francs. These partake of the nature of local mail messages and not of electrically transmitted
telegrams.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVII, No. 5, May 25, 1913, p. 107. Revenue does not include miscellaneous
receipts (except for Russia).
" Sveriges Officiella Statistik. Telcfon och Telegraf ar 1912 av Kungl. Telegrafstyrelsen, Stockholm, 1913, pp. 10,
13 and 14.
"Report of the Postmaster-General on the Post Office, 1912-1913 (Great Britain), pp. 15 and 34.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 23, 1913, p. 257. The traffic includes messages from
railroad stations, but the revenue does not include the receipts from such messages.
" .Statistik des Oesterreichischen Post-und Telegraphenwcsens ini Jahre 1912, Vienna, 1913, pp. 6 and 8.
■° Schweizerische Post-Telegraphen-und Telephon-Statistik 1912, pp. 58, 68 and 69.
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 25, 1913, p. 257. Revenue does not include miscellaneous
receipts.
"Telegraphentarif, Vienna, 1911.
" Koyaume de Belgique. Administration des Telegraphes. Tarif Telegraphiquc, July 1, 1909.
""Decomposition des Taxes du Tableau A, Annexe au Reglement du Service Telegraphiquc International (Revision
de Lisbonne). Bureau International de I'Union Telegraphiquc, Berne, J910.
"Post-und Telegraphen-Nachrichten fuer das Publikum (Germany), July, 1913, p. 30.
"' British Post Office Guide, No. 231, pp. 871 and 872.
" The facts concerning the duplication in counting international messages are apparent from the "Journal Tele-
graphiquc" statistics and tlie annual reports of the various administrations. Commercial telegraph traffic
is usually divided into the following classes : (1) internal; (2) international received; (3) international
sent; and (4) international transit. The facts concerning the division of receipts from all European inter-
national commercial telegrams are given in "Decomposition des Taxes du Tableau A Annexe au Regle-
ment du Service Telegraphiquc International (Revision de Lisbonne), Berne, Bureau International de
rUnion Telegraphiquc, 1910."
" Statstelegrafvaesenet. Telegramtakst for Danmark, July 1909.
"Volledig Tarief voor Telegrammen, 1911.
'* Telcgraphcn Tarif (Official Tariff Sheet), September, 1911.
" Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1912, p. 22. Does not include Alaska, Canal Zone, or Island Possessions.
"Areas for foreign countries are taken from Official Year Book of the Commonwealth of Australia, 1913, p. 48,
and have been checked with those given in Geographisch-Statistische Tabellen AUer Lacnder der Erde,
compiled by Dr. Franz von Juraschek, 1913.
** Map measurements from Rand-NcNally Indexed Atlas of the World, Vol. II., Foreign Countries, 1908. The
maximum air line distances are taken from the texts associated with the maps, when stated.
" Western Union Telegraph Company. The averages are made up as follows :
Average Length of Haul for Various Classes of IVeslern Union Messages.
Do> messages 496 miles
Day letters 797 "
Night messages 797 "
Night letters 1,025 "
Day press messages 432 "
Night press messages 485
Average of all messages 573
38,564 messages originating at New York, Chicago, and San Francisco were analyzed to obtain these statistics.
" Letter of Director General of Telegraphs of Belgium, dated November 30, 1912 : "The average haul has been estab-
lished only in the case of private (commercial) domestic telegrams. It is 68.481 kilometers (42.5 miles)."
(Translation.)
"Journal Telegraphiquc, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 25, 1913, p. 254. (Derived.)
"Special study of Western Union Telegraph Company's traffic from Amsterdam, Cohoes, Fort Edward, Glens Falls,
Hudson, Hudson Falls, Kingston, Newburgh, Saugcrties, Schenectady, and Troy for the month of August,
1912.
88
"The mean of the distances as scaled from Rand-McXally maps, between Birmingham. Belfast. Bradford. Bris-
l°i' P'.'?''"' Edinburgh. Glasgow. Hull. Leeds. Liverpool, London. Nottingham. Manchester. Newcastle, and
bnettiela.
"The mean of the distances, as scaled from Rand-McXnlly maps. bcMveen Amsterdam. Antwerp. Barcclonn Bel-
fast. Berlm, Birmmgham, Blackburn, Bolton, Bradford. Breslau. Bristol. Brussels. Budapest Charlottcn-
burg Cologtie. Copenhagen. Dresden, Dublin. Dusscldorf, Edinburgh, Frankfort, GlasRow. Hamburg Mull.
Leeds. Leipzig. Lisbon. Liverpool. London. Lyons. Madrid, ^ranchester. Marseilles, Milan Munich Naples
Newcastle, Nottingham, Nuremburg, Palermo, Paris, Rome, Rotterdam, Sheffield. Stockholm. Turin and
Vienna. '
"The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia. Postmaster General's Department. Second Annual Report,
1911-lJ, p. 17. No international messages or revenue are included.
" Report of an Enquiry by the Board of Trade into Working Class Rents, Housing, and Retail Prices, together
with the Rates of Wages in certain occupations in the Principal Industrial Towns of the United States
of America. London, 1911, p. LXXVL
" Statistik des Oesterreichischen Post-und Telegraphenwescns im Jahre 1912, Wien, 1913. p. 8.
"Statistik Oversigt over det danske Tclegrafvacsens Virksomhcd i Finansaarct 1912-1913. p. 61. The items of
expense included were from a letter from the Telegraph Directorate.
•"France. Xo. 189 Senat. Annee 1911. Session Ordinaire. Rapport Fait au Nom de la Commission des Finances
Chargee d'examiner le projet de loi adopte par la Chambre des Deputes, porlant fixation du budget general
de I'exercice 1911. Par M. Emile Dupont, Senateur, Paris, 1911, p. 117.
"France. Xo. 2094 Chambre des Deputes. Session Extraordinaire de 1904. Rapport Supplementaire fait au nom
de la Commission du Budget chargee d'examiner le projet de loi portant fixation du budget general de
I'exercice 1905. (Service des Postes. Telegraphes. et Telephones.) Par ^r. Marcel Sembat. Depute. Paris
1904. p. 128.
""Archiv fuer Post und Telegraphic, April. 1901. p. 193.
"•Beilage der Deutschen Verkehrs-Zeitung. April 5. 1912. Stenographische Berichte des Reichstags, p. 170.
■* Verkehrsministerialblatt fuer das Koenigreich Bayern, Xo. 2. 1908. pp. IS and 16.
""Die Grundlagen der Preisbildung im Elektrischen Nachrichtenverkehr, von Dr. Hans Schwaighofer Muenchen
1902, p. 74.
""The Post Office. .■\n Historical Summary. Published by order of the Postmaster General, June. 1911. pp. 11
and 78.
""First, Second, and Third Reports from the Committee of Public Accounts, together with the Proceedings of
the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, and Appendices. London, 1910, p. 179.
"•Report of the Postmaster General on the Post Office, 1912-13. p. 34.
""Verslag aan de Koningin betrekkelijk den dienst der Posterijen, der Telegrafie, en der Telefonie in Nederland
1912, p. 164.
"Message du conseil federal a I'assemblee federale concemant le relcvement des taxes telephoniques (du 20
Decembre 1909), p. 19.
"" Ergaenzender Bericht des Bundesrates an die nationalraetliche Kommission Zur 'Vorlage Betreffend die Erhoehung
der Telcphongebuehren. (Vom 21 Maerz 1911.) Tabellen 1, 2.
"•Report of the Royal Commission on Postal Services, September 30, 1910. (.\ustralia.)
"'Prepared from information furnished by the Western Union Telegraph Company.
•"The history of foreign telegraph rates has been prepared from the following sources:
Journal Telegraphique, 1878-1913.
Annual Reports of the Postmaster General on the Post Office (Great Britain).
The Post Office. An Historical Summary. (Great Britain.)
SO Jahre elektrischer Telcgraphie. Berlin 1899. (Germany.)
Annual Reports of the Swedish Telegraph Administration.
Svenska Telegraf Vcrket-Minnesskrift utgifven af Kungl. Telegrafstyrelsen. Stockholm 1903. (Sweden.)
De Rijkstelegraaf in Nederland 1,852-1902. Amsterdam 1902. (The Netherlands.)
Annual Reports of the Danish Telegraph Administration.
Annual Reports of the Belgian Telegraph Administration.
Annuaire de I'Administration des Postes et des Telegraphes de France pour 1907. (France.)
Tableaux de Tarifs Internationaux etablis en execution de I'article IS de la convention et des articles XXII
a XXI'V du Rcglement.
"•Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVT, No. 11. November 25. 1912. p. 281. Mr. I^wis apparently used the fipure
65.518.497 as the number of telegrams, and 39,252.245 as the population. These give a per capita figure
of 1.67. Included in the total telegrams, however, are 10,324,821 pneumatic tube messages.
'"Journal Telegraphique, 'Vol. XXXVII, No. S, May 25, 1913, p. 106 and note 11.
'"Luxemburg Belgium. Netherlands. Switzerland. Germany. Italy. Denmark, Austria, and Hungary percentages
derived from the Journal Telegraphique. Vol. XXXVII. No. 11. November 25. 1913.
France derived from Journal Telegraphique, Vol XXXVI. No. 11. November 25. 1912.
Norway and Great Britain derived from Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 5, May 25, 1913.
Sweden, see reference " above.
"•Congressional Record, December 22, 1913, p. 1,425.
89
'" The following table shows how these population statistics were computed and the sources :
POPULATION
Country.
Last Census.
Preceding
Census.
Increase
Per Annum.
Estimated
Population (1912).
Austria*
28,571,934 (1910)
7,423,784 (1910)
2,757,000 (1911)
39,601,509 (1911)
64,925,993 (1910)
46,122,463 (1912)
20,886,487 (1910)
34,671,377 (1911)
259,891 (1910)
6,022,000 (1911)
2,391,782 (1910)
5,604,192 (1912)
3,753,293 (1910)
1,071,000 (1912)
4,669,000 (1912)
26,150,708 (1900)
6,693,548 (1900)
2,589,000 (1906)
60,641,489 (1905)
19,254,559 (1900)
32,475,000 (1901)
236,543 (1900)
5,263,000 (1901)
2,240,033 (1900)
3,315,443 (1900)
242,123
73,024
33,600
856,900
163,193
219,600
2,335
75,900
15,175
43,785
29,056,000
7,570,000
2,790,000
39,601,509 (1911)
66,640,000
46,122,463
21,213,000
34,890,000
264,561
6,077,900
2,422,132
5,604,192
3,840,836
1,071,000
4,669,000
96,299,000
Belgium*
Denmark*
Germany*
Hungary*
Italy*
Netherlands*
Norway!
Swcdent
New ZealandJ
Australial
United States
♦Geographisch-Statistische Tabellcn Aller Lacnder dcr Erde, Dr. Franz von Juraschek, for
the respective years.
^Official Year Book of the Commonwealth of Australia.
JStatistical Abstract of the Principal and Other Foreign Countries, Thirty-eighth Number, Lon-
don. 1913.
tSveriges Officiella Statistik. Telcfon och Telegraf ar 1912 av. Kungl. Telegrafstyrelsen, p. 40.
'"Statistik dcs Ocsterreichischen Post-und-Telcgraphenwesens im Jahre 1912. Vienna, 1913, pp. 124 and 125. Covers
statistics of letters and postcards for all European countries. Statistics for France obtained from same
source 1912.
'"Includes domestic and foreign sent. Authorities: letter from Office of Third Assistant Postmaster General,
December 22, 1913, and letter from Office of Second Assistant Postmaster General, December 23, 1913.
'"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXX VTT, No. 11, November 25, 1913, pp. 254-258.
'"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 5, May 25, 1913, pp. 104-107.
'"Great Britain. Report of the Postmaster General on the Post Office, 1912-1913. p. 1.
"Mdem, pp. 15 and 68 (derived).
'"Journal Telegraphique. Vol. XXXVI, No. 11, November 25, 1912, p. 281.
'"Australia. Postmaster General's Department. Second .\nnual Report, 1911-1912, p. 17.
'"Statistik des Ocsterreichischen Post-und-Telegraphenwesens im Jahre 1912, Vienna, 1913, p. 7.
""Bericht der eidgcnoessisclicn Tclegraphcn-und Tclephonvcrwaltung ueher ihre Geschaeftsfuehrung im Jahre 1912,
p. 28. Docs not include inward international messages.
'" These statistics have been compiled, except as noted, from unpublished advices from the various governments.
In some cases (particularly as to Norway private, Italy, and parts of the British system) estimates based
on the number of calls per station in recent years have Ijeen multiplied by the mean number of stations for
1912, as officially reported.
"" Grande-Duchc de Luxembourg. Administration des Postes, Telegraphes, et Telephones. Renseignemcnts Statis-
tiqucs pour Ics Annccs 1911 et 1912, p. 41.
'"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 5, May 25,1913, pp. 1(M and 105.
"•Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 11, November 25, 1913, p. 254.
German Empire :
No. of Offices with permanent service "21
No. of Offices with full or extended day service 8,574
No. of Offices with limited day service 38,972
Total 48,16/
90
Austria:
No. of Offices with permanent service S8
No. of Offices with full or extended day service 396
No. of Offices with limited day service 4,263
Total 4717
Hungary :
No. of Offices with permanent service 59
No. of Offices with full or extended day service. 707
No. of Offices with limited day service 4.228
Total 4,994
"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. S, May 25. 1913, p. 106.
No. of Offices with permanent service 218
Xo. of Offices with full or extended day service 502
No. of Offices with limited day service 13,351
Total 14,071
"Journal Telegraphique, Vol XXXVI, Xo. 11, Xovember 25. 1912, p. 281.
No. of Offices with permanent service 21
No. of Offices with full or extended day service 1,131
No. of Offices with limited day service 20244
Total 21,396
* Western Union Telegraph Company — prepared for this report. Total number of offices — 36,395.
"Great Britain. Report of the Postmaster General on the Post Office, 1912-13, p. 15.
""Message du Conseil federal a I'Assemblee fedcrale concernant le relevement des taxes telephoniques (Du 20
Decembre, 1909), p. 27.
"•Number of post offices from Postmaster General's Department. Second Annual Report 1911-1912, p. 6. Number
of telegraph offices from Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 5, May 25, 1913, pp. 104-105.
"* Statistics and statements on the number of telephone employees from Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVI, No. 7,
July 25, 1912:
Norway, page 155 and note IS, page 161.
Belgium, page 150 and notes 11, 12, 15, and 16, page 158.
Sweden, page 156, and notes 9, 10. and 11, page 164.
Stvitserland, page 157 and note 13, page 164.
Netherlands, page 155 and notes 8 and 9, page 162.
France, page 152 and note 1, page 159.
Italy, employees and traffic, page 153.
■"Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVI, No. 7, July 25, 1912, p. 150; note 21, p. 158. Each international message
has been counted as one without regard to the units of time used.
""Rapport par M. le Ministre des Chemins de Per, Postes, et Telegraphes. Partie C. Telegraphes ct Telephones.
Bruxelles, 1911, pp. 12 and 29.
•"Translation. Special notes on the form "Bureau International de I'Union Telegraphique. Statistiques des Tele-
phones."
•"Sveriges Officiella Statistik. Telefon och Telegraf ar 1911 av Kungl. Telegrafstylrelsen, p. 7.
""Compiled from the list of telephone exchanges and associated information in the New Zealand Post Office
Guide, February, 1912, pp. 434-438.
"•Directions for Long Distance Service over Government Lines in the Telephone Directory (1914) of the Copen-
hagen Telephone Company.
■"Letter from the Norwegian Telegraph Administration, April 20, 1911.
"•Telephone Directory (Sute System) for Stockholm, 1913.
"•Prepared from a list of central offices and switching stations published in the Telephone Directory (State System)
for Stockholm 1913. The statement concerning the total number of central offices and switchmg stations
is found in "Telefon och Telegraf ar 1912 av Kungl. Telegraf styrelsen."
"Guide des Correspondances Telephoniques en Bclgique, Septembre, 1910.
"These statistics of investment were derived as follows:
A%utr\a:
Number of Telephones: Statistik des Ocsterrcichischen Post-und Tclegraphenwesens im Jahrc
Telephone Inv«tment': '''Letter of Post and Telegraph Administration, Vienna, dated December
15. 1913.
91
Belgium:
Letter of Director General of Telegraphs, Brussels, September 19, 1913.
France:
Letter of Direction de I'Exploitation Tclephonique, Paris, October 28, 1913.
German Empire:
Number of Telephones: Letter of Imperial Post Office, Berlin, August 15, 1913.
Telephone Investment : Imperial Postal Area, $206,400,000— Archiv fuer Post und Telegraphic,
Berlin, September 1913, p. 558.
Bavaria — $18,554,000. Letter of K. Bayerisches Staatsministerium fuer Verkehrsangelegen-
heiten (Postabteilung), Munich, July 3. 1913.
Wurttemberg— $7,583,000. Letter of Generaldirektion der K. Wurtt. Posten und Tele-
graphen, Stuttgart, September 12, 1913.
Hungary:
Letter of Administration of Posts and Telegraphs, Budapest, August 6, 1913.
Luxemburg :
Letter of Administration des Postes et des Telegraphes, Luxemburg, October 16, 1913.
Australia :
Number of Telephones: Letter of Secretary, Postmaster-General's Department, Melbourne,
September 18, 1913.
Telephone Investment : Postmaster-General's Department. Balance Sheet on June 30, 1913, p.
23. Represents the value of the item "Telephone Lines and Equipment" on June 30, 1913,
but excludes all real estate.
Switserland:
Number of Telephones: Bcricht der eidgenoessischen Telegraphen-und Telephonverwaltung ueber
ihre Geschaeftsfuehrung im Jahrc 1909, p. 58.
Telephone Investment : Hrgacnzender Bericht des Bundesrates an die nationalraetliche Kom-
mission zur Vorlage bctrcffend die Erhoeh'.mg der Telephongebuehren (vom 21 Maerz 1911).
Tabelle 3, plus additional investment since 1909, as stated in a letter of the Director Gen-
eral of Telegraphs, dated June 18, 1913.
' Traffic obtained from Bericht der eidgenoessischen Telegraphen-und Telephonverwaltung ueber ihre Geschaefts-
fuehrung im Jahre 1911, p. 28. Revenue obtained from a letter of the Director of Telegraphs. Berne, June
18, 1913, supplemented by the Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 7, July 25, 1913, p. 159.
' Foreign References :
Christiania: Number of Telephones: Norges Officielle Statistik V. 191. Norges Telegrafvaesen
1911-1912, p. 30.
Rates: Pristarif for Kristiania telefonanlaeg.
The Hague: Number of telephones: Verslag betreffende den Telephoondienst der Gemeente
's-Gravenhage over 1912, p. 7.
Rates: The maximum rate includes an "entrance" fee of $10. The minimum rate includes an
"entrance" fee of $8. There are quoted also rates somewhat lower, but which are apparently
obsolete or special as there is practically no development at those rates.
Reference: Tarief van den Gemcentelijken Telephoondienst. Taken from a recent subscribers'
directory.
Tokio: Number of telephones: Letter of Director General of Posts and Telegraphs, November 29,
1912.
Rates: (Japanese) Post Office Guide (English Edition), April 1, 1911, pp. 213 and 214. Rates
include an "entrance" fee.
Auckland: Number of telephones: New Zealand. Annual Report of the Post and Telegraph
Department for the Year 1912, p. 46.
Rates: Post and Telegraph Guide, New Zealand, February, 1912, pp. 439-441. These rates
include an "entrance" fee
Amsterdam: Number of telephones: Jaarverslag betrefTende den Telefoondienst der Gemeente
Amsterdam over 1911, p. 5.
Rates: Telephone Tariff Sheet of Municipality of Amsterdam. Rates include an "entrance" fee.
Rotterdam: Number of telephones: Verslag omtrent den tocstand van den Gemeentelijken Tele-
foondienst te Rotterdam over hct jaar 1912.
Rates: Tariff from a subscribers' directory. Rates include "entrance" fees.
Budapest: Number of telephones: Official Report of the Department of Posts, Telegraphs and
Telephones for 1912, p. 59.
Rates: Lcs Tarifs Teliplmniques, Bureau International des .Administrations Telegraphiqucs. 2nd
Edition, Berne, 1905, p. 222.
Paris: Number of telephones: Letter from Direction de I'F.xploitation Tclephonique, September
19, 1913.
Rates: Telephones, Postes ct Telegraphes, Rcnscignemcnts Pr.itiqucs. Issued by .^ssociation des
Abonnes au Telephone, Paris, p. 8. Does not include the telephone instrument which must
be purchased by the subscriber.
St
92
"Statistics of number of telephones taken from the following sources:
Berne: Bericht der eidgcnocssischen Telegraphen-und Telephonvenvaltung ueber ihre Geschaefts-
fuehrung im Jahre lyiJ, p. 59.
Brussels: Letter of the Director General of Telegraphs, September 19, 1913.
Sydney: Estimated for 1912 by W. H. Gunston in (London) Post Office Electrical Engineers' Jour-
nal, Vol. 6, part 2, July, 1913, p. 167.
Rome: State System only. Relazione sui Servizi Affidati all' Amministrazione Telefonica, May 11
1913, pp. 64 and 68. '
Vienna: Letter of the Technical Division of the .\dministration of Posts and Telegraphs, Vienna
December 15, 1912.
Berlin: Letter of the Imperial Post Office, Berlin, August 13, 1913.
Paris: Letter of Direction de I'ExpIoitation Telephonique, Paris, September 19, 1913.
Copenhagen: Letter of Cophenhagen Telephone Company, Copenhagen, April 22, 1913.
' Bestimmungen fucr die Benutzung der Femsprechanschluesse (Official) Berlin, 1910, p. 20. This has been con-
firmed by official correspondence.
Compiled chiefly from official reports included in exchanges of correspondence between the various foreign gov-
ernments and the American Telephone and Telegraph Company. In the cases of Hungary, Italy, Sweden,
and Switzerland the published reports of the Administration state tlie number of telephones in the larger
exchanges at least; and the total number of telephones is given in the official annual reports of the
Administrations, excepting Germany (triennially) France, Belgium, and The Netherlands.
"These unit revenues are computed by dividing the mean of the number of telephones at the beginning and at
the end of the fiscal year into the exchange revenue for the year as officially reported. The sources for
the data as to the number of telephones and as to revenues are as follows :
Austria: Xumbcr of telephones: Statistik dts Ocstcrreichischen Post-und Telegraphcnwesens im
Jahre 1912, p. 7. Revenue, idem, p. 91.
Belgium: Both telephones and revenue: Letters of Director General of Telegraphs. September
19, 1913, and July 23, 1912.
France: Telephones and revenue: Letter of Direction de I'ExpIoitation Telephonique, Paris. Octo-
ber 28, 1913.
Great Britain: Number of telephones: mean of the number of telephones on March 31, 1912, and
on March 31. 1913. from Report of the Postmaster General, 1912-1913, p. 69.
Revenue : Obtained from provisional accounts in the Postmaster General's Report, 1912-1913,
Great Britain: Number of telephones: mean of the number of telephones on March 31, 1912, and
on March 31, 1913, from Report of the Postmaster General, 1912-1913. p. 69.
Revenue: Obtained from provisional accounts in the Postmaster General's Report, 1912-1913,
pp. 23 and 95, as follows:
Total Exchange and Toll Revenue £5,746,924
Total Toll (trunk) Revenue 949,439
Derived for Exchange Revenue £4,797,485
Hungary: Letter of the .Administration of Telegraphs. Budapest, September 2, 1913.
Siiitzcrliind : Number of telephones: Bericht der eidgcnocssischen Telegraphen-und Telephonver-
waltung ueber ihre Geschaeftsfuehrung im Jahre 1912; also 1911.
Revenue: Schweizerische Post-Telegraphen-und Telephon Statistik 1912, pp. 74 and 75.
New Zealand: Number of telephones and revenue : Annual Report of the Post and Telegraph
Department for the year 1912, pp. 45 and SO.
Australia: Number of telephones: Letter of Secretary, Postmaster General's Department, Mel-
bourne, September 18, 1913.
Revenue: Postmaster General's Department. Balance Sheet on 30th June, 1913, p. 26.
'Telcphonordnung und Telephontarif, Vienna, 1913, p. 7.
' Bestimmungen fuer die Benutzung der Femsprechanschluesse, Berlin, 1910, pp. 20-23.
'Translation. Deutsche Verkehrs-Zeitung, 21 Februar 1913. Die Zwcite Beratung des Postetats im Reichstage.
Sitzung vom 15 Februar 1913.
'Letter from General Post Office, Great Britain, November 27, 1911.
'No. 189 Senat. Rapport I'ait au nom de la Commission (lis Finances Chargce d'examiner le projet de loi,
adopte par la (Thambre des Deputes, portant fixation du Budget General de I'exercice 1911, p. 94.
* N'o. 35, Senat, .Annee 1912. Rapport Fait au nom de la Commission des Finances chargce d'examiner Ic projet
de loi, adopte par la Chamlire des Deputes, portant fixation du Budget General de I'exercice 1912. p. 39.
'From a copy of the Telephone Regulations forwarded by (he Postmaster General's Department. March 3, 1911.
'In preparing this table, the statistics given in the table in (2) next above were used. In equating the rates,
the statistics of telephone operators' wages given in Appendix E were used.
' The following are the sources for the data on telephone operators' wages :
Austria: Letter of the Handclsministcrium, Vienna, dated January 28, 1913.
Belgium: Letter of the Director General of Telegraphs, Brussels, September 9, 1912.
Denmark: Letter of the Copenhagen Telephone Company, Copenhagen, received July 22, 1912.
France: Letter of the Direction de I'ExpIoitation "Telephonique, Paris, February 1, 1913.
German Empire: Letter of the Imperial Post Office, Berlin. January 10, 1913.
Great Britain: Letter of General Post Office, London, January 20, 1913.
93
Xctherlands: Annales des Postes, Telegraphes et Telephones, Mars 1913, page 460.
Norway: Letter of the Administration of Telegraphs, Christiania, January 7, 1913.
Sweden: Letter of Direction General of Telegraphs, Stockholm, March 26, 1913; also letter of
Stockholm Telephone Company. January 23, 1913.
Szi'itccrluiid : Letter of Obertelegraphendiri-ktion, P.crne, January 8. 1913.
'"Les Tarifs Telephoniques, Bureau International des Administrations Telegraphiques, Berne, 1905, p. 242.
'"Idem, p. 194.
"" Telephonordnung und Telephontarif, Vienna, 1910.
'"Les Tarifs Telephoniques, Bureau International des Administrations Telegraphiques, Berne, 1905, p. 295.
'"Idem, p. 127.
'" (Japanese) Post Office Guide (English Edition), p. 226.
'" Substantiated by Xew Zealand Po.'st and Telegraph Guide. February, 1912, p. 442.
'"Les Tarifs Telephoniques, Bureau International des Administrations Telegraphiques, Berne, 1905, pp. 242 and
243; and a letter of the Administration of Telegraphs, Christiania, April 20, 1911, concerning certain changes
in the charges for particular person service.
"•Les Tarifs Telephoniques, pp. 293 and 296.
'"Idem, pp. 127-129.
'" Bestimmungcn fuer die Benutzung der Fernsprechanchluesse, pp. 19 and 20.
'"Telephonordnung und Telephontarif, Vienna, 1910, pp. 52, 81-83.
"" This information is derived as follows :
Norway and France, see '" above.
Austria, see "° above.
Sweden, see "' above.
Denmark, see '" above.
New Zealand, see "* above.
Germany, see '" above.
Belgium: Les Tarifs Telephoniques, Bureau International des Administrations Telegraphiques,
Berne, 1905, p. 113.
Great Britain: Post Office Guide, No. 231, p. 107.
'" Bericht der eidgenoessischen Tclcgraphen-und Telephonverwaltung ueber ihre Geschaeftsfuchrung im Jahre 1912, p.
28.
"'Les Tarifs Telephoniques, Bureau International des Administrations Telegraphiques, Berne, 1905.
'"Letter of OITice of the Engincer-in-Chief, General Post Office, London, July 26, 19U6.
"" Letter of the Imperial Post Office, Berlin, October 27, 1906.
""Letter from the Telegraph Administration, received January 4, 1907.
""Report of the Debate on the Budget, Deutsche Verkehrs-Zeitung, February 28, 1913.
"' Letter from an official of the Danish State Telephone Service, August 15, 1906.
■"No. 35 Senat. Rapport Fait au nom de la Commission des Finances, chargee d'examiner le projet de loi, adopte
par la Chambre des Deputes, portant fixation du Budget General de I'excrcice 1912. Par M. Emile
Dupont, Scnateur. Paris, 1912, pp. 63-69.
"" Postmaster-General's Department. Balance Sheet on 30ih June 1913, pp. 27 and 28.
""The source of the population statistics is given in "° above. The sources and method of arriving at the statistics
of interurban conversations are as follows :
Austria: Statistik des Oesterreichischen Post-und Telegraphenwesens im Jahre 1912, Vienna, 1913,
p. 7. Conversations — 6254,765 reduced 20% to eliminate duplications in accordance with note
below.
Belgium: Letter of Director General of Telegraphs, Brussels, September 19, 1913. Conversations
2,251,954. These are actual conversations (nol rate periods used), but include 594,106 outward
and inward iniernational conversations. Hali of the total international or 297,053 assumed to
be inward, and deducted from the above total, giving 1,954,901 as the number of actual con-
versations.
France: Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII, Xo. 7, July 25, 1913. p. 135. Conversations — 34,-
948,877, reduced by 6,989,975, in accordance with note below.
Great Britain: Report of the Postmaster General on the Post Office, 1912-1913. Total conversa-
tions—36,019,086 (p. 69). Total inland 35,815,959 (p. 23). Difference equals 203,127 interna-
tional inward and outward. Deduct one-half (101,563) from total, remainder is total originat-
ing interurban messages. Each conversation regardless of length, is counted as one message,
so that no further reduction is necessary.
Hungary: Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVII No. 7, July 25, 1913, p. 155. Total conversations —
2.3''1,434, reduced 20'/c in accordance with the note below.
Italy: Journal Telegraphique, Vol. XXXVI No. 7, July 25, 1912, p. 153. State: 2,892,880; Company:
1,511,252; Total: 4,404,132, reduced by 20% in accordance with the note below.
Netherlands: Vcrslag aan de Koningin betrekkelijk den dienst der Posterijen. der Tclegrafie,
en der Telefonie in Ncdcrland, 1912, pp. 271 and 273. Domestic: 5.865,072; International
inward and outward: 752.403: (Julgoing international, taken as 376,201, added to domestic
gives 6,241,274. Reduced by 20% in accordance with the note below.
94
Nonvay: Government: Xorges OfficicUe Statistik, V. 191. Xorgcs Telcgrafvaescn, 1911-1912. p.
8. Total: 4,989,912, of which 61,972 are inward international, leaving net total of 4,927,9-10
conversations (not units). Company: Journ.il Telcgraphique, Vol. XXXVII, Xo. 7, July 25.
1913, p. 157. Total: 4.148.086. Probably units, but no deduction made. There is probably
a large duplication for messages passing over both private and government lines.
Sweden: Sveriges Officiella Statistik. Telefon och Telegraf ar 1912 av Kungl. Telegrafstyrcl-
sen, p. 7-8. Total: 18,381,940; deduct 137,599 inward and transit international, net: 18,244,341
conversations, not units.
Stviterland : Bericht der eidgenoessischen Telegraphen-und Telephonverwaltung ucber ihrc Ges-
chaeftsfuehrung im Jahre 1912, p. 28. Total domestic: 11,996,565; Outward international:
408,369; Total: 12,404,934. Deduct 20^0 as per note below.
New Zealand: Annual Report of the Post and Telegraph Department for the Year 1912. Tola.'
telegraph and toll revenue, including miscellaneous receipts : £321,951 (p. 37). Total receipts
from paid telegrams: £313,960. Difference equals toll revenue plus miscellaneous telegraph
and telephone receipts: £7,991. Minimum toll rate: 3d. (6 cents), divided into £7,991 gives
648,070 messages. Since miscellaneous revenue is included, and since average revenue per
conversation must be much in excess of the minimum rate, due to longer haul conversations and
to overtime, the number of conversations must be very much less than the number which has
been used.
Australia: Journal Telcgraphique, Vol. XXXVII, No. 7, July 25. 1913, .pp ISO and 151. Docs not
include Tasmania. No deductions made.
Note. — The method of counting interurban conversations prescribed by the International Telegraph
Bureau is to count as one message each unit rate period of time, or fraction thereof, used
in a conversation. See'" above. This results in increasing the number of conversations for
reporting purposes from 30^b to 100%, for which reason in deriving the statistics used above a
deduction of 20% from the reported statistics is considered conservative. In the United States,
the percentage of total conversations extending beyond three minutes is from 18% for very
short hauls to more than 50% for long hauls. In Sweden, the number of rate periods is from
27% to 327ci in excess of the number of actual conversations. (See reference'" above).
United Stales: The number of originating toll and long distance messages of the -Associated Bell
Telephone Companies, of companies merged during the year with Associate Companies, of
controlled connecting companies (including companies merged therewith) was, in 1912, 246,388,-
743. The number of stations of other companies (i. e., independent and non-controlled con-
necting companies) was 3,868.345. The Special Report of the Census Bureau on Telephones
1907 stated that the aveiage number of toll and long distance messages per station of such
companies was 26. For purposes of estimate, this average has been reduced to 20 per station
and multiplied by the number of stations given above. This gives a total of 77,366.900 toll
and long distance messages for independent and non-controlled companies for 1912, making the
total for the United States: 323,755,643 in 1912.
' The authorities and sources for this information are as follows :
POPULATION :
As given in reference "^ above, except for France, for which one year's growth has been estimated.
TELEPHONES :
Austria: Statistik des Oesterreichischen Post-und Telegraphenwesens im Jahre 1912. Vienna 1913,
p. 7.
Belgium: Letter of Director General of Telegraphs, Brussels, September 19, 1913.
Denmark: Letter of Direction of Telegraphs, Copenhagen, October 20, 1913.
France: Letter of Direction de I'ExpIoitation Telephonique, Paris, October 28, 1913.
Germany: Letter of the Imperial Post Office, Berlin, August IS, 1913.
Great Britain— Municipal Systems: Hull, Letter of Corporation Telephone Department, September
13, 1913; Portsmouth, "The Portsmouth Telephone E.xchange Accounts, Year Ending March
31, 1913," p. 8; States of Guernsey, "Guernsey States Telephone Department Balance Sheet,
Revenue Statement and Statistics for Year Ended December 31, 1912," p. 7.
Post Office: Report of the Postmaster-General on the Post Office, 1912-13, p. 69.
Hungary: Letter of the Telegraph Administration, Budapest, September 2, 1913.
Luxemburg: Administration des Postcs, Telegraphes, et Telephones. Rcnseignements Statistiques
pour les Annees 1911 et 1912, p. 40.
Netherlands: Letter of Direction General of Posts and Telegraphs. The Hague, August 7, 1913, sup-
plemented by Verslag betreffende den Telephoondienst der Gemccnte's-Gravenhage over 1912,
p. 7 ; and Verslag omtrent den toestand van den Gcmcentelijken Telefoondienst te Rotterdam
over het jaar 1912, p. 37.
Norway: This is an estimate for January 1. 1913, on the basis of the official statistics for June 30,
1912, for the State System, and 1910 for the private systems, as given in Norges Officielle
Statistik. Norges Telegraf vaesen 1911-1912, pp. 30 to 32; and 36.
Sweden: Sveriges Officiella Statistik. Telefon och Telegraf ar 1912 av Kungl. Telegrafstylrcl-
sen, pp. 9 and 32.
95
Switzerland: Bericht der eidgenoessischen Telegraphen-und Telephonverwaltung ueber ihre Ge-
schaeftsfuehrung im Jahre 1912, p. 58.
New Zealand: Annual Report of the Post and Telegraph Department for the Year 1912, p. 50.
Australia: Letter of the Secretary, Postmaster-General's Department, Melbourne, September 18,
'The authorities and sources of this information are as follows:
TELEPHONES :
London: Letter of General Post Office, London, September 30, 1913.
Paris: Letter of Direction de I'Exploitation Telephonique, Paris, September 1913.
Berlin: Letter of Imperial Post Office, Berlin, August 15, 1913.
Vienna: Letter of Technical Division, Post and Telegraph Administration, December 15, 1913.
Glasgow: See London.
Hamburg-Altona: Same as Berlin.
Budapest: Annual Report of Post and Telegraph Department for the Year 1912, p. 59.
Brussels: Letter of Director General of Telegraphs, Brussels, September 1913.
Munich: Letter of Ministry of Communications, Post Office Division, Munich, July 3, 1913.
Leipzig: Same as Berlin.
Copenhagen: Letter of the Copenhagen Telephone Company, Copenhagen, April 22, 1913.
Dresden: Same as Berlin.
Marseilles: Same as Paris.
Breslau: Same as Berlin.
Lyons: Same as Paris.
Antwerp: Same as Brussels.
Liege: Same as Brussels.
Chemnitz: Same as Berlin.
Stockholm: Sverige Officiella Statistik. Telefon och Telegraf ar 1912 av Kungl. Telegrafstyrel-
sen, p. 40.
Triest: Same as Vienna.
Ghent: Same as Brussels.
POPULATION :
Taken from authoritative sources; in some cases given by officials in correspondence ; and in some
cases partly estimated.
' Number of telephones in most cases obtained by correspondence with government officials.
' Preliminary Report of the Joint Commission on Business Method of Post Office Department and Postal
Service, Senate Report No. 201, 60th Congress, 1st Session, p. 119: —
"In this connection we might call attention to the following extract from a letter addressed
under date of January 14, 1907, by the Secretary of State to the Speaker of the House of Represen-
tatives in connection with the special weighing of penalty matter originated in the Department of
State from July 1 to December 31, 1906:
" 'It is proper to point out that the computation of cost is deceptive, inasmuch as, were the
franking privilege discontinued, the greater portion in weight of third-class matter would not be sent
by mail, but would be forwarded by other and cheaper means of transportation.' "
)
bufpf ^<
^
(
Reprinted from the Metropolitan, December, 19iJ^'
T -
AUG 3 1915
'^^^liy Of ll^^^
.^^•
Shall the Government Own
the Telephones and the Telegraphs? ] '^\^ 1 ^
(A Reply to the interview with Congressman David J. Lewis Published in the August 1914 Metropolitan)
By the Statistical Department of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company.
1^ "**
Strange as it may seem, the people who would be most
vitally affected by a change from private to public owner-
ship of telephones are not the stockholders of the Bell
System.
The reason for this is to be found in a statement made
last January by Congressman David J. Lewis, whose
interview on this subject was published in the August
issue of the Metropolitan. "Be it said for the Bell Sys-
tem," admitted Jlr. Lewis, "that it is the one great
corporation in our country that has not issued tons of
counterfeit capital. Its stocks and bonds to-day repre-
sent the actual contributions of its shareholders in money
to a great common enterprise."' As a matter of fact the
actual value of the Bell System's property considerably
exceeds the par value of its securities, so that the most
stockholders could suffer would be the temporary incon-
venience of reinvesting their funds, which would be re-
turned to them not only intact, but enhanced, as a result
of this singularly conservative and economical manage-
ment of their property.
The interest that would be most vitally concerned in
the proposed change is that of the American public itself.
Few of us realize how intimately the telephone, under
private management in this country, has been woven into
our everj'day life. In our cities it has made possible the
skA'scraper's airj' accommodations, the apartment-houses
and hotels, which have raised people above the din and
dust of our city streets. Outside the city it has made
suburbs blossom out of waste places, annihilating dis-
tance, and bringing the businessman in an instant from
home to business and business to home. It has pene-
trated into the rural districts, furnishing the American
farmer facilities for communication hitherto uadreamed
of. Money is moved by telephone. Trains are moved
by telephone. Buildings, bridges, tunnels, reservoirs and
all sorts of public works are built by telephone. Car-
riasres and cars are called, employees secured, emergency
help summoned — the whole machinery' of American civi-
lization kept going by telephone. .\s one prominent
Englishman, after a visit to this country, expressed it,
writing in the Liverpool Evening Express: " 'Wiretalk-
ing* in America is all done so quietly, so comfortably,
80 easily, so surely — either local or long distance — that
one wonders how a civilized people like we are presumed
to be can stand our ridiculous English telephone system.
Truly we are a long-suffering people. Barely does an
American shout in his telephone. He speaks in a soft,
easy voice, for all the world like a man saying his pray-
ers in church."
The most vital consideration as to Government owner-
ship of telephones, therefore, is the effect it will have
upon the public.
Now the public, in its attitude toward the telephone,
is concerned primarily in its most efficient development
and maintenance. This means the usefulness of the
service, and its price.
The first point made by Mr. Lewis, in his interview,
was that "The telephone is a luxury in America; only
well-to-do people can afford it." Reading this, one
would naturally expect the interview to disclose that
the proportion of Americans with telephones is far below
that of foreign countries. But nothing of this kind
appears; instead, merely another assertion of a similar
nature as to telegraphs.
Xow this is an important point. The extent to which
any service is used is, perhaps, the best indication as to
whether the service is good and cheap. "The proof of
the pudding is in the eating." What are the facts as
to the development of the telephone service here and
abroad ?
There are in the United States to-day more than
9,000.000 telephones.
Europe has over four times the population of the
United States.
It has less than half the number of telephones.
According to the United States Census statistics, re-
cently published, this country has more than nine tele-
phones for every hundred inhabitants.
Europe (official reports) has less than one telephone
for every hundred inhabitants.
To be exact, the United States, under private owner-
.ship. has, in proportion to population, eleven times the
number of telephones in Europe.
Oreat Britain f Government operation) has a little
over 700,000 telephones in the whole country. This is
about the number the United States gained in one year.
Germany (Government operation) has less than two
telephones per hundred inhabitants. Its telephone, from
the standpoint of the number of people it can reach, is
one-fifth as useful as the American telephone. Switzer-
land (Government operation) has a little more than
two telephones per hundrefl inhabitants. In all France
(Government operation) there are barely more than one-
half the number of telephones in New York City alone.
The country is served by considerably less than one tele-
phone per hundred inhabitants. Per inhabitant, the
United States has thirteen times the number of tele-
phones in France. Austria (Government operation) has
about the same number of telephones as Boston. Per
inhabitant, the United States has eighteen times the
number of telephones in Austria.
It is not a fact, therefore, that "The telephone is a
luxur)' in America ; only well-to-do people can afford it."
As to the telegraph, Mr. Lewis' assertion is, "Meas-
ured by use, every country in Europe, even the poorest,
sends more telegrams per person (with the exception of
Russia) than does the United States."
In view of the impoverished foreign telephone develop-
ment, this is exactly what one might expect to find. In-
deed, if Europe had no telephone service at all, we
should expect the number of telegraph mes.=ages per
person to be still greater. Biit as a matter of fact, Mr.
Lewis' statistics have unjustly punished the United
States, because European telegraph statistics are heavily
"padded," in the following manner: Most European
countries are small in area, so that a very considerable
amount of telegraph traffic is international. In the
statistics Mr. T^ewis has used, an international message
i.« cnuntod at least twice, once in the country where it
originntcs and again in the country where it terminates;
and if the mcs.sage passes through two or three countries,
it is counted in each country through which it passes.
The true value of ^fr. I^ewis' telesraph traffic statistics
may be iuds/ed from the fact that they are thus, in some
cases, inflated by as much as 100 per cent.
Now it is clear that if wo are tn get a true compari-son
between telegraph traffic here and abroad, we must not
only cut out this heavy padding, but take into considera-
tion also the other types of traffic — telephone and mail.
And if we do this — if we cut out inward international
messages. "tran?it" international messages, and, further,
"service" (uncommercial") messages, deducting at the
same time ten per cent from .American telegraph mes-
sages for possible duplication.* — here is what we get:
FIRST-CI,ASS MAIL, TKIvKGRAI'H AND TRLRPHONE
TRAI'TIC I'KR INHABITANT, YKAR 1912
Country
M.ul
I'ieces Per
Inhnbitnnt
Telegrnpli
Messnifes
Per In-
hnbitnnt
Telcphont-
Mcssiiircs Per
Inhnbitnnt
Totnl
Austria
Belifium
Dcntnnrk
Fniucc
Germany
Grent Britnin .
Hungnry
56.5
50.8
58.7
43.5 (1912)
81.8
91.0
28.5
21.6
82.6
49.3
39.6
35.6
98.1
106.0
.50
.82
.62
1.15
.75
1.77
.48
.63
.57
.76
1.23
.49
.83
1.05
12.55
18.23
81.24*
8..36
34 89
23.81
9.59
9.93*
18.45
27.92*
70.0"*
77.47*
17.85
161.99
69.55
69.85
140.56
5301
117.44
116.58
38.57
32 16
I.tixctnburtr —
NetluTlimtls ...
Nonvny
Sweden
Swilxcrlnnd ....
rnile<l Stnles..
101 .62
77 98
110.83
113.56
116.78
269.04
• Pnrtly private.
The fad is, therefore, that, contrary to Mr. Lewis*
contention, Americans use telephones far more under
private ownership than under government ownership,
and use telegraphs more, except as to those government-
ownership countries where an impoverished telephone
development forces an abnormal use of the telegraph.
The next point taken up in the interview is the mat-
ter of rates. In exactly nine lines of print we find a
complete comparison of telegraph rates made with nine
foreign countries — and not a word of qualification. Now,
anyone who has examined foreign telegraph rate sched-
ules knows that unless a number of very important con-
siderations are taken into account, such comparisons are
as worthless as comparisons of butter and buttercups.
For example, the address and signature on telegrams
are charged for abroad, in addition to the regular rate
quoted; they are free in this country. The average
number of such words per telegram is ten. Again, there
are two kinds of telegrams abroad — "urgent," which
correspond to our regular telegraph messages, and "ordi-
nary," a deferred service which mu=t wait upon the
"urgent." Rates for "urgent" telegrams are three times
the "ordinary" rates. Mr. Lewis quotes only "or-
dinary" rates in comparing them with American
telegraph rates. There are numerous other differences,
by omitting which Mr. Lewis has penalized American
telegraph rates; but if we make an allowance for the
diffcrenoe as to address and signature alone, we find that,
for comparable distance?, foreign "ordinarr" rates in
many eases approximate the American rates, and foreign
"urgent" rates are in most cases muoli higher, and in
several instances, as, for example. Germany, Italy, Den-
mark and .\ustria, from two to three times as high.
But when we come to that part of the interview deal-
ing with telephone rates, we find comparisons still more
startling. To illustrate the kind of comparisons which
were made we might take the following example:
Cost of nutomobiles in Paris $7,500.00
Cost of nutomobiles in New York City 500.00
Cost of telephones in Paris 77.20
Cost of telephones in New York City 228.00
Not to mention, in the first comparison, that the Mer-
cedes car was taken for Paris, and the Ford for New
York, is just as serious an omission as not to mention
that the Paris telephone exchange is one-fifth as large,
and hence far less expensive to operate, than the New
York exchange; that in Paris vou buy your own tele-
phone instrument; that only from one-fourth to one-
lialf of one per cent of New York telephone subscribers
pay the rate quoted, $52S, although the rate quoted for
Paris is the only rate available in Paris, etc.
Of course, to get anywhere in such comparisons, you
must take into account not only tiie size of the exchange,
but the number of subscribers nMnr] the service at the
rate quoted and. above all, the average rife paid. For
instance. Budapest has tlie .same size exchange as St.
Paul, ^finne.^ota. Ninety-four per cent of the St. Paul
subscribers pay less than the lowest possible rate in
Budapest. Similar results may be shown for such com-
jmrative exchanges as The Hague and San Antonio,
Texas; Tokyo and Omaha, Xehraska; Amsterdam, Hol-
land, and Rochester, New York ; Rotterdam and St.
Joseph, Missouri, etc. Even taking Paris, whose ex-
chan<:e is only one-fifth the size of the New York ex-
change, we find that 79 per cent of the subscribers in
New York Cit)- pay less than the Paris rate. Ninety per
cent of the Philadelphia subscribers and 01 per cent of
the Chicatro subscribers pay less than the Paris rate.
Not only is the average charge for telephone service
abroad greater than in this country, when the same units
of measurement arc used, but when you get down to the
smaller places foreign rates are so much higher that they
are virtually prohibitive, especially in the rural districts.
This goes a long way to explain why the British Post-
master-General recently prided himself on a total of
?,.'?00 farmers' telephones in the entire country.
But. after all, what good are rate comparisons, if you
don't consider what you get for your money? Not to
speak of the quality of foreign service — which, as every
one who has traveled abroad knows is far inferior to the
American — take the simple matter of the quantiiy of ser-
vice; the hours during which the telephone service is
open to the public. In Switzerland, for example, 96
per cent of the telephone exchanges close at 9 o'clock
p. m. Forty-six per cent operate from 7 a. m. to noon,
then close two hours for lunch, open again until 6 p. m.,
close two hours for tea, then open at 8 p. m., stay open
till 8.30 p. m., and put up the shutters for the night.
This is a sample of the kind of service you will get
throughout the length and breadth of Europe, and yet
rate comparisons are made in all seriousness, and abso-
lute conclusions drawn therefrom and presented without
a single qualification to the American public.
And the toll (long distance) rate comparisons made
by Mr. Lewis? It will be remembered, a table of "long
distance rates" was published in the interview. On
the face of this table American toll rates were made to
appear, by comparison, shockingly exorbitant. But —
behind the table there lurked a number of Africans, care-
fully concealed from public view.
Here is one of them.
Abroad they have two kinds of long distance service,
"preferred" and "deferred," the latter costing about
one-third the former. Mr. Lewis carefully .selected the
"deferred" raien nnd then contrasted them with ours.
This "deferred" service in foreign countries is inter-
esting. Say you live in Germany. You want to talk
to an out-of-town businessman. You get an "assign-
ment." They tell you you can have the connection at
ten o'clock — perhaps the same day, perhaps the next day,
if the appointments are all taken up. The connection
is put up for you at ten. If you are not there you are
charged. If you are there, you must finish your con-
versation within a .stipulated period. If you do not
finish in the given period you are cut off and you can-
not talk atrain until your turn comes around again —
which mav not be until the next day.
Now the fnct is that, for the shorter distances, within
which four-fifths of the traffic falls, American toll rates —
even on a nominal basis, and not considering that a
dollar here often corresponds to a half or quarter of a
dollar abroad — are lower than in foreign countries for
regular messages; and if we take foreign international
messages, which Mr. Lewis completely ignored, we find
they are from three to four times as high as our rates
for corresponding distances.
As for the longer distances, the foreign service is
rarely commercial. Otliciiil complaints in the German
Reichstag amply testify to this. Or, take Chamb^ry, in
France, as an example. The Cliambcr of Commerce com-
plains that it cannot get connection with Paris (280
miles) until the day after the call is filed. Imagine liv-
ing in Paris and being detained in Chamb^ry; you call
up your home to-day, you get it to-morrow, and tell your
wife you won't be liome last night. Rate comparisons,
in such cases, are nothing less than absurd.
In short, none of Mr. Lewis' assertions as to rates are
warranted by the facts. It is not a fact that telegraph,
'Hocal" telephone or long distance telephone rates are
lower abroad than in the United States.
Do government-owned telephone and telegraph sys-
tems pay? The interview with Mr. Lewis leaves the
impression they do. The writer has before him a re-
cently issued statement of the British Post-Office Depart-
ment, admitting it has lost a hundred and ten million
dollars on its telegraph since the government took it over.
Similarly, a study of all available reports and official in-
formation on the combined operations of government-
owned and operated telephones and telegraphs shows
that they are. without exception, operated at a deficit.
It is not a fact that government telepiione and telegraph
systems abroad are productive of profit.
The interview goes on to cite a score or more American
cities in which telephone rates are shown to be strangely
at variance with one another; and the next paragraph
proceeds to attribute the difTcrences to the effects of com-
petition. Here is what actually happened : Mr. Lewis sim-
ply selected the highest-priced business-service charges
for his "no competition" rates, and the lowest-priced
residence charges for his "competition" rates, and then
"compared" them. Incidentally, Mr. Lewis procured
these "statistics" from a Bell competitor and presented
them to the public in toto as gospel.
Most striking of all, however, were the efficiency com-
parisons which were made between government and pri-
vate operation. To many of us, acquainted with friends
"working for the government," it doubtless came as a
distinct surpri.se to learn what marvelous strides in
efficiency our government-employed friends were really
making. A close .scrutiny of the statistics which were
used, however, will prove illuminating.
If one will look into the voluminous report prepared
by the clerks of the Post-Office Department, upon which
Mr. Lewis based his statistics, one will find that the fig-
ures for foreign telephone, telegraph and post-office sys-
tems bristle with footnotes. These footnotes say, in
efTect, that you cannot determine anvthing ais to the re-
sults of operation or the number of employees in each
service, because the post-office and telephone and tele-
graph are operated jointly, and their results are not
shown separately. For instance, in Norway most of the
telephone employees perform, also, telegraph duties.
Only a small part of the whole are engaged solely in
telephone work. How to figure your efficiency? Mr.
Lewis took this small number of employees engaged
solely in telephone work, ignored the rest, and divided
this nvmher into the total number of telephone messages
for Norway. The result was published as Norway's tele-
phone "efficiency." Similar results, by similar methods,
were obtained for the other countries.
If we must demonstrate statistically that private em-
ployees are more efficient than holders of government
jobs, a significant comparison would be the plant cost
per telephone, under public and under private owner-
ship, for the more money you spend in doing a given
amount of work, the less your efficiency. The plant of
the Bell System, including long distance lines, stands
at $153 per station. The corresponding official figures
for foreign countries are as follows: Australia, $10
higher; Germany. $25 higher; Switzerland, $39 higher;
Hungary, $10 higher ; Austria, $60 higher; France, $100
higher, and Belgium, $125 higher.
It is difficult to understand how Mr. Lewis could have
attempted a measurement of Post-Office efficiency on the
basis of the "average mail pi.ece per employee," when we
recall tJiat the Joint Corigre=sional Commission on Busi-
ness Method in the Post-Office, one of whose members
was the Hon. John A. Moon, Chairman of the House
Committee on Post-Offices and Post Eoads, was forced,
after thorough investigation by the most expert account-
ants in the country, to admit that the Department's
inefficiency wa= so appalling, that "Under such a system
a large railroad, commercial or industrial business would
inevitably go into bankruptcy, and t!ie Post-Office De-
partment has averted that fate only because the United
States Treasury has been available to meet deficiencies."
And when it came to striking an efficiency average, the
exports employed by the Commission threw up their
hands. "We have seen in difFcrnnt efficiency statements
of work done that exactly the same class of work done by
individuals has varied in exceptional cases from under
2.000 to over 22,000 operations in the same period of
time."
AVhat is the method whereby Mr. Lewis proposes to
acquire the telephone and telegraph systems? He would
have the government take over the telephone, but not the
telegraph : then compete on telephone lines with the ex-
isting telegraph lines, until the latter have been clubbed
into insensibility, when tliey will either drop out of ex-
istence, or be taken over bodily by the government at
junk vahie. Does anyone believe this type of warfare
will be assumed by a great government, or countenanced
for a moment by the American people ?
Mr. Lewis is to purchase the telephone by lining
nearly a billion dollars of oO-j'ear bonds — at 3 per cent.
Among the world's nations the United States is remark-
able for borrowing so little and spending so much out
of its current income. Its credit on that account is high.
Yet its Panama Canal 3s have been selling below par.
Nofrn-ithstanding, the United States, according to Mr.
Lewis, is to double its National Debt — and still maintain
3 per cent credit.
But even assuming that this were possible, no student
of public affairs believes that the difference between the
public and private interest rate would equal the financial
loss which would be entailed, by subjecting so vast a
system as the telephone to the regime of political par-
tisanship and Pork Barrel methods with which we are
all so familiar, whereby appropriations are no longer
to be made the result of careful and scientific manage-
ment, but subject to all the evils of log-rolling and
political bickering — the football of ambitious or un-
scrupulous politicians.
The telephone rates to-day represent actual cost, as
supervised by our public regulating bodies, upon a basis
of the most efficient management of the property' used
and useful in the service. The net interest and dividend
return of the Bell System during the last year represents
4.03 per cent of the actual property value — as sworn to
in the Official Hcport. If the government acquired the
service and lowered the rates, the inevitable result would
be a deficit — worse by far than the present Post-Office
deficit: and while the latter mav be justified because the
mails are universal in iise, who can justify a system
wborohv nine-tenths of the population is to be taxed to
help pay the telephone bills of the other tenth ?
To urge government ownership of telephones in this
country one must be prepared to say that government
control has proved a failure. Is Mr. L^wis prepared to
take this stand, with regulation nractically a new thing?
Is he prepared to sav that all the efforts now being di-
rected by the public in improving and strengthening our
machinery of regulation are purelv so much wasted ef-
fort : that Congress ifeself is wasting tiio public funds
upon a fruitless ta.sk, in its work recently begun, through
the Interstate Commerce Commission, of undertaking
the valuation of all telephone and telegraph companies
in this country? Would it not be wiser to heed the
advice of President Wilson and remember that "such are
the difficulties in the way of establishing and maintain-
inir camful Inisiness manasement on the part of the gov-
ernment that control ought to be preferred to direct ad-
ministration in as many cases as possible — in every ca!>e
in whicli control without administration can be made
effectnal"?
LEWIS -SYLVAN DEBATE
ON
GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP
OF TELEPHONES AND TELEGRAPHS
Gi\\jig Speech of Mr. T. P. Sylvan, Assistant to Vice-President,
New York Telephone Company, in Debate with the Hob.
David J. Lewis, Representative from Maryland,
before the Providence Economic Clab, Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, April 22, 1914.
-vA:.r/;
SUPPLEMENT No 7- '
'■■""""-■••I
FOR
BRISF OP AROCTMSNT8
American Telephone and Telegraph Company
Commercial Engineer's Office
New York
lilt
Following is the address of Mr. T. P. Sylvan, Assistant to Vice-
President, New York Telephone Company, in a debate
with Congressman David J. Lewis, of Maryland, held be-
fore the Providence Economic Club, Providence, Rhode
Island, April 22, 1914. Owing to the limitation of time, a
number of quotations given here in full were merely re-
ferred to in the abstract in the actual delivery of the address :
Mr. President and Members of the Economic Club:
I trust you will bear with me because I have got somewhat of a
cold, but I shall try to make myself heard. It is indeed a pleasure to
come to a gathering of this kind and see so many people interested in
this subject, because, from my way of looking at it, all that we need is
a careful consideration of this question. Like Mr. Lewis, we too, are
content to appeal to the good sense of the people. We have got to
approach this thing in a calm and deliberate manner. There is no
necessity of becoming excited. The country is not particularly suffer-
ing in the meantime.
No Stockholders' Brief
I do not come here tonight with a brief for the stockholders of
the Bell System. Our organization, as Mr. Lewis himself has stated,
in his address before the Republican Club in New York City last Jan-
uary, is one of the few in the country whose securities are free from
water or inflation.
His words were:
"Be it said for the Bell System that it is the one great corporation in our
country that has not issued tons of counterfeit capital. Its stocks and bonds
to-day represent the actual contributions of its shareholders in money to a
great common enterprise, and we will not have that unfortunate circumstance
to deal with in the valuation of their properties."
The capitalization of the Bell System is based upon honest invest-
ment, and the actual value of the property is considerably in excess of
the par value of the securities; so that if, after a calm and painstaking
investigation, the Government should decide to take over the property
of the Bell System, it would have no trouble from that score, nor would
the stockholders suffer any loss save the temporary inconvenience of
reinvesting their funds, which would be returned to them intact.
3
Legal Objections Not Considered
Nor do I approach this subject from the legal standpoint. To be
sure, the legal problem involved is by no means unclouded, and pre-
sents a number of very grave questions whose determination is far
from simple. Are the State of Rhode Island and the City of Provi-
dence, for instance, ready to give up their control and supervision
over so important a part of their affairs as the telephone, and allow
the Federal Government to step in and silence their authority forever,
eliminating, at the same time, the important source of revenue from
taxation, which is now being derived from the telephone property?
However, I do not propose to take up this and other similarly import-
ant questions, because, I am sure, a consideration of the purely eco-
nomic aspects of the subject will decide this case in favor of the present
system of regulated private ownership, and make unnecessary the con-
sideration of the legal or other objections.
Efficient Service the Main Question
I approach this subject from a far broader point of view; from
the standpoint of service — efficiency of service. That is the basis upon
which this whole matter of government ownership must be settled.
And when I say "efficiency," I mean, of course, the quality of the
service and the price of the service, for, after all, these are the ques-
tions in which the public concerns itself in its attitude toward the
telephone.
Now in this question of efficiency of service, the interests of the
public, of course, very properly take first place ; and we, the employees,
— for I number myself one of an army of 150,000 who are serving the
public in this matter — must necessarily take the second place. From
my way of looking at this telephone proposition, it is not a question of
ownership so much as it is a question of the organization itself — a
great big machine that is serving you to-day ; and that machine consists
of this army of employees, and anything which will make that machine
more efficient and which will permit it to work more efficiently and
more economically than it does to-day, is to be commended, but any-
thing which will make that machine run more slowly or with more
difficulty, must be discarded. To show how important a factor is the
personnel of the organization, as distinguished from the owner — the
stock and bond holder — I might mention that the Bell System to-day
pays out, in the form of salaries and wages, 50% of the money it
receives from the public, and the amount paid out in the form of inter-
est and dividends represented, during the last year, but 4.92% — less
than 5% — upon the actual plant in service. Now, I say, gentlemen, a
lot of credit is due to great men like Mr. Vail — and Mr. Lewis is will-
ing to and does give him a measure of that credit — when you stop to
think that, in reducing this interest charge to 4.92%, he has done so by
taking advantage of the credit of our Company. More than $26,-
000,000 has been turned into the treasury of the American Telephone
and Telegraph Company by the use of convertible bonds at times when
our credit warranted getting prices in excess of par. It is by this
means that we have been enabled to cut down the interest charges on
investment to the low figure of 4.92% on the value of the plant in
service. While it is true that 8% is paid on some of our securities, less
is paid on bonds and other securities, and nothing at all on the $26,-
000,000 just mentioned.
Public Service Motive Qualified
Mr. Lewis lays great stress upon the "public service motive" as
distinguished from the "private service motive," and attempts to show
how the "public service motive" has dominated the administration of
the Post Office Department. Now I say that the "public service mo-
tive," in its narrower sense, which absolutely ignores questions of cost
or distribution of cost burden, is inherently wrong, and I am glad that
our present Postmaster General, unlike Mr. Lewis, has had the dis-
cernment to temper and qualify the "public service motive" as he did
in his last annual report, when he brought out the fact that the experi-
ment of free mail delivery in villages had been abandoned, because he
found that more just and equitable results could be obtained by having
the people call for their own mail, rather than having the underpaid
carriers bring it to them. On page 34 of his last annual report, the
Postmaster General says:
"The results attained during the year are believed not to warrant the con-
tinuance or extension of village delivery. There is no such need or demand
for free delivery of mail in small towns and villages as there is in cities and
rural districts, and its establishment does not occasion any appreciable increase
in the use of the mails. An economical administration of such a service would
require the limiting of delivery in nearly every instance to one a day and the
employment of carriers at salaries lower than those paid to city and rural
carriers. Such service is regarded as inferior by the patrons, who in such com-
munities live near the post office and are in the habit of calling two or three
times a day for their mail. The low salaries of the carriers, moreover, would
not conduce to efficient service."
Public Insured Proper Treatment by Regulation
On the other hand, the so-called commercial motive, in its narrow-
est sense — in the sense that it looks merely to the immediate profit and
disregards those considerations of public service which make for per-
manency and secure the establishment of good will — is equally wrong.
We, and all other progressive concerns, have long since learned that
our most valuable asset is not an immediate and excessive profit, dic-
tated by any narrow or selfish policy to which Mr. Lewis refers in his
exposition of the "private service motive," but a continuous fair profit,
and a contented public. A significant factor, however, which Mr.
Lewis, in all his remarks, seems to have ignored, is that the public
itself has recognized this principle, and, instead of leaving it to the
good sense of the corporation to enforce it, has enforced the principle
itself; has instituted a system of proper public regulation of utilities,
to the end that there may be a blending of the "public service motive"
with the "private service motive," whereby the best results can be and
have been most happily obtained. The public has taken up, if you
please, that principle which Mr. Adams pronounced way back in 1887,
and which Mr. Lewis appears to have only just discovered, and has
said that these large institutions that serve the public must not be left
unregulated. The public has not taken it up as a measure of ill-will
toward the companies, nor as any evidence of a crjdng necessity, but
with the idea of equal protection to public and public utility alike. It
said, in substance, "We are going to protect the utilities in the exercise
of their functions, so long as they properly serve the public." In prac-
tically every State of the Union to-day, we have these regulative bodies
as a part of the fundamental law. As an instance of protection to the
utility, you have got to prove "public necessity" to the Commission,
before you can enter a field already served, in the proper meaning of
the word. As an instance of protection to the public, you have the
Interstate Commerce Commission, with its tremendous power, illustra-
ted to-day in its control of the railroad situation, with the railroads
appealing for an increase in rates — not a cent of which can be granted
without the approval of the Commission.
Now, I say that the public has taken this matter in hand, and
decided that these public regulative bodies shall first be considered
and consulted, before the utility can take any step affecting the rights
of the public. They can be made use of by every citizen. There is
absolutely no red tape. You do not have to employ an attorney. You
write a letter and get a hearing. And that is all there is to it. The
Commission sits as a public tribunal and metes out justice in exact pro-
portion as is merited by the complaint.
So that, in all this talk about "public service motive" and "private
service motive," we must remember that the public has recognized, and
has enacted into its fundamental laws, the principle that a "public serv-
ice motive" which runs counter to good business sense, which ignores
questions of price and cost, (without which you cannot determine how
efficiently and economically your property is operated), is just as wrong
as the "private service motive," which recognizes immediate profit,
and that alone.
Furthermore, we have something to-day that I am glad we have,
and that is potential competition, and it is something that the people
want, and must retain, because I can conceive how there may come a
time when a utility, governmental or private, by reason of a change in
personnel, may lose public support and confidence. In such a case,
under our present laws as they stand to-day, the public has recourse to
the ever present competition which may be changed to actual competi-
tion when the community feels that matters have come to such a pass
as to make such a change desirable, and this potential competition is
one of the strongest weapons which the public has to defend itself
against any such emergencies as may arise in the course of time.
Regulation Should Be Given Fair Trial
Now, the only way Mr. Lewis or any one else can ignore this
question, is by saying, fundamentally, that regulation has proven a
failure. And how can any man in this country, with regulation prac-
6
tically a new thing, take that stand? To adopt this stand, one must
entirely ignore the present tendency of our administration ; must say
that all the efforts now being directed by the public in improving and
strengthening our machinery of public regulation are purely so much
wasted effort ; that Congress, itself, is wasting the public funds upon
a fruitless task in its work, begun a short time ago, through the Inter-
State Commerce Commission, of undertaking the valuation of all tele-
phone and telegraph companies in this country, — a task which the
Commission is now engaged upon, and for which a great deal of time
must necessarily be expended. To take such a stand, one must be
ready to condemn the whole scheme of public regulation at its very
inception ; declare that, although in its formative stage, it has failed in
its mission. That is something I cannot understand. Mr. Lewis knows
that in his own home State, the Public Service Commission is to-day
engaged in a state-wide rate investigation, to determine upon the pro-
priety of the scheme of state-wide telephone rates, and that the same
is being done in the State of Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, and that an
honest effort is being made, with the cooperation of the Telephone
Company and the Public Service Commission, to determine upon a fair
valuation, and to reach an adjudication of what is a proper and reason-
able rate for reasonable service. On the part of the Company there is
nothing but an honest effort to submit to a question of justice, nothing
but the laying of the cards on the table so that the public may see and
judge, and, on the part of the Commission there is nothing but a pains-
taking and scientific effort to base action upon knowledge, and knowl-
edge alone. Will Mr. Lewis say that all this is idle and fruitless?
Complete Unregulated Monopoly Proposed by Mr. Lewis
But if we change all this — change our fundamental and painstak-
ingly worked out plan, which the public, in its wisdom has set up —
where do we land? We not only lose this scheme of control and regu-
lation— but see what we substitute. Not long ago, the Attorney Gen-
eral, with a great deal of pride, pried apart the telephone and the tele-
graph on the sole assumption that those two were competitive services,
and should not be under one head. This cost the American Telephone
and Telegraph Company a good deal, but, as decent citizens, we obeyed
the order without protest. We separated. And the President of the
United States came out in a hearty public commendation of this action.
Now comes our friend Mr. Lewis and seeks, not only to re-unite the
telephone and the telegraph into one agency, but to amalgamate the two
with the postal service, so that the three agencies, which, according to
the views of the administration, are to-day in a measure competing —
and I might say competing in the sense that to-day you have the choice
open to you to send your communication by first-class mail, telegram
or telephone, as you please — these three conveniences are to be lumped
together into one service, and what was wrong on the part of private
companies, is to become right on the part of the Government. You are
to have absolutely no chance for protest or appeal to commissions or
courts. If you are dissatisfied with the mail and want to use the tele-
gram, you go to the Government ; if you are dissatisfied with the tele-
gram, and want to use the telephone, you go to the Government ; and
if a condition of public service arises where, from a series of accumu-
lated abuses, the public is seeking relief, nothing short of a political
revolution will secure the necessary attention.
Deliver Us From Politics
Gentlemen, I have worked for many years in telephoning, and I have
never yet had my "boss" ask me what my party was or which way I
intended to vote. I tell you it is a serious matter if we are to add to
the many questions before the public to-day, such as the monopoly
question, the tariff question, the money question, and many others, on
top of them the question of local telephone service— of your telephone
service, for instance, here in Providence. So that you find yourself in
a situation, say, where, if the man whom you have sent to Washington
to represent you because he stands for all you hold dear on questions
of tariff, does not happen to suit on the post office and telephone propo-
sition, you have just got to take the telephone and let the tariff go, or
take the tariff and let the telephone go. To say the least, this is an
exigency which may arise if the Government of the United States
claims a monopoly on all means of communication.
Present Conditions Right
Now I say that, in the face of present conditions, Mr. Lewis and
everybody else must acknowledge that rates in this country and con-
ditions of telephone service are right. If they are not right, he has
access to the Interstate Commerce Commission, and practically every
State commission in the country, to see that they are made right. This
is not merely his privilege, it is his duty as a citizen and it is anybody's
duty that has any complaint against telephone rates or telephone serv-
ice, to go before the Commission to secure a proper determination of
the matter. So I say I do not care what comparison Mr. Lewis makes
as to foreign rates, the rates here should be assumed to be right until
otherwise determined. They have been filed with the Commission by
the Company, and the Company stands ready to-day to meet any criti-
cism manfully and fairly and to make or accept any change or pro-
vision that is proven just and reasonable. Now, gentlemen, remember
that in your public service regulation you have been clean, fair and
decent. You have insisted that whatever action is taken shall be taken
only upon thorough investigation, to the end that no action shall be
taken except as it is preceded by exact knowledge. You have said that
our earnings shall not be based on water, on error, mistake, on ineffi-
cient management or excessive cost, but that they shall be based upon
the fair value of the property used and useful in the service. Can any
one claim a basis fairer than that for rate making?
8
Public Approve Service
Not only are telephone rates and conditions of service as they
should be, sanctioned by the public, through its regularly constituted
public service tribunals, but the public has shown, by the best test
possible — the use of the service — the extent to which the telephone
service has met with its approval. I mean by this that when it comes to
development, the United States is so far in the lead over countries
where government ownership obtains, that comparisons of telephone
development are almost laughable. You will remember very clearly
that Mr. Lewis made the statement just before he sat down that it was
our great and noble general, Theodore N. Vail, who laid down the
slogan for his army to follow, that he would not rest content with the
development of our telephone service until there was a telephone in
every man's house. That was the slogan of our system long ago ; that
is the goal we have been trying to reach for years. That is to-day our
aim, and I propose to show you that we have come nearer to this goal
than any other country- on the face of the earth.
United States Telephone Center of World
There are, to-day, in this country, upwards of 9,000,000 telephones.
The United States, with less than 6% of the world's population, has
more than 65% of the world's telephone development. Europe, with
four times the population of the United States, has less than one-half
the number of telephones. Not so bad, Mr. Lewis, for private enter-
prise.
The United States, according to the census just published, has nine
telephones per hundred inhabitants, and has gained, during the last
year, nearly as many stations as Great Britain has to-day in its entire
system. Great Britain, by the way, has V/2 telephones per hundred
inhabitants, or one-sixth of our telephone development. Germany has
two telephones per hundred inhabitants ; Netherlands two telephones
per hundred inhabitants ; Switzerland two telephones per hundred ;
Belgium four-fifths of a telephone per hundred ; France four-sixths of
a telephone per hundred. The entire country of France has about the
same number of telephones as we have in New York City alone. Not
so bad, Mr. Lewis, for private enterprise.
United States Service Diversified
And, mind you, this development has not been obtained by skim-
ming the cream off the milk, as has been done by governments in the
foreign countries, under the "public service motive." Let me show you
how we, actuated, as Mr. Lewis would say, by the modern "private serv-
ice motive," have taken care of the outlying and rural districts, as well
as our big cities. There is a gentleman with me here to-night who
formerly worked in Indianapolis, and who, years ago, tramped through
Indiana, and his sole mission was to open up outlying sections and to
establish rural telephone business long before the Post Office Depart-
ment thought these sections worthy of rural mail routes. And, mark
9
this, Mr. Lewis, in the United States, with our so-called "private serv-
ice motive," 19^% of our exchanges have from 50 to 100 stations;
25.8% have from 100 to 200 stations, and 13.1% have from 200 to 300
stations. In other words, about 60% of our telephone development is
to be found in exchanges of 300 stations or less. Compare this, if you
will, with the urban and rural development of foreign governmental
telephone systems, where the average rural development represents but
21.2% of the corresponding urban development. How about this, Mr.
Lewis, as an example of your "public service motive?" Why, in our
State of Iowa, which is highly rural, the density of development is
greater than in any other part of the United States. How about this,
Mr. Lewis, as an example of your "private service motive?"
Universal Service Slogan
Now we have been accused — not by Mr. Lewis, I am glad to say,
but by some of his friends — that we have been remiss in connecting
with other companies. I want to say that for fifteen years I have been
out making connecting contracts with other companies, and now, as a
part of our scheme of universal service, which some thoughtless people
have mistaken for monoply — which we have never desired — I say we
connect with nearly 3,000,000 stations operated independently and not
controlled by the Bell Company. We have been striving, as I say, for
universal service, not universal ownership. The song Mr. Vail has
sung from the start has been "universal service ;" in other words, one
system, the idea being that every telephone in the United States may
be the center of a system, and that isolation shall be wiped out as
rapidly as is humanly possible. Through the aid of our friend, the
Attorney General, this movement, in the direction of one complete
system of universal service, has received a new impetus by the new
arrangement agreed upon for connection with the so-called competitive
exchanges. We shall soon, therefore, realize the grand spectacle of one
system with universal service to more than nine millions of telephones.
Not so bad for private enterprise.
Relative Use of Telephone a Good Test
Now with nine million telephones in service in this country, Mr.
Lewis will have to admit that we have a pretty fair basis of comparison
with foreign countries, and I am afraid Mr. Lewis would find it rather
hard to fit this condition into his theories of "public service motive"
and "private service motive." But this is not all : you can talk as much
as you please about figures and foreign lands, but there is one com-
parison which, to me, seems very significant : — when considering first-
class mail matter, telephones, and telegraphs as alternative means of
communication in Europe, what ilo we find ? We find that in Europe
71.2% of all such communication travels by mail. The corresponding
figure in the United States where coiii|>ctitive conditions prevail, is
39.4% by first-class mail. And when we come to the telephone, we
find that of the total communications in Europe, 27 .2)% go by telephone.
In the United States the percentage of total communications that go by
10
telephone is 60.2%. Not so bad, Mr. Lewis, for the poor despised
"private service motive" telephone. After all, Mr. Lewis, it is service
that counts ; not theories. The proof of the pudding is in the eating —
is it not, Mr. Lewis?
There is one more point about Mr. Lewis' theory of "public service
motive" and "private service motive" that I should like to touch upon,
if I had time, and that is Mr. Lewis' example of the Chicago and Mil-
waukee rate case. I am rather surprised that Mr. Lewis should have
mentioned this case again, in view of the fact that he must have seen
how utterly unfair this example was, if he read the last annual report
of President Vail. Here is the true story, as it appeared in President
Vail's last annual report, of The Chicago & Milwaukee Telegraph Line,
which Mr. Lewis picked out as an example of the viciousness of the
"private service motive" :
"The Chicago & Milwaukee telegraph has been set up as an example of the
evils of private operation. Why this single line of some fifty miles in length
should have been selected is difficult to understand. Any line situated under
such favorable conditions, doing business only between two large cities, should
and could be operated at rates which could not apply to lines or systems which
take business from and to all points, white the peculiar conditions under which
this particular line operated put it absolutely outside of comparison whether
with other lines or with any system. The history of this company is well
known, and if not known to those who have used it as an illustration, it could
have been obtained with little eflfort.
"Built in 1878 by some linemen as a speculation, it was sold to some mem-
bers of the boards of trade of Chicago and Milwaukee and incorporated with
a stock of $50,000. Fhe business of this line was confined almost exclusively
to messages from floor to floor of the two boards, to news service and to leas-
ing private lines. While it accepted other service, it had no organisation to,
and did not deliver or collect messages except by telephone. The company ap-
parently made large profits, but it must have been at the expense of mainte-
nance and depreciation, for later on the company was reorganized with a capi-
tal stock of 150,000 and $50,000 of bonds, and the lines reconstructed. This
new company operated until 1905, when it ivent into receivership and the lines
were operated by the receiver until 1907, when it was offered for sale, and the
Chicago and the Wisconsin Telephone Companies needing additional lines, pur-
chased it in connection with the American Telephone and Telegraph Company,
for toll and long-distance business. This was five years before an interest in
the Western Union was acquired or contemplated.
"The lines are now used for telephone business principally. The commer-
cial experience and history of this line are not such as make it a good argument
for lower telegraph rates, either under private or government operation, and
even under such favorable auspices its experience was certainly not such as
would encourage private enterprise in another attempt, although the field is
open to all."
Not Yet Through Growing
Now we have been accused of having reached the zenith of our
development ; that under private ownership we won't go any further.
I want to say to Mr. Lewis that we are only beginning to unfold the
possibilities of our development. Last year we expended on the Bell
System $55,000,000 for additions to plant ; this year our budget calls
for $60,000,000. And we are going to keep right on developing, going
forward, if only the public will let us by continuing their encourage-
ment.
II
Lewis Figures Analyzed
And now as to the comparisons of efficiency and rates which Mr.
Lewis has made. You yourselves know how easy it is to prove any-
thing by stretching statistics this way or that. Figures are rather dry
at best, but I want to say for your information that we have compiled
a study of the comparisons which Mr. Lewis has made as to efficiency
and rates between the United States and foreign countries. If you care
to, you can obtain copies of this at the close of this discussion. You
will see, I think, how misleading and unwarranted are the statistics
which Mr. Lewis has presented, and upon which he has attempted to
make his case for Government Ownership ; you will see how artificial
and unreliable is the fabric of statistics which has been constructed, and
you will find that our exposition of this fact is not merely controversial,
but is based upon official information of the highest sort, and this in-
formation is not only cited in each case in this study, but we are ready
to have anyone who desires, including Mr. Lewis, verify the informa-
tion by recourse to our files.
Peculiar Methods
The funny thing about these statistics is, that the method Mr.
Lewis adopted in figuring efficiency, was to take the total number of
messages and divide that by the total number of employees engaged
in each service, and then to call the result the showing of efficiency
on the part of the service. You can see for yourself how impos-
sible such a method is, in order to get a true showing for
efficiency. For one thing, we, in this country, unlike the government
systems of foreign countries, as you will see later, are constantly
modernizing our plant, and looking ahead into the future, and by this
fact alone we have been penalized by Mr. Lewis' efficiency methods,
because we have a lot of engineers and a lot of men constantly en-
gaged in this advance construction. Mr. Lewis had no difficulty in
picking out the number of our peoi)le working, and he said, "We will
count you all." I suppose if we had dropped this large force of men
who are engaged in advance construction, who are engaged in work
which will not show up, perhaps, for years to come, we could have
shown, according to Mr. Lewis, a much higher "efficiency," because
the fewer people you have on the job, the higher the efficiency. If we
could cut down all our employees, during the coming year, for instance,
who are not engaged directly in telephone operating, we would then,
according to Mr. Lewis, show a marvelous efficiency.
But when Mr. Lewis came to foreign countries, he found a pecu-
liar situation. If you will look at the report which was prejiared by
the Post Office Department recently, and submitted by ^Ir. Burleson
to Congress, you will find that the figures for foreign telephone and
telegraph and post office systems are presented with barrels of salt,
by way of foot notes, and these foot notes practically say, in eflTect, that
you cannot determine anything as to the results of operation or the
number of employees in the service, because the post office and the tele-
graph and the telephone are operated jointly, and their results cannot
12
be shown separately. For instance, in Norway, most of the telephone
employees also perform mail and telegraph duties, and a very small
portion of the whole are engaged solely in telephone work. Now to
give you an idea of how simple Mr. Lewis found the job of measuring
efficiency under such circumstances — he simply took the total number
of telephone messages for Norway, and then divided that by the
number of employees who did telephone work exclusively — and the
result purported to show what Government Ownership does for the
people.
Our Economy Shown by Construction Cost
Well, gentlemen, despite the fact that we have been keeping up our
plant all the time, that we have been engaged in advance construction,
far into the future, that we have changed from the grounded to the
aerial circuits, and from the aerial to the underground as fast as we
could, and that we have not, as they did in European countries, forced
the aid of municipalities to help in the matter ; despite the fact that we
have kept in advance of the march of progress, that great changes have
been made in cable construction, cables being laid underground all the
way from Boston to Washington ; despite the fact that we could not,
like foreign countries, confiscate property and rights of way, but had to
pay good hard dollars for them, let us see how our real efficiency shows
up in the way of costs in this country, including all the long distance,
underground and spare plant — because we have a good bit of spare
plant. You would not have to do, for instance, as they do in Tokio,
Japan, where there are 20,000 poor Japs seeking telephone service, who
have to get in line and wait their turn in order to get the privilege of
subscribing to the government service, and who, so valuable has be-
come the right to the first positions in the line, are trading these rights
to subscribe for telephone service on the stock exchange and, in some
cases, bequeathing them as valuable assets in their wills. For you see,
Japan has no money at present for telephones ; she needs battleships —
battleships come first in Japan. But as I say, despite all this prepared-
ness of the telephone in this country, and the fact that we have attended
to telephone needs, present and future, to a far greater extent than has
been possible under the foreign governmental systems, the plant of the
Bell System, the American Telephone and Telegraph Company and its
subsidiaries, including long distance lines, stands us to-day at $153 per
station. Australia stands at $163 per station — $10 higher; Germany,
$178— $25 higher; Switzeriand, $192— $40 higher; Hungary, $193—
$40 higher ; Austria, $213— $60 higher ; France, $253— $100 higher, and
Belgium, $278 — $125 higher. Not so bad, Mr. Lewis, for the efficiency
of private enterprise.
Some Exchange Rate Comparisons
Now, Mr. Lewis has had quite a bit to say about telephone rates.
The question of rates is one of the most involved and technical in con-
nection with the telephone business. I have already shown you how the
public has dealt with the telephone in regard to rates, through public
service regulation, and the stand we have taken on the subject. We
13
are willing, at any and all times, to change our rates to conform to any
basis demonstrated by investigation to be more reasonable than the
present. We are just as interested in a proper solution of this question
as any one, and I submit that I have made it clear that, so far as in-
vestigation has shown, rates in this country are as they should be. But
now what sort of rate comparisons have been made with foreign coun-
tries? Well, some of the rate statistics used by Mr. Lewis came from
a source pretty badly tainted. I think he knows what I mean. And
a favorite method of making comparisons is to take a big city, say like
New York, and take your maximum business measured rate, and then
stick that up on your flag and wave it around as the New York rate,
and compare that rate with the smallest possible rate in other cities,
and then talk about extortionate and unfair rates. Now what is the use
of comparing rates this way? It is not fair; it is not honest, because
the idea is not. What is the rate for one particular kind of service?
but. What do the people of that city pay for telephone service? You
have got to take into account not only the size of the exchanges, but
the number of subscribers using the service, and above all the average
rate paid. And if you do that, you find some such comparisons as these :
The minimum rate in The Hague is $24. In San Antonio, Texas,
an exchange of about the same size, it is $18. 78% of the San Antonio
subscribers pay not more than the minimum rate in The Hague, and
most of them pay less.
The Omaha, Nebraska, exchange has about the same number of
subscribers as Tokio (you will remember Tokio). 79% of the sub-
scribers pay less than the minimum rate in Tokio.
Amsterdam, Holland, has about the same number of subscribers
as Rochester, New York. 77% of the Rochester subscribers pay less
than the minimum rate in Amsterdam.
Rotterdam has about the same number of subscribers as St. Joseph,
Missouri. 81% of the St. Joseph subscribers pay less than the mini-
mum rate available in Rotterdam.
Budapest has about the same number of subscribers as St. Paul,
Minnesota. 94% of the St. Paul subscribers pay less than the only
rate available in Budapest.
Now Paris has been mentioned and compared, for example, with
New York City, an exchange about five times as big, and, of course,
the $228 rate, the highest possible, was picked out for New York. It
doesn't matter that only % to yi oi \% pay the rate quoted or more,
or it would not matter if nobody paid the rate quoted — use it just the
same, because it sounds bad for the Bell. Well, now, suppose we
compare Paris with New York. The only rate available in Paris is
$77.20 — and don't forget you have got to buy your instrument in
addition. 79% of the subscribers in New York City pay less than the
Paris rate. 90% of the Philadelphia subscribers, and 91% of the
Chicago subscribers pay less than the only rate available in Paris.
Now if you get down to the smaller places of this countrj- and
abroad, you would find practically no comparison. The foreign rates
are, as you will see if you look into that study that I have men-
tioned to you before, for the smaller places, much higher than the
14
corresponding rates in this countn,-. In fact, they are abroad, in many
cases, practically prohibitive, which explains the impoverished rural
telephone development in the foreign countries which have govern-
ment telephone systems.
Unfairness of Price Comparisons Without Considering Quality
Now, of course, I have not told you the whole story in rate com-
parisons. What good are rate comparisons if you do not consider what
you get for your money ? I am not talking now about the quality of
service, which, as anyone knows who has traveled abroad, is for the
most part much inferior to American telephone service. I am talking
now about the length of hours during which the telephone service is
available to the public abroad. Take Switzerland, for example — the
country with which Mr. Lewis is so in love for statistical purposes.
96% of the exchanges in Switzerland close at 9 o'clock P. M. 46%
operate from 7 A. M. to noon; then close two hours for lunch; then
open again until 6 P. M. ; then close two hours for tea ; then, to show
that they are not so bad after all, they open at 8 and stay open until
8:30 P. M., then put up the shutters for the night. I am afraid Provi-
dence would not stand for that kind of "public service motive."
Or take New Zealand, where the Government has reduced things
to so beautiful a basis, and where, incidentally, they have a debt rate
of about $400 per capita ; 84% of all their telephone exchanges are not
open on Sundays ; 80% are not open on holidays ; and 60% are open
on week days only from 9 A. M. to 5 P. M.
In Belgium, with rates averaging $10 higher than the Bell Sys-
tem, for comparable towns — in what is known as the Brussels Group,
which includes the City of Brussels and environs, and contains more
than one-third of all the telephones in the country — out of a total of
23 oflFices, 21 operate only from 7 A. M. to 9 P. M., and but two of them
operate day and night.
Plaintive Appeals from Germany
Or listen to this sad plaint from one of the official representatives
in Germany, Herr Wendel, in his speech in the Reichstag, in February,
1913:
"I cannot forego to speak here about the wish expressed by one of our
Electoral Districts. I refer here to Freiburg. There the entire telephone serv-
ice is interrupted at 9 o'clock P. M. Five minutes after 9 o'clock it is impos-
sible to obtain a telephone connection. Now the Town Council of Freiburg
has addressed the Postal Administration and asked for the introduction of
night telephone service. The Postal Administration has refused the request.
It is true that Freiburg is a very pretty, idyllic, and quiet town, and I am glad
of it; moreover, the night is not man's friend. I admit this; but it must also
be remembered that not all citizens of Freiburg go to roost with the chickens,
and a sudden sickness, accident, fire — any kind of trouble — may require a quick
telephone call for a physician, or a fire brigade, just as much after 9 o'clock
P. M. as prior to that time. It seems to me indefensible that a city of some
30,000 inhabitants should be deprived of telephone service at 9 P. M., and it is
the duty of the Postal Administration to get quickly in touch with the Postal
Direction of Freiburg or the Upper Postal Direction of Dresden, in order that
this justifiable request of the inhabitants may be granted."
15
And when the telephone subscribers of Germany became so unrea-
sonable as to expect telephone service during lunch hours, here is the
assurance they received from the Secretary of the Imperial Postal
Administration, who is in charge of the service:
"I have listened to the wish that our telephone exchanges should also be
kept open during the noon hours. I wish to state that the various authorities
have been instructed to exert themselves along this line. In accordance with
the reports which are before me, I can state that 70 per cent, of all our tele-
phone exchanges give service between 12 A. M. and 1 P. M."
Toll Rate Comparisons
Now about toll rates. Our plant in this country is built and oper-
ated on the "No delay" basis. Our rates in this country cover the best
service only — we have no different kinds of service as they have abroad.
Abroad they classify rates as "urgent" and "ordinary." By "urgent"
they mean something like the long distance service we give in this
country, and for which they charge from two to three times as much
as the regular rate which Mr. Lewis quoted. We have only one kind of
long distance telephone service, and that is the best that we know how
to give. This "ordinary" telephone service in foreign countries is
funny. Say you live in Germany: If you want to talk with a friend,
you get an assignment. They tell you you can talk with him at 10
o'clock — perhaps that day, perhaps the next day, if the appointments
are all taken up. It is put up for you at ten. If you are not there to
talk, you are charged. If you are there, you talk three minutes; then
you are cut off, and you cannot talk again until your turn comes around
again.
And then, in foreign countries, they have another difTerence, a
vastly important one, between their method of charging and our meth-
od of charging here in this country. Our rates, except as to nearby
points, are got up on what is known as the "particular person" basis.
In other words, if you want a long distance call, except to nearby
points, you are charged only if you get the party you want. This is not
true of the foreign government telephone systems. They have there
what is known as the "two number" basis — that is, they give you the
connection, you do the talking — if you can — and whether you talk to
the party you want, or the office boy, or the janitor, or the stenographer,
or to no one at all, they charge you, because they have given you the
connection. They sell you the connection, but they do not guarantee
to sell you the conversation you want.
Peculiar Comparisons
And here's another point about the rate comparison Mr. Lewis has
made. Unfortunately, the gentlemen who prepared the table for Mr.
Lewis took the one-hundred-niile rate as the magic point, and then pro-
ceeded to show up some beautiful discrepancies between our rates for
long distance tcle])hone service, and the corresponding rates abroad.
Well, now, it is a fact that 70% to 80% of all toll traffic moves within
a radius of from 30 to 50 miles, and within this radius it is found that
16
our toll rates are, even on a nominal basis, taking into account the dif-
ferences I have mentioned, lower than in Europe, and if you consider
the international toll conversations in Europe, of which there are many,
and which Mr. Lewis completely ignored, you find that the foreign
rates are from three to four times as high as the rates in this country
for corresponding distances. Now when you get out into much longer
distances, I grant you that the European systems can quote much lower
rates for the service, because they know no one will call their bluff. The
service is not a commercial service, and even if some one should take
them up, they could afford to charge almost nothing for the rare conver-
sation for long distances if they could charge three or four times as
much for the short distances where the bulk of the traffic falls. In
European countries they have the magnanimity to make a very cheap
rate which covers long and short distances, and you get the short occa-
sionally, but you never get the long. It is true that to distant points our
rates are higher, but we quote rates for a commercial service, and we
have done a remarkable thing in this country which they cannot do in
European countries ; we have let the telegraph take its natural place.
We realize that for short distances the telegraph cannot compare for
direct utility with the telephone service, and that for long distances the
telegraph cannot be approached for economy by the telephone, because
of the terrific cost of tying up lines. When you have a property costing
several hundred thousand dollars, you must quote a rate which bears
some proportion to the cost of furnishing the service. But we have an-
other means in this country of taking care of this kind of traffic — a
thing I want particularly to call to Mr. Lewis' attention : We do not
simply sit down and say we cannot give a man a cheap rate for long dis-
tances and let it go at that, but we have these lines that are used for
long distances, and we lease them to people who will guarantee a fairly
continuous service, or who will take the service for a half -hour or an
hour a day, and we quote rates that will move traffic. The American
Telephone and Telegraph Company has, tied up, 214,000 miles of line
under lease. Now, Mr. Lewis, what have you done with these lines?
You have not counted one message on them. I dare say you do not
know they exist. We do not parade them ; we saw no need of parading
them ; we did not need to make any defense of our efficiency, etc., until
you came along with your example of the Norwegians and the Luxem-
burgers, but just the same, we keep that plant in repair, we furnish the
wires, we maintain the plant, but we get no credit for it in your show-
ing of efficiency. We are interested solely in giving service; and if we
give the service, we are satisfied to let it go at that.
Europe an Armed Camp
Now, Mr. Lewis was kind enough, in his remarks in Congress,
to make a statement that, I think, goes far to explain the situation.
European governments never took over the telephone because they
could do the job better; on the contrary, the people who were running
the telephone service were doing the job so well that if the govern-
ments had not taken the service over, and stopped competition with the
17
telegraph service which the governments had from the start, they would
have gone bankrupt, and Mr. Lewis knows that that is true. We
know that Europe is one armed military camp ; we know that when the
telegraph came in under the Governments in Europe, it was not as a
commercial service, but as a military agency. For the European Gov-
ernments, the one overwhelming purpose is military necessity and pro-
tection. Now we have not this situation here. Our country, fortu-
nately, is not an armed camp.
Prof. Holcombe's Caution
One other thing about the statistics that Mr. Lewis has used. Mr.
Lewis has mentioned Professor Holcombe's book on telephones in
such a way as to lead one to believe that Professor Holcombe and Mr.
Lewis are in accord on the foreign telephone statistics which Mr.
Lewis has used. Let me quote you this from Chapter 23, Page 420, of
Professor Holcombe's book on "Public Ownership of Telephones":
"'A judicious man,' says Carlyle's 'crabbed satirist,' 'looks at Statistics,
not to get knowledge, but to save himself from having ignorance foisted upon
him.' Statistics have improved somewhat since Carlyle's day. Those published
by the International Bureau of Telegraph Administrations at Berne, Switzer-
land, are carefully compiled and edited. Yet they are no better than their
source, the reports of the various governmental administrations. A judicious
man will still be careful what he tries to prove by them."
And while we are on the subject of toll rates, I want to remind
you that in many of the countries abroad, the governments refused ab-
solutely to build toll lines until the returns on these lines were guar-
anteed by the local authorities in the cities and villages through which
the lines were to be constructed, so that, in many cases, the toll rates
charged by the governments do not represent the actual charges, but
have been supplemented by the guarantees required by the authorities.
For instance, I wonder if Mr. Lewis has seen this in Professor Hol-
combe's book with regard to Switzerland :
"After another five years of more or less constant negotiations with the
commercial interests north of the Alps, they undertook to give on their own
sole responsibility the required guarantee. In 1900, a line was opened between
Lugano and Zurich, and a second between Bellinzona and Lucerne.
"During the first year after their opening, the traffic over these two lines
averaged only thirteen messages a day. Consequently, the receipts amounted
only to a bare third of the guaranteed income, and the real cost of the connec-
tion to the interests which had demanded it was nearly thrice the nominal rate.
Yet the guarantee did not suffice to cover the costs to the administration, for
the construction over the Alps proved to be exceptionally expensive."
The same condition prevails in France, where the actual financ-
ing of the long distance telephone lines had to be undertaken by local
authorities, and sometimes by the private interests in these localities, in
addition to the guarantees which were required in return for the in-
vestment. That is one of the ways that the foreign government tele-
phone systems (operating, no doubt, in response to Mr. Lewis' law of
"public service motive") discouraged the building of lines to what they
thought might not be profitable sections
V8
Toll Line Delays Abroad
Now then, after all I have said about telephone toll rates, what
kind of service do you get for your money ? I wish I had time to give
you some adequate indication of the almost universal dissatisfaction
in Europe with the kind of toll service that the governments furnish.
I wUl mention one or two instances — I am not exaggerating these in
the slightest — I am going to quote to you from official sources. Here,
for instance, is a quotation from the speech of Herr Haberland of the
German Reichstag:
"Thus, complaint is made of the long time that a subscriber must wait in
order to get long distance connections, especially connections between the West
and the more central parts of the country, and in particular between Dussel-
dorf and Berlin. For years the Imperial Post Office has been acquainted with
these complaints. In 1907 the Dusseldorf Chamber of Commerce made an in-
vestigation and found that the waiting time exceeded two hours. In 1910 it
was proved that the average time of waiting to be connected by telephone serv-
ice between Dusseldorf and Berlin (about 400 miles) was still over one hour,
and the average time between Dusseldorf and Mannheim, Dortmund, and
Cologne was forty-four, thirty-nine and thirty-four minutes respectively.
Later, conditions again grew worse. The average time required to get a con-
nection with Berlin is now one and one-half hours. According to reports from
a number of firms, if the operator be requested to get Berlin, the general reply
is that unless the conversation is classified as 'Urgent,' the connection will take
several hours. In fact, the Administration recommends a scheme of 'Urgent'
conversations to overcome the trouble. This remedy, however, is often too ex-
pensive for the less wealthy concerns, and, f urthe' more, it is to be remembered
that this forced increase in urgent conversations tends to make the waiting-
time still longer in the case of ordinary conversations."
The toll service in France is even more ridiculous. I quote from
a few of the many complaints of the French Chambers of Commerce:
Chamber of Commerce of Alois (population 2^,000):
"As regards telephone communications, for example, several establish-
ments have indicated that it has been impossible to obtain connections with
Marseilles (85 miles) and Lyons (115 miles), even after waiting four hours."
Chamber of Commerce of Rouen (population l2S,ooo):
"We place in the first rank the reforms which we wish for the improve-
ment of the telegraph service, and especially in the telephone service which
leaves much to be desired. It takes an average of 55 minutes to secure a con-
nection with Paris (70 miles)."
Chamber of Commerce of Chambery (population 33,000):
"Telephone communications with Geneva (50 miles), Lyons (60 miles),
Paris (280 miles), Grenoble (30 miles), are practically impossible during the
greater part of the year, and it is necessary to wait hours for a connection. In
the case of Paris one gets the connection the day after the call has been filed."
In other words, if you live in Paris, and happen to be detained in
Chambery, you call your home to-day, you get it to-morrow, and you
tell your wife that you won't be home last night. Why, Aviator Gilbert
recently flew in an aeroplane from Paris to Rheims, one hundred miles,
and he arrived at his destination before the news of his departure could
be telephoned.
Peculieir, if not Questionable, Methods of Showing Toll Efficiency
Now, despite this situation, and it is a serious one, and I have a lot
of friends who could interest you and give you instances much more
19
ludicrous than those I have read — I say, despite all this, Mr. Lewis has
worked up figures showing a higher efficiency for foreign countries than
for the telephone in this country. If the people of this country would
only wait, would only take their turn, would file your message, and wait
for your chance to talk, we could build up a showing of "efficiency"
that would tickle the heart of Mr. Lewis, by putting up just enough
circuits to carry the messages filed in a day. We would not have to use
so much copper, we would not have to use so much equipment, and we
could economize wonderfully on the number of people we have to em-
ploy. But do the people want that kind of service? Mr. Lewis, in his
comparison of what he calls "adequacy" of telephone facilities, made a
great showing for foreigfn countries by simply dividing the number of
messages from toll terminals by the number of telephone stations.
Well, just see how ridiculous such a comparison is! If we were to
come to Providence to-day and cut down the number of telephones by,
say four, so that we had only one-fourth of all the telephones here that
you have now, we know we would lose some long distance business, but
think what a wonderful quotient you would get for long distance mes-
sages per phone ! For Mr. Lewis' statistical purposes, your town would
be ideal, but I am frank to say that, for telephone purposes it wouldn't
be much. Now, it is this very fact that shows our superior develop-
ment in this country. People do not have to leave their homes to tele-
phone. Suppose you put an extension station upstairs in your home.
Originally, with one telephone in your home, you had ten calls a day ;
with your extension station, you may have a total of twelve calls a day.
Before you ])ut in your extra station your quotient of "adequacy" was
ten ; after you put in your extra telephone, it became only six ; so that,
according to Mr. Lewis, your facilities have become approximately one-
half as efficient as they were before. Now, what is the sense of punish-
ing us by this kind of comparison? We don't want to stop growing in
order to show that brand of "efficiency."
Special Service Ignored by Mr. Lewis
I mentioned before our enormous carrying business on leased lines.
Well, we have gone further than that, we have got tie lines. New
York City is full of them. We lease you a line from your factory to
your office, and you handle the traffic between such places more effi-
ciently ; we do all the maintaining, etc. We have got thousands and
thousands of these lines in this country, and for that traffic we get no
credit in statistical showing, and we want none ; we are satisfied that
that is good eliicient engineering. But these things have got to be con-
sidered bj' any student who wants to arrive at a proper conclusion.
More Niggers in the Woodpile
I am not going to take up in detail all the "niggers" in that exten-
sive woodpile of statistics presented by Mr. Lewis. And these "nig-
gers" are wonderfully numerous. For instance, in counting toll mes-
sages, the figures used by Mr. Lewis have been frightfully inflated.
Many of these messages, for instance, are counted twice and three
20
times, as, for instance, international messages. They are counted in
the country where they ori£,anate, in the country where they terminate,
and if they pass through more countries, they are counted in all the
countries they pass through. The next time Mr. Lewis makes up a
report on this situation, he might look into that. Of course, we haven't
got that kind of proposition in this country. We have here enough of
a job getting one toll message counted once. And then, again, in many
cases, Mr. Lewis' toll messages aren't toll messages at all ; for instance,
in Germany, Mr. Lewis has used a large number of messages as toll
messages which are only, as we are advised by the German Govern-
ment, a species of no-charge suburban trunk calls, and the number of
these improperly included messages for Germany alone is greater than
the total number of toll messages in the United States.
Private Ownership the Cause, not the Effect, of our Prosperity
But I am not going to bother with all this. After all, you know
that the best test of efficiency and rates is the relative development of
the service, and you know how that has worked out. But Mr. Lewis
didn't like these facts, they didn't fit in with his theory of public serv-
ice motive and the law of diminishing returns. So he said the figures
didn't mean anything. He said that our superior development was
not due to superior efficiency and better rate schedules, but was simply
due to our prosperity. Now, isn't that putting the cart before the
horse ? Is it not true that our magnificent prosperity is due precisely to
the manner in which he have handled our affairs ? I have gone down to
the Battery in New York City many times, and watched the immi-
grants come in, clad in their quaint garments and carrying their old
carpet bags, and I have watched them open their eyes in wonder, and
I thought I could see in many of them our future police officers and
our car line conductors, and our operators. Why, in Buffalo they have
hired a girl to lecture to us in one of our public demonstrations of the
telephone. She was an Italian girl who came over to this country with-
in the last few years. Her mother and father still wear the quaint
foreign clothes of Italian custom. She was picked out of our operating
rooms because she had the most perfect English enunciation of any
girl there, and she is now illustrating, in her rich Italian voice, the
proper way to use the English tongue. That little instance meant much
to me ; it was only an illustration of the extent to which opportunity
in this country has spelled our wonderful success. Why, it is precisely
because of our methods of railroad building, trolley, electric light and
other developments, and the development of our magnificent telephone,
which has spread itself throughout the country, that we have prosperity
in this country. I say our development of the telephone and other en-
terprises has antedated and been the cause of our prosperity in this
country. No, indeed, Mr. Lewis cannot explain away the situation.
Our superior telephone development is a fact, and can be accounted
for only by the way we have handled it. For see, suppose you go to
Europe and take the countries where the telephone is in private hands.
See what has been done in that little European country of Denmark,
21
where most of the telephone development is private. In Denmark they
have twice as many telephones per one hundred inhabitants as in Ger-
many, 2Y2 times as many as in Great Britain, 3 times as many as
in the Netherlands, 5 times as many as in Belgium, and 6 times as
many as in France. Sweden and Norway, which have some private
operation, but not as much as Denmark, rank next, and in the city of
Stockholm alone, which is mostly private, they have a larger telephone
development than in any other city of the world, with the exception of
San Francisco.
Opportunities Abroad
Why, gentlemen, the starved condition of telephone development
in the European countries, where the governments operate the service,
would offer to American telephone enterprise a most wonderful field!
They have not in Europe the disadvantages we have here ; they have
towns thickly settled ; they have not the vast distances that we have to
contend with ; they have greater possibilities of producing a full volume
of traffic, and yet, see where they have landed under government man-
agement. It was probably this which Major O'Meara, the Government
Consulting Engineer in Great Britain, had in mind when he wrote to
us recently, acknowledging a copy of Mr. Vail's annual report. Here
is what he says :
"I am writing to thank you for the copy of the Annual Report of the Di-
rectors of the American Telephone & Telegraph Company for 1913. I have
been much interested in the part of the report dealing with Government Own-
ership and Operation. After spending over sixteen years out of my thirty-two
years public service in the British Post Office Department I have come definitely
to the conclusion that a Government Department is. as a rule, an unsuitable
organization to manage services of the character of the telegraphs and tele-
phones. And the people in this country have been finding this out for them-
selves during the past two years."
Is the Post Office Department Really Efficient?
Now I approach that part of the subject that is not very pleasant
to me, and that is the question of comparing the efficiency of the Post
Office Department with that of the telephone in this country. We tele-
phone people have been busy in the past. We have not had much time
to worry about whether or not the Post Office Department was as effi-
cient as it should be. We have been busy enough trying to be as efficient
as we could. We have appreciated that the Post Office was properly a
government institution, and that part of the burden of this enterprise
could very properly be charged to general taxation, because it is placed
at the disposal of all, and is used by all alike, and, being a matter of
common concern, it is very properly a matter subject to common sup-
port. But now, when the Post Office is used as a criterion by which to
judge our progress, when, by some mysterious method of computing
efficiencies in these services, Mr. Lewis has done something that no-
body on earth has ever attempted to do, that is, has not only compared
the telephone in one country with the telephone in another by arbitrary
22
unit equivalents, but has compared the postal service in this country
with the utterly dissimilar telephone service in this country, — then, I
say, we have to sit up and take notice. Now the telephone fraternity
does not want to be understood as criticizing the personnel of the Post
Office Department as such. On the contrary, there is a bond of sym-
pathy existing between the telephone officials and those in the postal
service. The Post Office personnel has had in the past, and has now,
many good and faithful men. W'e pity them. They have been tied to
a post. They have been "postalized" for years — that is my interpreta-
tion of "postalization." Men come into that service full of ambition
and energy, and a keen desire to accomplish, and they find, before long,
that they are up against a stone wall, that they are hampered on all
sides by restrictions and the rigidity of a system which forces them
either to get out or float with the stream. Don't take my word for
it, — this is not my opinion. In February, 1908, a Joint Commission,
which had been appointed by Congress to investigate the Business
Method of the Post Office Department, and of which the Hon. John
A. Moon, present Chairman of the House Committee on Post Offices
and Post Roads, was a member, submitted its report to Congress. I
wish I had time to read you some of the extracts of this report, as a
commentary on the alleged efficiency of the Post Office Department,
but I mention this, here, as indicating how the defects of the service
are not attributable to the personnel, but to the system:
"We also desire to point out that our criticisms are directed at methods,
and not at individuals. The higher officials, at any rate, and the best of the
staff, are keenly alive to the necessity of reforms ; but the service has grown
from small beginnings over a long period of years, hampered by restrictive
laws which may have been necessary in the past, and may even now be con-
sidered necessary to some extent for a government department, but which
would render it practically impossible for any private business to survive."
Initiative and Efficiency Destroyed
)ughly the initiative and efficiency of t
come dissolved into the inertia of their surroundings tne moment t
enter the Department is indicated in another portion of this report :
"The work of the Department and its development is hindered all along
the line by slavish adherence to old methods and to precedents created in pre-
vious years, and many reforms which might otherwise be instituted are hin-
dered— if not entirely prevented — by appeals to the decisions of the Comptrol-
ler, made, perhaps, many years ago under entirely different conditions. Then,
again, the conservatism of Government officials is a generally admitted fact.
There is no inducement to employees to suggest improvements in the service
for the reason that if these improvements result in greater efficiency or econ-
omy of administration they will receive little credit ; and, on the other hand,
if new methods are not successful they will be charged with the whole blame.
Moreover, to suggest improvements which will result in economy is to create
hostility among other members of the organization, whose services may thereby
be rendered unnecessary. On the other hand, a clerk who adheres to the rou-
tine which existed prior to his appointment will be left undisturbed and will
receive credit by performing his duties with even a slight degree of efficiency
and accepting without comment methods which have been handed down from
earlier generations."
23
Absence of Accounting Methods
Think of it ! Mr. Lewis takes the Post Office Department and
constructs efficiency statistics, which he compares with the telephone,
when this Joint Commission, which secured the services of some of the
most expert firms of accountants in this country, made the following
statement in its report to Congress :
"Past experience had disclosed the lack of such a central system of ac-
counts in the Post Office Department as rendered the determination of the
cost, profit, or loss in connection with a given line of service impracticable.
For more than one hundred years the great and stupendous business of the
Post Office Department has been operated without being overhauled or looked
into from the standpoint of critical, expert scrutiny of its business methods."
Lack of Cooperation
The following examples, taken haphazard from this official rejxjrt,
will indicate how vast and deep-seated have become the accumulated
defects of nearly a century of mismanagement. For instance, as to the
total lack of standardization in methods and co-operation between the
various branches of the Department, the report says:
"In the course of our investigation into the main subject referred to, we
have necessarily had occasion to observe the general methods of administra-
tion throughout the Department and service and have been particularly im-
pressed with the divergencies therein in different bureaus, divisions, and sec-
tions in handling transactions of a similar character, and we shall show in this
report, how, under the present system of administration, these appear to have
grown up over a long period of years without any very definite plan. There
exists an independence and lack of co-operation not only between different
bureaus and different divisions, but even between different sections of the same
division, and in identical field operations which must undoubtedly do much to
hamper the service and increase its cost."
Evils of Bureaucracy and Over-Centralization
The Commission further calls attention, in the following language,
to the effect upon efficiency exercised by the fatal influence of bureau-
cracy and over-centralization :
"Every request of even the smallest post office, for allowances for any
purpose whatever has to be made to the headquarters at Washington. Allow-
ances are, in a large number of cases, for amounts less than $1, and it would
seem that if there were a district superintendent in the field who could pass
on such matters it would save a large amount of routine work and consequent
expense in the Department at Washington. From the fact that it has to deal
with nearly 65,000 postmasters scattered over a vast area of territory, it cannot
be in a position to determine intelligently or efficiently upon the needs of each.
"The bureau chiefs appear to spend an increasing amount of their time in
the mere routine work of signing formal documents and passing upon requests
of various kinds for allowances, or otherwise, which could be intrusted to
properly qualified officials in the field without aetriment to the postal service.
This point recurs at every stage of the inquiry, and appears to call for some
radical change in administrative methods if, by the continual growth of the
postal business, the Department is not either to lose control over the service
or to exercise its control in such a perfunctory manner as to make it practically
useless."
Lack of Labor-Saving Devices
Indeed, even in the most simple and rudimentary requirements of
efficient administration, — the use of labor-saving devices, — the Com-
mission discloses a surprising condition in the Post Office Department,
calling attention to it in the following language :
"There is a lamentable lack of labor-saving devices practically throughout
the whole Department and service. Even for such an elementary machine as
a typewriter, we are informed that there are hundreds of applications on file
which the Department has been quite unable to fill. Of the more valuable
machines, such as arithmometers, book-typewriters, and calculating machines,
there are few in use, and even in the field post offices such scales as are prcH
vided for the special weighing of mails now in progress are of a very inferior
grade, and from the information we have gathered it would appear that with
few exceptions there are no mechanical conveying devices in any office for ex-
peditiously handling and weighing the mails."
Lack of Efficient Audit System
Examples of this anarchical condition of the postal service, as dis-
closed by the official report of the Joint Commission, are numerous, but
I have not the time to refer to them. I could mention, for instance, the
reference the Commission makes to the fact that there is a complete
lack of any audit system or any other system which would enable any
sort of check as to efficiency to be made. The Commission says, for
instance, "We have seen in different efficiency statements of work
done, that exactly the same class of work done by individuals has varied
in exceptional cases from under 2,000 to over 22,000 operations in the
same period of time." And again, referring to the accounting system in
this connection, "Our investigation has confirmed the impression gath-
ered from a study of it, that the whole of these methods are crude in
the extreme, and such as no private business concern or corporation
could follow without the certainty of loss, if not of financial disaster."
And yet these conditions in the postal service, which baffled the most
expert accountants of the Joint Commission, did not seem to worry
Mr. Lewis at all, but he blithely sailed through the whole gamut of
postal operations, simply selected his statistics, and, out of the nebulous
cloud of unknown and unknowable factors, he pulled forth a marvelous
model of efficiency, to shame forever the results of private operation.
It did not matter that the Post Office has no plant and practically no
equipment, except some mail bags, mail locks, mail boxes, and a few
other inconsequential ; that the Post Office Department assumes no
financial responsibility for any but a small part of the operations in the
discharge of postal functions ; that even in public buildings, it is the
tenant of the Treasury Department, the buildings being constructed
and paid for by appropriations expended by the Treasury Depart-
ment ; it did not matter that no rentals are ever collected or computed ;
that the Post Office expenditures for heating, lighting, repairs, janitor
service and supplies are paid for, not from postal, but from other appro-
priations ; that the cost of the Post Office Department at Washington
and of the Auditor's office, embracing salaries of more than 1,000 offi-
cials and employees, are paid from appropriations known as legisla-
25
tive, executive and judicial services, never appearing in the postal esti-
mates, accounts and balances. All Mr. Lewis had to do was to get the
number of mail pieces, and take the number of postal employees (and,
incidentally, Mr. Lewis used a figure for postal employees which is
less by 35,000 than the figure given by the Postmaster General three
years before in his Annual Report for the year 1909), then divide your
mail pieces (as if you could get an average mail piece) by your em-
ployees, and presto ! you have your efficiency. Now, with us, in the
telephone business, there is no trouble about accounting. Our national
government knows very well the need of proper accounting, and recog-
nizes it — so far as we are concerned. The Interstate Commerce Com-
mission has prescribed for the Bell System a scheme of accounts as
complete, minute and elaborate as any to be found within the whole
range of scientific accounting, and it has kept us going some, too, I can
tell you, to toe the mark.
Promised Efficiency of Peculiar Kind
There is just one other point about Mr. Lewis' scheme of efficiency
that I should like to touch upon, although my time is growing short,
and I can only refer to it very briefly. That is the great efficiency Mr.
Lewis is going to get by combining the telegraph with the postal serv-
ice, and eliminating all the so-called extra motions in sending a tele-
gram, by the simple use of a postage stamp. Now you will find all these
operations analyzed in the study that we have prepared, that I men-
tioned to you before, but here is an example of one of the motions that
Mr. Lewis is going to cut out by the use of the postage stamp. Under
the present system of sending a telegram, the operator has to put down
the time of sending and his initials, and the time of receiving and his
initials. In fact, this operation is required by law in several States.
This is one of the operations that, according to Mr. Lewis, is a useless
one, to be cut out by the use of a postage stamp. Think of it ! Getting
efficiency without knowing when your telegram has been sent, when it
has been received, and who sent it, and who received it, in case of delay.
And the Post Oflfice system, which is to work this transformation of
efficiency — well, I guess you have seen enough samples of the kind of
efficiency that the Post Office would inject into the telegraph service.
Why, in one of the portions of the Joint Commission's report, we find
a list of 19 difTerent operations which are gone through for the simple
drawing of a pay warrant, not counting the operations while it is in
the hands of the Auditor, and these operations are finally wound up by
an office boy, over whom no supervision is exercised.
Is the Parcels Post Really Self-Sustaining?
Now Mr. Lewis, in his talk about "public service motive," dwelt
upon the way the parcels post has been working out ; how, by the simple
injection of the "public service motive" into the business, the parcels
post has done a great public work and, at the same time, has made a
neat little profit. Now all this would be fine, if it were only so, and I
26
just want to call Mr. Lewis' attention, and I don't really need to, be-
cause he knows it himself, to the debates which have taken place, not
so long ago, in Congress, on just this very subject. Mr. Lewis knows
that Mr. Kindel — I understand he professes to be a deep and profound
student of the parcels post — has made the statement that no one to-day
knows what the parcels post costs, that no one knows what it is earn-
ing; and that other distinguished Congressmen like Senator Joseph
Bristow, of Kansas, who was Chairman of the Senate Committee on
Post Offices and Post Roads, which drafted the original parcels post
law, has said that there is no way on earth of telling whether the par-
cels post is making a profit or not. And Mr. Lewis probably knows
that Mr. Kindel complained to the Interstate Commerce Commission
against the recent changes in the parcels post, and that the only answer
he got from Chairman Clark, of the Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion, was that the parcels post was in the experimental stage anyway;
and that, when Mr. Kindel wanted to find out from Postmaster Gen-
eral Burleson something as to the profit on the parcels post, Mr. Burle-
son could not furnish a single figure showing anything as to the real
cost. So, either Mr. Lewis is possessed of information as to the parcels
post which the people at Washington have been vainly seeking, or else
his figures on the parcels post profits are members of the same family
as his efficiency statistics.
Now I guess I have said enough to show you how the situation
stands as to the efficiency of our telephones in this country compared
with telephones abroad, and as to the comparisons which have been
made between the efficiency of the Post Office of this country and of
our telephone system. I have given you the facts, now I will give you
one or two reasons.
Permanency of Plan and Purpose Through Continuity of
Personnel
In the private telephone system of this country we have Mr. Vail,
who has been with the industry from its inception, being the first Gen-
eral Manager of the so-called Bell System, and now its head. Under
him, and holding important positions throughout the entire country,
are men who have been in the service for years, as your Mr. Potter,
Mr. Howard and others, whose sole recommendation for advancement
and continuance in the service rests upon their experience and fitness
for the positions they hold. Contrast this with the government-owned
Post Office, if you please. To quote again from the findings of the
Joint Commission :
"It appears too obvious to require argument that the most efficient service
can never be expected as long as the direction of the business is, as at present,
intrusted to a Postmaster-General and certain assistants selected vkfithout spe-
cial reference to experience and qualifications and subject to frequent change.
Before the Postmaster-General and his assistants can become reasonably famil-
iar with the operations of the service they are replaced by others, who, in turn,
are called upon to resign before they can, in the nature of things, become quali-
fied by knowledge and experience to perform their allotted task. Under such
a. system a large railroad, commercial, or industrial business would inevitably
go into bankruptcy."
27
Or, to go one step back of this — "to get behind the scenes" — I
quote from a statement by our friend, Mr. Fitzgerald, Chairman of the
House Committee on Appropriations, in a special report appearing in
the "Congressional Record" of January 20, 1914, wherein he said:
"Under Republican administrations it had been the custom for some years
to appoint the chairman of the National Republican Committee Postmaster-
General, so that there might be no mistake as to the partisan character of the
men appointed as postmasters in the first and second class postoffices in the
country. The abuse became so great under Postmaster-General Hitchcock and
Postmaster-General Cortelyou that President Taft, a Republican President,
was compelled to cry out against the existing conditions and to admit that these
partisans not only did not give their time to the public service for which they
were paid, but that evidently he was helpless to compel them to do so."
Post Office Troubles of Long Standing
That this condition is not a recent development, but dates back
into the distant past, is strikingly illustrated by the comments Post-
master-General Howe had to make with reference to it. In his report,
dated November 18, 1882, with reference to salaries and allowances of
third and fourth-class postmasters, now amounting to $25,000,000, he
says:
"In theory these orders are made by the First Assistant Postmaster-Gen-
eral ; in practice they are made by a fourth-class clerk in the office of the First
Assistant. No matter by whom made, this distribution will not be well made.
Finite intelligence could not make a wise and just allotment of such a fund;
infinite intelligence can not be obtained in fourth-class clerks. Postmasters are
eager for large allowances. The most importunate are apt to be best served.
They ask earliest and oftenest. They employ every kind of entreaty, offer
every kind of influence, personal and political."
And the report of the accountants of the Joint Commission on
Business Methods of the Post Office, in commenting upon it, remarks
that:
"There is still no standard by which the economical administration of a
postoffice can be gauged. Appointments of postmasters are still made almost
entirely for political reasons and not by reason of the applicant's ability or
knowledRC of the workings of the postal service. The criticisms made on the
compensation of third and fourth class postmasters still apply to those of the
fourth class. This report, reread after a lapse of twenty-five years, ^ives a
striking illustration of the stagnation that has pervaded the whole admmistra-
tion and perpetuated defects which, even at that time, were so glaring as to
need the strong condemnation meted out to it by the then Postmaster-General."
Shortness of Tenure the Rule in Post Office
This short and uncertain tenure of office of Postmasters General
and their Assistants, including the postmasters of the larger cities, —
this series of political gusts which is apt to blow them into office in one
political wind, and blow them out in another, has so far made impos-
sible the introduction of any radical and necessary reform; for al-
though the person in office discovers the need, before he can effect the
necessary change, political fortune sweeps him out of office again.
Whatever progress in efficiency is claimed by one Postmaster-General
28
is disclaimed by his successor. You are all familiar, for instance, with
the serious attempts Mr. Hitchcock made for his reform in his depart-
ment. Just about the time he began fully to appreciate the true im-
mensity of his task, a political change ended his Post Office career, and
such progress as he claimed to have made was promptly repudiated by
his successor. For instance, this is what Postmaster-General Burleson
had to say about the work of the Department, in a statement given
out to the public shortly after taking office :
" 'The all-absorbing programme of the last Administration was the placing
of the Post Office Department on a paying basis,' says the report. 'The policies
pursued in the effort to succeed at this plan were overworked and resulted in
defective administration and just criticism on the part of the public
" 'That efficiency and economy should be substituted for wastefulness and
extravagance needs no argument, but the postal service affects so vitally the
interests of the entire population of the country that economy which means a
curtailment of postal facilities operates as a check to the social and industrial
progress of the country. The people are entitled to the best facilities adminis-
tered in the most efficient manner. That the facilities furnished during the
last four years were not the best is clearly established by the facts.' "
Post Office Inertia
As illustrating the difficulty of securing any reform under present
conditions, I would call your attention to a statement made by Mr.
Fitzgerald, Chairman of the Commission on Appropriations, appear-
ing in the "Congressional Record" under date of January 20, 1914,
wherein he makes the following significant statement :
"The so-called Economy and Efficiency Commission to which the gentle-
man from Iowa refers, and for which perhaps he has more respect than I
have, spent $260,000 in its work. I have challenged from time to time anyone
to point to a single original recommendation which that commission has made
which has resulted in the saving of a single dollar to the United States."
The impossibility of accomplishing, under present conditions, any
improvement or reform in the service, is true of any of the Govern-
mental Departments handled similarly to the Post Office Department.
It is interesting, for instance, to note the report of Mr. French, who,
under the administration of President Roosevelt, was commissioned to
examine into the condition of the Government Printing office. Mr.
French's statement, appearing in the New York Times under date of
October 10, 1913, reads as follows:
"I never got beyond a preliminary report after about three weeks' work.
The work was never finished. The expenditures committee faded away, when
a new Congress came in, and there was nothing at all left as evidence that it
had existed, except some incomplete and generally irrelevant papers some-
where in dusty pigeon-holes and sundry entries on the ledger of the disbursing
clerk of the Senate. My report was among those dust-gathering papers. I
doubt if any member of the committee ever read it. It was wholly abortive.
My work was entirely useless. The money paid was absolutely wasted. The
committee accomplished nothing, and I have often doubted if it ever intended
or wished to accomplish anything. It is against the Washington idea to do
anything to check expenditures. Yet 1 was able to show that at least $1,500,000
a year could be saved in the operating of the Government Printing Office, with-
out disturbing the condition of the workers as to their pay or privileges."
29
Encouragement of Permanency in Private Enterprise
Efficiency, under such circumstances, is, of course, impossible.
Permanency and continuity of personnel are essential to the very heart
of an enterprise, and it is precisely because private enterprise recognizes
and enforces this principle, that it is so much better equipped than pub-
lic enterprises to produce satisfactory results. As emphasizing this
effort on the part of the corporation to make for loyalty, efficiency and
permanency in its personnel, I wish to bring out the treatment of the
employees of the telephone interests, in the adoption of its magnificent
pension, sickness, disability and insurance plan. The entire plan, aside
from the accident feature, which, of course does not take tenure into
consideration, is arranged with a view to encouraging and rewarding
permanency in employment. The plan provides for the care of em-
ployees during sickness and accident, and the pensioning of employees
when they reach an age when they cannot render the service necessary
to conduct the business of the company. It makes provision for the
payment, to the beneficiary, of insurance in cases where the employees
die after five years in the company's service, — all of this, without any
contribution on the part of the employee other than faithful and con-
scientious service. The amount of the payments increases with the
term of employment. Contrast this with the treatment by the Govern-
ment of its postal employees. Although continually agitated, no ade-
quate provision has been made for the relief or care of its employees.
To refute any notion that the employees in the Government's service
are not subject to all of the ills incurred in private employment, it is
interesting to note the comment of Mr. Reilly on the floor of the House,
as reported in the "Congressional Record" of January 16, 1914:
"It was not until I became a member of this body that I learned that old
worn-out letter carriers and other superannuated employees of the Government
were not retired on part pay, but, on the contrary, were dismissed from the
service when they could no longer keep up the pace. One of the first letters I
received after being elected a Member of Congress was from an old postal
employee, who had received an official notice from his postmaster informing
him that he had been off duty the allotted number of days in the year allowed
by the department and that his resignation would be accepted. The simple
statement of that heart-broken man asking me to assist in having him kept on
the rolls made my heart ache. He had spent 34 years of his life pounding the
pavements in all kinds of weather and at all hours of the day and night, and
was known and loved by the citizens of the community he served, composed of
all classes and creeds and political affiliations. He had not only given the best
years of his life to the Government in building up the Postal Service, but was
at an age and in such a condition that he could not hope to find employment of
any kind. He was in such financial straits that if thrown on the world he
would have to depend on the bounty of relatives or friends, or else become a
public charge."
And in the same issue of the "Record" we find the following state-
ment by Mr. GrifTen :
"The employees in the Postal Service, and particularly the city and rural
carriers, post-office clerks, and laborers, are paid only for the actual time they
are employed. When overtaken by sickness or if they meet with an accident
and become incapacitated for duty their pay ceases at once. It matters not if
an accident was caused by the grossest negligence on the part of the Govern-
30
ment, these employees liave no redress for damages, not even for the loss of
salary. They are laid oflF without pay until they are able to assume their official
duties, and should the sickness or accident be of a nature to confine them for
a period of more than 150 days they are notified to hand in their resignation,
because a department rule provides that no employee will be excused for a
longer period, no matter what the cause may be. * • * And now, Mr. Oiair-
man, what is the reward for these men and women who give the best years
of their lives to the public service? Well, it is hard for me to say it, because
I detest ingratitude, governmental or otherwise, these employees are forced to
resign when they become superannuated, unceremoniously kicked out, and told
that they are inefficient and can no longer do the work required of them —
outlived their usefulness. It is one of the saddest incidents of our govern-
mental life. Thrown out with the flotsam and jetsam of humanity who have
no aim or object in life, because years of ardent labor have used up their
energy and vitality Yes, Mr. Chairman, like an obsolete piece of machinery
or a broken piston rod, they are thrown on the scrap heap."
How, under these circumstances, can we expect that the efficiency
of the Postal Service will in any way approach the present efficiency of
the telephone company?
Permanency of Plan Through Continuous Financing
But there is another and very important fundamental difference
in the method of management which distinguishes public enterprise
from private, and that is, Permanency of plan and purpose through a
proper scheme of financing. No enterprise under the sun can be run
with a proper regard for the needs of the service, unless there be a
continuity of plan and scheme of financing which will not only take
<are of the present immediate needs, but which will look far enough
into the future to assure constant readiness on the part of the utility to
serve the needs of those coming after.
There is on file in the Engineering Department of the Bell Sys-
tem, and there is a large corps of employees constantly engaged in the
work, a comprehensive series of plans which are known as fundamental
development plans. They cover every city of the country in which the
system operates, and the studies from these plans anticipate and make
provision for growth for 10, 20 and, in some cases, 30 years in ad-
vance. The service which is to-day being rendered in many of our
cities has been made possible only because, years ago, plans were made,
and rigorously followed up by the necessary investment, throughout a
continuous period. As an example of anticipating future needs, and as
controverting the notion that we have reached the end of our devel-
opment, there are under way to-day studies and preparations for the
future, directed by a staflf of 550 expert engineers, scientists, former
professors, post graduates, students and scientific investigators, the
graduates of over 70 universities. The budget for this year calls for
the expenditure of upwards of Sixty Million Dollars for the additions
to and betterment in the plant, and provisions have been made to take
care of the physical and financial side of the telephone needs of the
country for the next year, the year following, and so on, and when the
time arrives for the maturing of these plans, there is an absolute cer-
tainty that these plans will be followed by the necessary investment
and by the necessary execution.
31
Familiar Log-Roiling Methods of Public Enterprises
Contrast this with the way in which public enterprises are financed
in this country. Congress, upon assembling each year in December, re-
ceives a "Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury." This "letter" is
a document of no mean bulk, full of statistics purporting to show how
much money the government will have to spend during the coming year
to run its business. The document is technically referred to as the
Annual Estimates. Now, no Congressman imagines for a minute that
these estimates represent the Secretary of the Treasury's mature and
deliberate judgment of what it should cost to run the Government for
the coming year. Every Congressman knows just how the formidable
array of statistics presented to Congress was got up. He knows that
the imposing tables of figures were prepared by the various depart-
ments at the beginning of their various tasks shortly after July 1st;
that the bureaus proceeded solely upon the basis of the current year to
guess at their probable needs for a financial year which was not to be-
gin for twelve months to come, and not to end until almost two cal-
endar years had elapsed after the time when the work on the estimates
began. He knows, what is more, that the Secretary of the Treasury
has practically no say whatever in getting up the estimates, — that, for
instance, if the War Department should multiply or divide by ten its
previous estimate for river and harbor expenditure, the Secretary must
remain silent, and embody the estimate in his "letter."
Running the Appropriation Gauntlet
It is not surprising, therefore, that when the estimates are passed
on to the House Appropriation Committees, they are treated as a mere
collection of guesses, not to be taken seriously, and to be used as a
guide — the roughest of guides — only when political considerations are
absent. But political considerations are rarely absent. Only too often,
when the needs of a service have become exceedingly pressing, special
estimates are compiled after long and scientific study, after laborious
and expensive research, to be lightly tossed aside by the Appropri-
ation Committee, because political expediency at the time happens to
run counter to the needs of the service. But this is not all. \Vhen the
nominal needs of the service have adventured through the commit-
tees and are presented to the House, they are subjected to the fire of
new influences, new opinions, new and extended possibilities of political
pressure. And when, in their modified, battered or distorted form, they
have pased through the House, they must run the gauntlet of the Sen-
ate. Then the Executive approves or disapproves.
The results, of course, are natural. Take a few simple illustrations
— actual occurrences in the Post Office Department :
A printing plant in Cincinnati, Ohio, belonging to the City Post
Office, shuts up shop. There is plenty of work on hand to keep it busy.
But the appropriation happens to have run out. Result : No work for a
considerable period — but the salaries of the employees run on as usual,
to be paid months later, when a new appropriation can be secured.
32
Two time-recording docks in New York City, belonging to the
Post Office Department, lie idle for months. Reason : The appropria-
tion has run out. Ten dollars would probably repair the clocks. But
not a cent can be spent on the clocks until, several months later, an
appropriation can be secured.
The traveling railway mail officials charged with investigating the
postal efficiency in the various parts of the country are forced to stop
work before the close of the year. Reason: The appropriation has run
out. And the salaries are later collected by the officials for the work
they didn't and couldn't do.
Uncertainty of Appropriation Bills Constant Menace
These are only a few of the minor illustrations of what is taking
place, on a vastly larger scale, in practically every Government Depart-
ment. Under our system of government, a small majority of either
house, or the Executive, may, by cutting ofT financial support, starve
or temporarily paralyze any important public need. Take so vital a
branch of government activity as the Federal Civil Service Commission.
Not only its vigorous administration, but its very existence, is being
threatened annually, not by the repeal of the law under which it exists,
— for that would not be tolerated by the sentiment of the country, —
but by a small crowd in one house temporarily securing sufficient power
to jeopardize its fiscal support. It takes constant lobbying on the part
of its friends to keep it from this form of submersion. This is even
true of State Legislatures. In the State of Colorado, a few years ago,
the Civil Service Commission was absolutely abolished by a failure of
the Legislature to provide the necessary appropriation. The recent
failure of Congress to appropriate money for the Secretary of War
with which to equip the militia with artillery, is another case in point.
Picture Mr. Potter going down to Washington and pleading with the
Government for a new telephone office on the assumption that he is
going to get it, and the Government telling him, "No, Mr. Potter, you
will have to wait a while, because the program for this year is five
battleships."
Why only recently in a debate in Congress, Mr. Mapes called the
attention of the Chairman to the deplorable condition existing in the
Supervising Architect's Office, as a result of this financial constriction
which obtains in our fiscal system. I quote from the Congressional
Record of April 7, 1914, pp. 6807 S.:
"Mr. Mapes : Mr. Chairman, I desire to call attention to a few facts in
regard to the work of the Supervising Architect's Office. The question of the
gentleman from New York is answered very definitely in the hearings — page
106 — by the Supervising Architect. It appears from the hearings that the office
is behind from five to six years in its v/ork. It takes between three and four
years from the time a building is authorized before the Supervising Architect's
Office can even begin to prepare the plans and it takes about six years from
the authorization of the building before the building is completed.
"The appropriations for this office for the last few years furnish a striking
illustration of the evil effects upon the public service of penny-wise and pound-
foolish economy. The appropriation bill passed in 1911, after our friends on
the other side of the aisle got control of the House, reduced the number of
employees in the Supervising Architect's Office by 66, in spite of the fact that
33
the work of the office was far behind, the number of public buildings authorized
was steadily increasing, and the work of the office was getting more and more
behind as time went on. The inauguration of the parcel post made it necessary
to enlarge old post-office buildings and to build new ones. The Architect's
force should have been increased instead of decreased.
"Since that time the office has continued to get more and more behind in
its work, until now it is practically six years behind. If no other public build-
ings were authorized, it would take six years for that office to catch up with
the work already assigned to it. It takes from three to four years from the
time a public building is authorized by Congress before the Supervising Archi-
tect's Office can even commence to give any consideration to the plans for it.
"The Supervising Architect, in the hearings before this committee, on page
106, says :
" 'The public-buildings act approved March 4, 1913, gave us about four
years' work at our present rate of progress. We will not commence work on
that bill for one and a half or two years. You might say that we have five
and one-half or six years' work ahead of us.'
"Again, he says :
" 'That at our present rate of progress it will not be until the beginning of
the calendar year of 1916 that we will commence work on the public buildings,
act, approved March 4, 1913.'
"The Supervising Architect again, on page 107, says :
" 'We find that our clerical force available for the administrative work
incident to the construction of new buildings is not in balance with the tech-
nical force. * * * It seems unwise to have so many buildings under construc-
tion when we are unable to handle the enormous correspondence and adminis-
trative work which naturally follows. Letters accumulate for two or three
weeks before they receive attention and the work of construction is delayed ;
there is complaint all along the line, and we are criticized on the floor of the
House. However, it is a condition that we cannot ameliorate under existing
circumstances unless you can help us by this balancing of the force.'
"There is not a man here who would tolerate a system in his private
business that made it necessary to hold up the progress of building operations
for two or three weeks, as testified to by the Supervising Architect, on account
of not having enough help to answer the correspondence promptly. It is un-
businesslike and wasteful in the extreme to allow such a condition of affairs
to exist. .
"The distinguished chairman of the Committee on Public Buildings and
Grounds, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Clark), in a speech on the floor
of the House on February 20 of this year, page 3985 of the Record, corroborates
the statement of the Supervising Architect. * ♦ ♦
" 'There is probably not a Member upon this floor who has been here for
six years or more, unless he represents a district in one of our large cities,
who has not a building authorized for his district which has been pending for
three or four years and which to-day appears no nearer being built than it
did the day the bill which provided for it passed Congress. Under the methods
obtaining, after a building is authorized, the patience of the community is worn
threadbare before construction on the foundation is begun. In one place in
my district, vyhere I secured an authorization for a post-office building, some
of the older inhabitants are beginning to date things back to "the time when
Qark got a building for us," and yet not a shovel of dirt has been thrown
toward preparing for the foundation.'
~l ao not know hoiv tar back into aricient history the act w«« passed au-
thorizing the public building in his district to which the distinguished chairman
of the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds refers, but he has described
a situation that exists all over the country, and yet the Supervising Architect's
Office is obliged to get along with an inadequate force. The work continues
to pile up and the public service continues to suffer."
34
Troubles of Foreign Governments
Nor is this condition peculiar to the United States. We find pre-
cisely the same principle operating in every foreign government. Take
France, for example. The head of the telephone service will submit
to the Chamber of Deputies a hundred chapters of minute and elab-
orate statistics. "We must have so and so many francs for construc-
tion and improvement, or the telephone service will continue to deteri-
orate." The appropriating body will receive the demand, and with it,
perhaps, hundreds of chapters of statistics from other departments.
Nearly 800 chapters are sometimes submitted by the twelve ministers
who constitute the department heads in France. The Budget Com-
mittee is literally swamped with statistics. Even if the members were
entirely free from political considerations, they could not possibly
frame a proper business judgment on the needs of each service. The
outcome is only natural. The telephone administration may ask for
an appropriation of a hundred million francs to carry out a wise plan
of construction and equipment, which would result in annual economies
and bring the telephone service up to the requirements of the public.
The call is simple : "A stitch in time, to save ninety and nine." But
if the appropriation body considers it better, politically, to expend
money for warships, or waterways, or public buildings, the telephone
budget will be cut in two, and the Telephone Department must shift as
best it can on "short rations." This may mean no rations at all, for a
hundred millions may be an absolute minimum, without the expenditure
of which the proposed construction would be useless. Year in and
year out, the official Budget Reporter calls attention to this fatal gap
between the public purse and the public plant, and efforts have been
made in the past to beseech the Chambers of Commerce to supply the
needed investment, because the money could not be obtained in time or
at all, from the Government.
A striking example of the results of this policy is furnished by the
case of the Gutenberg Exchange, Paris. After a dozen years of tele-
phone stagnation — during which period there were years in which no
telephone appropriations were made at all, and years when appropri-
ations were so large that they could not be used before they were with-
drawn— the Government installed the "common battery" system in the
Gutenberg Exchange. This system had long since been adopted in
America, but in France it was still regarded as a new improvement.
No sooner was the system installed, than the French Government was
warned that unless it provided connections of greater electrical capa-
city, it would have trouble from the higher voltage. But the warning
fell on deaf ears. The Government felt that it had spent enough. The
result was a conflagration, which completely reduced the exchange to
junk and ashes, and left a large section of the city stranded without
telephone communication.
It will be seen, therefore, that some radical change in our method
of financing public enterprises — not to be accomplished in one day or
one year — is necessary, before we can hope, in the management of our
Post Office Department — to approach the efficiency and service af-
35
forded by private enterprise ; some reform which will insure a complete
freedom from the gusts of opposing policies — political or otherwise —
some system which will provide a reasonable guaranty that deliberate
and painstaking planning will be followed by equally deliberate and
painstaking execution.
American Optimism Would Not Save Us from Fate of Europe
Of course, we quite naturally must take a great deal of pride in the
achievements of American industry (the unfortunate exception being
the advocates of Government ownership), and, when looking at our
telephone development, it may be that some will say that if this Gov-
ernment undertakes an enterprise of this kind we can avoid, by experi-
ence, the pitfalls of foreign nations. However, to steer clear of this
erroneous assumption, we only have to consider the wonderful progress
which European nations have made in what everyone concedes to be
purely governmental enterprises. Take the road-building of France,
Germany, England, the canal construction, town planning, magnificent
public buildings, drainage, etc., which have served as models for many
of our State and municipal enterprises in this country. Consider the
unfortunate experience in this country in similar undertakings, with
charges of inefficiency, graft, etc., notably the canal and road-building,
without mentioning any State. We thus see that, where the govern-
ments abroad have confined their efforts to governmental functions we
may learn much from them, but where they have departed from that
field and entered fields of private enterprise, they have dismally failed
where we, retaining private management, have magnificently succeeded.
An Earnest Appeal to Mr. Lewis
In order that this and similar discussions may prove of some con-
structive value, I want to make an appeal to Mr. Lewis and his friends.
Certainly, neither he nor any other right-thinking person, after con-
sidering what we have been discussing, would wish to plunge the coun-
try into an experiment which, if it should fail, would cripple the busi-
ness interests and practically destroy any hope of a continuation of our
magnificent growth. To remove, so far as possible, any element of
danger, will they not at once start a movement for the establishment of
efficient business in the Government service? Will they not do the very
self-evident and proper thing; compel the adoption by the govern-
mental departments of adequate and modern means of accounting so
that every item of expense and income may have its proper place and
be considered in determining the relative efficiency of departments one
with the other, or with similar departments elsewhere? Will they not
actively start a campaign to bring stability into the organization which
has charge of our enormous governmental undertakings? Will they
not try to make merit alone a determining factor in promoting new
officials and retaining old ones?
In doing this, they will have the support of every conservative per-
son and interest in the country, particularly organizations such as the
36
Providence Economic Club and the Merchants' Association of New
York, which, at present, occupies a peculiar position. That organiza-
tion was foremost in its determination to secure a revision in the
express rates, and, under our magnificent plan of governmental con-
trol, secured relief for the business interests of the country in the pro-
mulgation by the Interstate Commerce Commission of a new rate
schedule and zone system. That same organization was strong in its
support of Mr. Lewis and others in connection with the adoption by
the Government of the parcels post feature of our postal system. They
readily recognized the proper place for this new and valuable service.
But that same organization is to-day waging an active fight to prevent
the absolute destruction of the express system, — a service which is
needed by every business interest in the country. That same organi-
zation is to-day waging this same campaign which we are asking Mr.
Lewis, with his great ability, to father, namely, one which will result
in the elimination of ignorance and guess in measuring the true results
of postal operations, whereby the service may be reconstructed and
placed upon a modem and efficient basis.
The Time to Seriously Consider the Question
When Mr. Lewis and his friends have brought about the result
that the Post Office Department of this country is managed on an
economical and scientific basis ; when the Postmaster-General is secure
in his tenure, so long as he is efficient and active ; when his subordinates
are appointed solely on account of ability; when they are retained and
promoted as a reward for faithful service; when the Government has
adopted a fair and equitable scheme of pension and benefits for its
employees; and when the Government has brought about a condition
where appropriations are made the result of careful and conscientious
study by its officers, and not, as at present, made a football for am-
bitious and unscrupulous politicians, subject to all of the evils of log-
rolling and political bickering, — then, I say, and not until then, will we
be in a position for a proper and judicious discussion of the effect of
so radical a movement as Mr. Lewis proposes. At that time we, as
employees, will have no objection to the serious consideration of such
a question, perfectly secure in the thought that this service, the thing
we are all striving for, will be reasonably safe.
President Wilson's Conservative Position
As showing that the task I am asking Mr. Lewis and his friends
to assume is worthy of his mettle, I want to quote from President
Woodrow Wilson, in his work, "The State":
"But the proposition that the government should control such dominating
organizations of capital may by no means be wrested to mean by any necessary
implication that the government should itself administer those instrumentalities
of economic action, which cannot be used except as monopolies. Government
regulation may in most cases suffice. Indeed, such are the difficulties in the
37
way of establishing and maintaining careful business management on the part
of the government that control ought to be preferred to direct administration
in as many cases as possible — in every case in which control without adminis-
tration can be made effectual."
I feel confident that the "difficulties in the way of establishing and
maintaining careful business management on the pait of the Govern-
ment" will not prevent our good friend Mr. Lewis from tackling the
problem, and I wish to say that if he is a big enough man, should he
fail in his eflForts to establish proper business management on behalf
of the department to which he wishes to entrust the future of this im-
portant industr)', he would undoubtedly be the first to demand that
further attempts at extending the functions of the Post Office Depart-
ment be suspended until, with the support of some new movement,
there is first established such efficiency in management on the part of
the Government as will insure continuance of "good service" — the
thing which alone counts. Gentlemen, I thank you.
31
^7 f
^ J JSuThL
■jj>pi
-^
TELEPHONE & TELEGRAPH STATISTICS OF THE WORLD
JANUARY 1, 1913
CONTENTS
1. Stations — Telephone
2. Wire Mileage— Telephone and Telegraph
3. Gross Earning:s — Telephone and Telegraph
4. Investment — Telephone
5. Traffic — Mail, Telephone and Telegraph in Europe and the United States
6. Telephone Development of each City in Europe with over 500,000 Population
7. Telephone Development — Urban and Rural— in Europe and the United States
Note: For the completeness of these statistics we are Indebted to foreign governments, private companies and the (J. S. Census
Bureau. To them much appreciation and thanks are due.
BULLETIN No. 2
Issued April, 1914
(Supplementtng and bringing up to date some
data previously appearing in "Telephone Sta-
tistics of the World" (Bulletin No. 1] issued
May I. 1912)
AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH CO.
OFFICE OF STATISTICIAN
i
[eleplione Stations ot
January
[lie Word,
1, 1913
by Countries
1
1
NORTH AMERICA:
United States
Number of Stations '
1
Government
Private
Total
Per uent. stations
of Total per 100
World Population
64.32"". 1 9.1
3.19'; 5.6
.05'; .1
.29-:; .2
per
Square Mile
8.729. 592t
8,729,592+
431,052
7,183
39.290
1,406
12.000
3,195
6,158
31.
Canada (incl. Xcwfoundlaiid). .
Central America*
85,664 1 345.388
2,970 ! 4.213
1,319 37.971
2.
26.
Mexico*
19.
Other N. A. Places*
1,832
1.406
12.000
3,195
4,326
.01%
2.0
.1
West Indies:
.09%
.02%
.04%
.5
.3
.1
50.
310.
Other W. 1. Places*
116.
Total
91,785
9,138,091
9,229,876
68.01%
6.9
15.
SOUTH AMERICA:
63.747
63,747
2.500
24.000
26,000
1.800
2.700
490
4,000
9,485
4,647
1.385
.47%
.02%
.18%
.19%
.01%
.02%
.03%
.07%
.04%
.01%
.9
.1
.1
.7
.4
.2
.06
.09
.8
.2
.3
6.3
Bolivia*
— 2.500
1.095 22,905
— 26.000
— 1.800
380 2.320
— 490
— 4.000
3.2
Brazil*
6.7
Chili*
12.0
11.6
13.0
4.6
Peru*
6.6 \:
Uruguay
9.485
15.4 :
428
1,365
4,219
6.9 1
2.6
Other Places*
Total
EUROPE:
3,268
137,466
140,734
1.04%
.3
7.0 1
161.230
58.640
850
3.200
1,467
293,195
1.302.672
738.738
3.097
116,931
35,200
161,230
58.640
850
3.200
118.398
35.200
293,195
1,302.672
738.738
3 097
75.733
89.166
3.910
77.195
75.000
8.040
21.000
282.481
3.606
34.000
217,554
90,573
1,880
1.19%
.43%
.01%
.02%
.87%
.26%
2.16%
9.60%
5.44%
.02%
.56%
.66%
.03%
.57%
.55%
.06%
.5
.8
.04
.07
4.2
1.1
.7
1.9
1.6
.1
.4
.2
1.5
1.3
3.1
.1
251.
Belgium
666.
Bosnia*
105.
119.
Denmark (March 31. 1913)
188.
22.
191.
German Empire
319. !
Great Britain (March 31. 1913).
379.
107.
Hungary
75.738 —
57.623 31,473
3,910 —
54.603 22,592
38.000 37.000
1.172 6.868
21.000 —
121.076 161,405
3.606 —
1.700 32.300
148.372 69.182
169.
Italy ( liinc 30. 1912)
315.
265.
476.
19.
Portugal
156.
.16% I .3
143.
2.09%
.2
69.
.03%
.25%
1.60%
.66%
.1
.2
3.9
2.3
.03
161.
Spain*
100.
32.
90.573
1,880
240.
Other Places*
60.
Total
3,180,532
514,831
3,695,363
27.23% .8
119.
ASIA:
British India
5,731
8,227
198,435
20,400
9.795
9.546
5,872
15,526
17,773
198,435
26,272
.11%
.13%
1.46%
.20%
.007
.004
.4
.01
222.
China*
265.
Japan (March Jl. 1913)
Other Places*
353.
16.
Total
232,793
25,213
258,006
1.90%
.3
B7.
AFRICA:
3.098
24.393
16.311
12,998
16,096
24,393
16,311
.12%
.18%
.12%
.1
.4
.01
28.
12.
11. 1
Union of South Africa
Total
OCEANIA:
Australia ,
43,802
121.020
9,536
12,998
56.800
.42%
.04
12. ||
3,186
6047
121.020
12.722
6.047
42.934
5.974
1,398
.89%
.09%
.05%
.32%
.04%
.01%
2.6
.03
3.1
4.0
.07
.06
1.5
64.
Hawaii
29.
New Zealand ( Mch. 31, 1913)..
Philippine Islands*
42.934 —
1.500 4.474
1,368 3D
10.
67.
5.
Total
176,358
13,737
190,096
1.40%
M
13.
Total World
3.728,538
9,842,336
13,570,874 ,
100. %
1 ll
*Partly estimated
+U. S. Census, 1912
2— Telephone and Talegrapti Wire of the World, by Countries
Januciry I, 1913
NORTH AMERICA:
United States P.
Canada uiul. NcwfounUlaiidi. P. G.
Central America" P. G.
Mexico* P.O.
Other N. A. Places* | P. G.
West Indies:
Cuba P,
Porto Rico P
Other W. I. Places* P. G,
Miles of Telephone Wire
Opsntad
by
Total.
SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine ....
Bolivia*
Brazil*
Chill*
Colombia* ...
Ecuador* ....
Paraguay ....
Peru*
Uruguay
Venezuela*
Other Places*
Total.
EUROPE:
Austria
Belgium
Bosnia*
Bulgaria*
Denmark (March Jl. 1913)
France
German Empire
Great Britain iMarch Jl. 19U)
Greece
Hungary
Italy I June 30. 191.')*
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway*
Portugal
Roumanla*
Russia and Finland*
Servia
Spain*
Sweden
Switzerland
Other Places*
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P.
P. G.
G.
Number
of Miles
20,248,326f
»10,236
15,605
95,375
1,940
Per Cent,
of Total
World
60.83'-
2.74'
.05'
.29'^
35,719
3,213
13,347
21,323,761
184,442
1,500
40,000
40.000
1.800
2,200
342
10.557
20,789
11.178
2,830
.10%
.01%
.04%
64.11%
.55%
.12%
.12%
.01%
.01%
.03%
.07%
.03%
.01%
315,638
.95%
Total.
ASIA:
British India
China*
Japan (March 31. 19IJ).
Other Places*
Total
AFRICA:
Egypt
Union of South Africa.
Other Places*
Total
OCEANIA:
Australia
Dutch East Indies.
Hawaii*
New Zealand (Mch.
19I3)»
Phillpi
other
Places*
Total.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
P.
O.
P. Q.
P. O.
321,645
185.349
2,300
8,000
303,816
1.060,052
4,175,782
2.360,000
5,368
252,751
194,000
3.950
193,308
160,000
28.736
55.000
434.000
6 956
68.000
279.312
234.280
2.499
10,334,804
.97%
.56%
.01 7o
.02T„
.91%
3.19'b
12.56'-c
7.09 'o
.02%
.76%
.58%
.01%
.58%
.48%
.09%
.16%
1.31%
.02%
.20%
.84%
.70%
.01%
31.07%
24.166
35,000
485,982
60,876
606.024
58.689
68.997
30.212
MTJBM
.07%
.11%
1.46%
.18%
1.82"
.18%
.21%
.09%
.48%
372.011
47.639
12,000
64,600
24.400
3.159
1.12'-;
.U'7,.
.04-,.
.19'-
.07^^
.01-;
Total World.
523,809
33.261.934
1.57%
100. %
Per 100
Population
21.03
11.9
.3
.6
2.8
Miles of Telegraph Wire (Spo Note)
Number
of Mllei
Per Cent.
of Total
World
1.6
.3
.3
1.814.196t
195.825
16,110
49,169
1,064
6.312
631
2,512
16.0
2.085,819
2.6
.07
.2
1.1
.03
.1
.04
.2
1.9
.4
.6
1.1
2.4
.1
.2
10.9
2.7
6.3
5.1
.2
1.2
.6
1.5
3.2
6.6
.5
.8
.3
.2
.3
4.9
6.1
.03
2.3
.01
.01
.9
.03
.06
.5
IJi
M
128.743
5.998
37.786
22.334
11.280
3.316
2.632
6.494
5.884
4.920
725
230,112
97,880
27.563
4,700
9.450
8.076
387,917
434,818
310.872
9.864
95.511
129.425
712
23,749
13.799
14.062
13.500
315 000
5.188
54.600
20,161
16,476
2,S4«
1,995.869
291.765
51.136
122.968
92,701
558,570
13,316
56,860
107,571
177.747
8.0
.1
6.2
6.0
.3
.1
101.218
15.874
0
24,297
5,595
1,790
1,0
1.9
148,774
5,196,891
34.91%
3.77%
• 31%
.95%
.02%
.12%
.01%
.05%
Per 100
Population
40.14%
2.48%
.12%
• 73%
.43%
.22%
•067..
.05%
.12%
.11%
.10%
.01%
4.43%
1.89%
.53%
.09%
.187<,
.157o
7.467o
8.377o
5.98 7<,
.197o
1.847i,
2.49%
.01%
.46%
.267<,
.27 7<,
.26%
6.06%
.10%
1.057o
.39%
.32%
.05%
1.9
2.5
.3
.3
1.5
.3
.06
.05
1.6
1.8
Jt
.2
.6
.2
.2
.3
.1
.5
.2
.2
38.40%
5.62%
.98%
2.37%
1.78%
.3
.4
J!
.2
.3
1.0
.7
.7
.4
.4
.4
.3
.4
.5
.3
.2
.2
.2
.3
.4
.4
.04
.1
.01
.2
.04
10.75%
.26%
1.09%
2.07%
3.42%
1.96%
.81%
.00%
.47%
.10%
.08%
.06
.1
.9
.09
2.86%
100.
2.2
.04
.0
2.3
.06
.08
.3
.3
Note: Telegraph Is operated by Government, except In the United States.
p. — Priv.ite Companies
G. — Government
G. — Private Companies and Government
♦U. S. Census. 1912
*Partly Estimated
3— Telephone and Telegraph Gross Earnings of the World, by Countries
(nearest fiscal period — YEAR IBI2)
NORTH AMERICA:
States
(incl. Newfoundland).
America
United
Canada
Central
Mexico
Other N. A. Places.
West Indies:
Cuba
Porto Rico
Other W. I. Places
Telephone
Annual Gross Earnings
(I'arily Estimated)
Telegraph
(Set Note)
pp«jW|
Total.
1 SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine . . .
Bolivia
Brazil
Chill
Colombia
Ecuador ....
Paraguay ...
Peru
Uruguay . . . .
Venezuela
Other Places
Total
EUROPE:
Austria
Belgium
Bosnia
Bulgaria
Denmark
France
German Emplie
Great Britain
Greece
Hungary
Italy
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway
Portugal
Roumania
Russia and rinland.
Servia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Other Places
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G. ,
$232,172,000»
13.268.000
428.000
1,198,000
56.000
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P.
P. G.
G.
$298,219,000
2,735,000
75.000
960.000
780 000
54.000
54.000
19.000
120.000
500.000
236.000
41,000
9 5,574,000
5,663,000
111.000
3,357.000
558.000
364,000
78.000
35.000
137.000
143.000
62.000
18,000
$10,526,000
8.398.000
186,000
4,317,000
1.338.000
418.000
132.000
54.000
257,000
643,000
298,000
59,000
$ 16,100,000
1 P.
P.
P.
P.
Total.
ASIA:
British India .
China
Japan
Other Places
AFRICA
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
Egypt
Union of South Africa
Other Places
OCEAN
Australia
Dutch East
H.iwail
New Zealand
Philippine Islands
Other Places
Total
Total Worl4..
:-JL_
; 5,110,500
2,892.400
27.700
122.400
2,759,700
11,707,500
44.481,400
28,000,000
45,800
2.929,900
2,906,200
81.900
2.542,300
1.523.900
324,500
414.000
8.873,500
111.300
1.417.200
4,900,900
2,657.900
37,600
«123,868,500
729.700
560.200
6.206,400
994.000
$ 8,490,300
$ 756,500
1,247,400
652,400
% 2,656,300
% 3,657,300
525.000
302,000
1,288,000
258,800
42,000
f 6,073,100
$444,881,200
$ 3,660,000
1,408.700
184.500
333.000
561,900
9,869,500
10.514.000
15,393.600
431.000
2,025.300
5,253.000
22.600
1,085,600
780,500
700.000
706,700
16,189,600
171,800
2,124,400
727,000
912,400
76,000
$73,131,100
4.902.500
4.969.000
4.169,000
3,743,800
$17,784,300
$ 718.800
1.875.900
1.624,700
$ 4,219.400
$ 3.796.100
731.800
1.525.800
236 600
23.000
$ 6.313.300
$173,218,100
1 8.770,500
4,301,100
212,200
455,400
3,321,600
21,577.000
54,995.400
43,393,600
476.800
4.955,200
8.159.200
104,500
3.627.900
2,304.400
1,024,500
1,120,700
25.063,100
283,100
3,541.600
5.627.900
3,570.300
113.600
$196,999,600
5,632,200
5,529.200
10.375.400
4.737,800
$
26,274.600
$
1.475,300
3.123.300
2.277.100
Note; Telegraph Is operated by Governments, except In the United States.
32.6%
40.3%
22.3%
58.3%
12.9%
41.0^»
35.2%
46.7%
77.8%
79.2%
69.5%
34.6%
58.3%
67.2%
13.2,,,
26.870
83.1%
54.3%
80.9%
64.5%
9.6%
59.1%
35.6';
78.4'-c
70.1 7
66.2 1
31.6'c
37.0%
35.4%
39.2 "r
40.0'-c
87.1%
74.4%
33.3%
62.9%
10.1'
59.8'
21.0',
32.3%
51.2%
39.9';
28.6',;
67.4%
59.7%
77.7%
41.7%
87.1 7o
59.07o
64.8%
53.3%
22.2%
20.8%
30.5%
65.4%
41.7%
32.8%
73.2%
16.9%
45.7%
19.1%
35.5%
90.4%
40.9%
64.4%
21.6%
29.9%
33.8%
68.4%
63.0%
64.6%
60.8%
60.0%
12.9%
25.6%
68.7%
37.1%
87.0%
89.9%
40.2%
79.0%
67.7'-
48.8%
60.1%
71.4%
$44.20
33.30
42.40
30.90
30.90
20.60
45.20
30.80
53.50
51.20
31.40
$41.00
$33.60
52.20
33.50
40.60
24.50
42.20
35.80
38.90
15.50
40.90
34.00
21.90
34.30
20.60
42.80
20.50
30.30
31.50
43.20
23,40
30.40
21.10
$35.10
$50.60
35.10
34.70
39.40
$36.20
$48.80
55.40
43.30
$ 6,875.700
38.6%
61.4% I
$50.00 r
$ 7,453,400
49,1%
il
50.9%
$32.10
1,256,800
41.8'-„
58.2%
44.40
302,000
lOO.O'l
50.30 1
2,813,800
45.8%
54.2%
32.10
495,400
52.3^;
47.7%
44.40
65,000
64.6--.
35.4%
33.80
$ 12,386.400
49.0%
51.0%
$34.00
$618,099,300
72.0%
28J>% 1
$33.90
P. — Private Companies
G. — Government
P. G. — Private Companies and Government
'Partly estimated to Include ALL companies and lines
tU. S. Census. 1912
4— Telephone Investment of tlii
January 1,
3 Wor
1913
d, by Countrie
s
{ NORTH AMERICA:
United States
Optraltd
by
Investment
(Partly cslimalcJ)
Per Cent.
of Total
World
Investment
per
Station
p.
p. G.
p. G.
p. G.
p. G.
p.
P.
P. G.
$1,094.800.000«
58,984,000
1,000,000
5,264.000
190,000
10,908,000
513,000
954,000
57.44%
3.09%
.05%
.27%
.01 7o
.58%
.03%
.05%
1125
137 1
139
134
135
909
160
155
Canad.1 (unci. Newfoundland)
Central America
Mexico
West Indies:
Other West Indies Places
, Total
$1,172,613,000
61.52%
»127
SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P.
P. G.
G.
$ 14,769,000
375,000
3,800,000
3,732,000
398.000
1.270,000
/8,000
539,000
1,585,000
1.299,000
137,000
.77%
.02%
.20-;
.20';
.02%
.07%
.03%
.08%
.07%
.01%
«232
150
160
144
221
470
160
135
167
279
100 1
Bolivia ... .
Brazil
Chill
Ecuador . .
Venezuela
$ 27,982,000
1.47%
»199
' EUROPE:
G.
G.
G.
G.
P.G.
G.
G.
t
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P.
$ 34,000,000
16,163,000
300,000
585.000
11,982.00(1
2.820.000
75.380.000
232,537.000
131.309,000
542,000
14,580,000
12,600,000
689 000
12.690.000
7.218.000
1.235.000
2.580.000
30.336.000
630,000
5 100.000
25.279.000
17,182.000
188,000
1.78%
.85%
.02%
.03%
.637o
.15%
3.95%
12.20%
6.89%
.03%
.76%
.66%
.04%
.66%
.38%
.06%
.13%
1.60%
.03%
.27%
1.33%
.90%
.01%
$211
276
353
183
101
80
257
178
178
175
192
141
176
164
96
153
123
107
174
150 ,,
116 1
190 1
100
' Denmark
' Finland .
Italy
i Netherlands
Norway
11 Total
1
$ 635.925.000
33.36%
9172
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
$ 1,552,000
2 932,000
21,472.000
2,466.000
.08%
.16%
1.13%
.«%
$100
165
108 1
94
1
$ 28,422,000
1.50%
$110
1
AFRICA:
1
P. G.
1 °-
$ 2,254,000
7.396.000
1,631,000
.12%
.38%
.m%
$140
303
100
« 11,281.000
M%
$198-H
OCEANIA:
Australl.1
G.
P. G.
P.
G.
P. G.
P. Q.
% 19,763.000
1,328,000
565,000
7.000,000
1,022,000
140.000
1.03%
.07%
.03%
.37%
.05%
.01%
$163
104
93 {
163
171
100
1
f 29.818,000
1.56%
$157
»1,906,041,000
100. %
1 '^^ J
P. — Private Companies
G. — Government
P. G. — Private Companies and Government
•Partly estimated to Include ALL companies and lines
5— Comparative Table of Firsl-C ass Mai , Telegraph and Telephone Trallic
1
(partly ESTIMATED/
EUROPE AND UNITED STATES
(nearest fiscal period-year 1912)
Countries
Telephone
Conversations^
Per Cent, of Total
Trafflc
Total Telephone
Telearams* Conversations Mall
(See Note) ' and Telegrams
1 1
Telephone
Conversations
and Telegrams
Mall
1 Operated 1
by
Austria G- 364.578.000 23.Sfifi.000 3fla.444.000 1.642.006000
191,
81%
G.
138,028,000 9,460,000 147,488,000 384,641,000
28%
72%
Bosnia
G.
G.
1,500,000 1,000,000 2,500,000 25,665,000
7,500,000 2,300,000 9,800,000 44,455.000
9%
18%
91%
82%
Denmark
P. G.
226,666,000 3,878,000 230.544,000 163,700,000
58%
42% |,
G.
396,102,000 67,120,000 463,222,000 1,723,958,000
2,324,880,000 64,309,000 2.389.189,000 5,450,565,000
21%
30%
79%
70%
German Empire
Great Britain
G.
1,098,395,000 83.494,000 1.186.889,000 4.197.300,000
22%
78% !;
G. 3,000,000 1,970,000 4,970,000 19,777,000
20%
26%
80%
Hungary
G. 203,357,000 13,979,000 217,336,000 605,974,000
74%
Italy
P. G. 230,000,000 25,315,000 255,315,000 755,480,000
G. 1 4.920.000 2fio.ooo 5.iaa.ooo 71 R1R rmn
25%
19^
75%
81%
Netherlands i P. G. 169.711,000 7.077.000 176.788.000 299.428.000
37%
63%
Norway
P. G. 170.000,000 4,000,000 174,000,000 95,831,000
P. G. 7.000.000 5,000,000 12,000,000 57,899,000
64%
17%
25%
36%
83%
75%
Roumania
G. 20.000.000 4.300.000 24.300.000 74.511.000
Russia and Finland P.O. 900,000,000 45,000,000 945,000,000 1,464,257,000
39%
61%
Servla i. G. , 5,927,000 2,385,000 8,312,000 28.681,000
22%
78%
Spain
1 P. G.
1 P. G.
35,000,000 6,600,000 41,600,000 143,054,000
434.163.000 4.996.000 439.159.000 199.764.000
23%
69%
17%
77%
31%
83%
Sweden
Switzerland
1 " • ■ ■ ■ " '"
G. 68.569.000 6.494.000 75.063.000 376.638.000
1
Total Europe P.O.
6,809,296,000 1 387,8O3,00Ot 7,197,099,000 17,775,402,000
29%
71%
Per 1,000 population
15,172 864 16,036 39,607
United States
P.
15.600.000,000
161,995
112,660,000 15.712.660.000 10.212.237.000
61%
39%
Per 1,000 population
1,170
163,165
106.047
Note: Telegraph Is operated by Government, except In the United States. fAs officially reported
P. — Priv.Tte Companies
G. — Government
P, G. — Private Companies and Government
• Included In the number of telegrams for each European country are government and service messages, also International
messages (Incoming, outgoing and transit).
i Includes duplications arising from the European practice of counting each International message In each country handling
the message.
6— Telephone Development of each City In Europe with over 500,000 Population
January I, 1913
Amsterdam
Barcelona
Berlin (Kxchangc Arci)
Birmingham iKxchaiige Area J.
Breslju
Brussels (Exchange
Budapest
Cologne
Area).
Copenhagen (Exchange Area).
Dresden
Glasgow (Exchange Area)
Hamburg* Altona (Exchange Area).
Kief
Leeds (Exchange ArcaJ.
Leipzig
Liverpool (Exchange Area).
London (Exchange Area)...
Lyons
Madrid
Manchester (Exchange Area).
Marseilles
Milan
Moscow
Munich
Naples
Newcastle (Exchange Area).
Odessa
Paris
Rome
Sheffield (Exchange Area)...
St. Petersburg
Vienna
Warsaw
Total of the above 33 European cities.
Total of the 11 cities in U. S. with over 5(X),0OO population.
Population
581,000
587,000
2,320,000
1,069,000
537,000
838,681
880,000
541,000
608,000
558,000
1,150.000
1,207,000
506,000
506.000
617,000
1,000.000
7,280,000
547,000
600.000
1,200.000
565,000
599,000
1.533,400
606,000
723.000
550,000
505.600
2,940.000
539,000
625.000
1.686.000
2,115,000
872,478
36,992,159
15^64,000
Number
Stations
of
per 100
Stations
Population
15,953
2.7
5,063
.9
144,543
6.2
18,055
1.7
18,533
3.5
21.470
2.6
24,567
2.8
23.158
4.3
50.802
8.4
23.728
4.3
41,500
3.6
71.222
5.9
4,635
.9
10,657
2.1
28,245
4.6
31,764
3.2
244,320
3.4
7,039
1.3
4.031
.7
29,453
2.5
7,735
1.4
10.900
1.8
43,348
2.8
33,168
5.5
3,600
.5
10.980
2.0
6.842
1.3
95.033
3.2
10400
2.0
10.605
1.7
47.649
2.3
56,747
2.7
28,935
3.3
1,184,680
1,585,809
NOTE: Constantinople excluded from above, as the telephone was not In operation Jan. 1, 1913.
7— Telephone Development-Urban and Rural
3.2
10.4
EUROPE AND UNITED STATES
January 1, 1913
Countries
Austria
Belgium
Bosnia*
Bulgaria*
Denmark (March 31. 1913)
Finland
France
German Empire
Great Britain (.March 31. 1913).
Greece
Hungary
Italy (June 30. 1912)*
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway*
Portugal
Roumania*
Russia
Servia
Spain*
Sweden
Switzerland
Other places*
Total Europe
Total United States
a
O
Number of Stations
P. Q.
In cities of
over 100.000
population
83.404
39,345
1.000
50,302
9,472
137.018
683,948
550.283
854
25,972
46,211
42.867
18.903
6.868
4.700
167,777
12,475
92.695
28,350
2,002,944
3,027,379
P. — Private Companies
G. — Government
p. G. — Private Companies and Government
Outside of
cities of
over 100,000
population
77,826
19,295
850
2.200
67,596
25,728
156,177
618.724
188,455
2.243
49,766
42,955
3,910
34,328
56,097
1,172
16,300
114,704
3.606
21 525
124.859
62,223
1,880
1,692,419
5,702,217
Stations per 100 Population
In cities of
over 100,000
population
2.6
1.8
1.0
8.4
6.3
2.3
4.6
2.6
.5
2.6
1.2
3.0
7.6
1.1
1.4
2.0
.6
17.7
6.0
3.0
11.4
•Partly estimated
Outside of
cities of
over 100,000
population
.30
.36
.04
.05
3.10
.84
.47
1.20
.75
.09
.25
.14
1.48
.74
2.58
.02
.24
.09
.12
.12
2.46
1.85
.03
.44
8.17
TELEPHONE & TELEGRAPH STATISTICS OF THE WORLD
JANUARY 1, 1914
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
SUPPLEMENT No. 23A
FOR
BRIEF OF ARGUMENTS
AGAINST
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP
CONTENTS
Development — Telephone
Wire Mileage — Telephone and Telegraph
Gross Eai-nings — Telephone and Telegraph
Plant Investment — Telephone
Telephone Development of Important Cities
Telephone Development — Urban and Rural
Note: For the completeness of these statistics we are Indebted to the courtesy of foreign governments and private companies,
to whom many thanks are due.
b
^l
^\'
'^■^^
BULLETIN No. 4
Issued May, 1915
(SuperscdinK the corresponding statistics for
January I, 191} given in Bulletin No. 2 issued
April, 1914)
AMERICAN TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY
OFFICE OF STATISTICIAN
NEW YORK CITY
1 Te
leplione Development of the World,
JANUARY 1, 1914
by Countries
NORTH AMERICA:
United States
Number of Telephones
Per Cent.
of Total
World
Telephones
per 100
Population
Population
per
Square Mile
Government
Systetni
Private
Companies
Total
106,183
4,326
1,319
20
299
300
2,018
9,542,017
393,591
3,548
40,542
2,318
15,798
4,068
4,581
9,542,017
499,774
7,874
41,861
2,338
16,097
4,388
6,599
64.09%
3.36%
.05%
.28'rc
.02'-c
.11%
.03%
.04%
9.7
6.5
0.1
0.3
0.7
0.7
0.4
0.1
33.
2.
27.
20.
0.4
49.
342.
114.
Other No. Am. Places'
West Indies:
Cuba
Porto Rico
Other W. 1. Places*
Total
SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine
114,465
10,006,483
10,120,948
67.98%
7.5
16.
1,165
48?
129
341
1,413
74,296
2,500
38,018
19,709
3,177
2,445
370
4,000
13,599
4,688
74,296
2,500
39,183
19,709
3,177
2,926
499
4,000
13,599
5,029
1,413
.50%
.02%
.26%
.13%
.02%
.02%
.01%
.03%
.09%
.03%
.01%
0.9
0.1
0.2
0.6
0.1
0.2
0.1
0.1
1.0
0.2
0.3
8.
4.
7.
12.
12.
13.
4.
7.
18.
7.
2.
Bolivia
Brazil
Chile (Jvily 31, 1914)
Peru*
Other Places (incl. Falkland U.J
Total
EUROPE:
Austria
3,S29
162,802
166,331
1.12%
0.3
8.
172,344
1.200
65.000
3,608
1,586
330,000
1,420,100
780,512
3.200
84.040
61.978
4,239
76,267
40,120
1,203
20,000
157,710
3,700
2,722
158,171
96,624
1,485
127,691
19,742
10,223
42,430
7.647
162.148
40,000
31,278
74,837
904
172,344
1,200
65,000
3,608
129,277
330.000
1.420,100
780,512
3.200
84.040
91.720
4,239
86,490
82,550
8.850
20.000
319.858
40.000
3.700
34.000
233.008
96.624
2,389
1.16%
.01%
.44%
.02%
.87%
2.22%
9.54%
5.24%
.02%
.56%
.62%
.03%
.58%
.55%
.06%
.13%
2.15%
.27%
.02%
.23%
1.56%
.65%
.02%
0.6
0.1
0.9
0.1
4.5
0.8
2.1
1.7
0.1
0.4
0.3
1.6
1.4
3.4
0.2
0.3
0.2
1.2
0.1
0.2
4.1
2.5
0.1
253.
101.
672.
110.
189.
192.
323.
381.
104.
170.
311.
268.
471.
20.
165.
141.
73.
26.
134.
105.
36.
251.
57.
Belgium*
Denmark (.March 31, 1914)
Great Britain (March 31, 1914).
Greece*
Hungary
Italy ( hine 30, 1913)
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Portugal
Roumania*
Russia (Eurupean)
Finland*
Servia*
Spain*
Sweden
Switzerland
Other Places
Total
3,4S5,809
526,900
4,012,709
26.95%
0.8
121.
ASIA:
British India
6,504
13.517
219,551
9,423
22,110
11,193
13,492
7,18?
3,114
17.697
27.009
219,551
16,604
25,224
.12%
.18%
1.47%
.11%
.17%
0.01
0.01
0.4
0.1
0.01
227.
167.
356.
3.
29.
China*
Japan (.M.nrch 31, 1914)
Russia ( .Asi.ilic)
Other Places*
Total
AFRICA:
271,105
34,980
306,085
2.05%
0.04
53.
4,949
28.889
18,089
12,310
859
17,259
28,889
18,948
.12%
.19%
.13%
0.1
0.5
0.02
31.
13.
11.
Union of South Africa
Other Places*
Total
OCEANIA:
51,927
13,180
65,096
.44%
aos
18.
137,485
11,393
49.415
1,779
1,371
3,480
7W
4,979
225
137,485
14,843
7.284
49.415
6,758
1,596
.92%
.10%
.05%
.33%
.05%
.01%
2.S
0.04
3.5
4.6
0.1
0.1
8.
61.
32.
10.
75.
8.
Dutch East Indies*
Hawaii
New Zealand (March 31, 1914).
Other Places*
Total *
201,443
15,938
217,381
1.48%
a4
13.
Total World
4,188,278
10,760,278
14,888,560
^00M%
0.9
83.
•Partly estimated.
2— Teleplicne and Telegraph Wire of the World, by Countries
JANUARY 1, 1914
Mile* of Telephone Wire
Miles of Telegraph Wire (See Note)
Serrlce
lOpenled
NORTH AMERICA:
United States || P.
Canada n P, G.
Central America H P. G.
Mexico I P. G.
Other No. Am. Places* g P. G.
West Indies:
Cuba I P. G.
Porto Rico p. Q.
Other W. I. Places* ^ P. G.
Total.
SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine
Bolivia
Brazil
Chile (July 31, 1914)
Colombia
Ecuador
Paraguay
Peru*
Uruguay
Venezuela
Other Places (incl. Falkland Is.)
Total
EUROPE:
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
G.
1914).
Austria
Bosnia*
Belgium*
Bulgaria
Denmark (March 31
France*
German Empire ..
Great Britain (.March 31, 1914)
Greece*
Hungary
Italy (.lv:ne 30, 1913)
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway
Portugal*
Roumania*
Russia and Finland
Servia*
Spain*
Sweden
Switzerland
Other Places*
Total.
ASIA:
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
British India P. G.
China U P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
Japan (March 31,
Russia (.\sUtic).
Other Places* .
1?14).
Total.
AFRICA:
Egypt
Union of South Africa.
Other Places'
Total.
OCEANIA:
Number
of Miles
Per Cent.
of Total
World
2.137,479
59.29%
1,149.480
3.08%
13,614
.04%
98213
.26%
2,552
.01%
37,163
6,332
13,367
23,458,200
.10%
.02%
.03%
62.83%
Per 100
Population
22.6
15.0
0.2
0.7
0.8
Number
of Miles
Per Cent,
of Total
World
1.7
0.5
0.3
17.4
239,478
1,302
110,360
37,891
5.094
2,539
430
11.000
26,468
12.069
2,957
449,588
.64%
.30%
.10%
.01%
.01%
.03%
.07%
.03%
.01%
2.8
0.05
0.5
1.1
0.09
0.2
0.05
0.2
2.0
0.4
0.7
1.20".
0.8
357.693
1,500
215,000
8,320
342.301
1 .200.000
4,548,339
2.581,895
5.700
281.299
195,000
4.590
225,025
181.567*
27.500
70,000
716,000*
7,100
68.000
510.573
249,343
3,495
.96%
.58%
.02%
.92%
3.21%
12.18%
6.91%
.02%
.75%
.52%
.01%
.60%
.49%
.07%
.19%
1.92%
.02%
.18%
1.37%
.67%
.01%
11,800,240
31.60%
81,300
95.000*
490,821
28,277*
63,928
.22%
.25%
1.31%
.08%
.17%
P. G.
G.
P. G.
Australia G.
Dutch East Indies P. G.
Hawaii I P.
New Zealand (March 31, 1914)*l G.
Philippine Islands H P. G.
Other Places* || P. G.
Total
ToUi World.
759,326
2.03%
68,484
85,707
34,189
188,380
.19%
.23%
.09%
.51%
1.2
0.08
2.8
0.2
12.0
3.0
6.7
5.6
0.1
1.3
0.6
1.7
3.6
7.4
0.5
0.9
0.5
0.2
0.3
9.1
6.4
0.09
2.5
0.03
0.03
0.9
0.1
0.04
0.09
0.6
1.4
0.03
0.1
435,725
57,596*
19,724
97,904
17,708
3,517
682,174
1.30%
.15%
.06%
.26%
.05%
.01%
1.83%
37,337,908
100.00%
10.0
0.2
9.6
9.1
0.2
0.1
1,2
2J
1,849,196
193,277t
15.713
49,169
6,048
I Per 100
I Population
12,660 ,
664t
2,551 '
2,129,278
142,153
5,979
38,304
23 000*
11,860
5.384
4,367
9,315
5,597
5,291
740
33.33%
3.48%
.287,,
.89%
.11%.
.23%
.01%
.05%
38.38%
2.56%
.11%
.69%
.41%
.21%
.10%
.oe«-<,
.17-0
.10%
.10%
.01%
251,990
4.54%
150.840
7,000
28,000
11,171
8,191
381,000
459,811
313,166
11.000
99.802
129.500
1,355
24.868
13.211
14.500
16,000
500,491 »
5.250
56,500
42.194
16.476
2,295t
2,292,621
282,424
52,146
106,946
O
102, 193*
543,709
2.72%
.13%
.50%,
.20%
.15%
6.87%
8.29%
5.64%.
.207.,
1.807.,
2.337o
.02%
.45 7o
.24%.
.2670
.29%,
9.027o
.09%
1.027o
.76%
.30%
.04%
41.32%
5.09%
.94%
1.93%
O
1.84%
12.622
54,201
109,537
176,360
9.80%
.23%
.98%
1.97%
3.18%
108,931
12,929
0
25,892
4,600
1,790
1.97%
.23%
0.00%
.477o
.08%
.03%
164,142
2.78%
5,548,100
100.00%
1.9
2.5
0.3
0.3
1.8
0.6
0.08
0.05
1.6
1.6
0.2
0.2
0.7
0.2
0.4
0.5
0.2
0.4
0.2
0.2
0.5
0.5
0.4
0.4
0.2
0.3
1.0
0.7
0.7
0.3
0.5
0.4
0.5
0.4
0.5
0.3
0.2
0.3
0.1
0.3
0.7
0.4
0.1
0.6
0.1
0.02
0.2
O
0.06
ao7
0.1
0.9
0.09
0.1
2.2
0.03
0.0
2.4
0.05
0.07
0.3
0.3
Note: Telegraph service Is operated by Governments, except In the United States.
P. — Private Companies.
G. — Government.
P. G. — Private Companies and Government. See Table 1 for statistics as to proportion of telephones operated by Government.
'Asiatic Russia Included in European Russia. *Partiy estimated.
^European Turkey Included In Asiatic Turkey. tjune 30, 1914.
3— Telephone and Telegraph Gross Earnings of the World, by Countries
FISCAL YEAR 1913
(Estimated where necessary)
Gross Earnings
Telephone
Telegraph
(Sec- Note)
Serrlee
Operated
by
NORTH AMERICA:
United States
Canada* ' P,
Central America 'p
Mexico ' P.
Other No. Am. Places I P
West Indies:
Cuba
Porto Rico ' P,
Other W. I. Places i P.
P.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
Total
Per Cent, of Total
Telephone Telegraph
Total.
SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine
Bolivia
Brazil
Chile
Colombia
Ecuador
Paraguay
Peru
Uruguay
Venezuela
Other Places (incl. Falkland Is.)
Total
EUROPE:
Austria
Bosnia
Belgium
Bulgaria
Denmark
France
German Empire
Great Britain
Greece
Hungary
Italy
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway
Portugal
Roumania
Russia and Finland^.
Servia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Other Places
Total.
ASIA:
British India .
China
Japan
Other Places!.
Total.
AFRICA:
Egypt
Union of South Africa.
Other Places
Total.
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. Q.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. Q.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. Q.
P. G.
P. G.
Q.
P. G.
$305,400,000
16,400,000
300.000
1,198.000
66,700
957.000
219,100
168,400
$324,709,200
$51,300,000
5,568,000
1,825,000
1,208.000
121,200
419,000
49,100
84,600
$60,574,900
$356,700,000
21,968,000
2,125.000
2,406,000
187,900
1,376,000
268,200
253,000
$385,284,100
85.6'-<.
74.7<'o
14.1 '-C
49.8'~c
35.5%
69.5%
81.7%
66.6%
14.4%
25.3%
85.9%
50.2%
64.5%
30.5%
18.3%
33.4%
84.3%
3,756,000
66,000
1,500,000
823,000
90,000
66.000
22,000
168,000
540.000
211,000
21,500
$ 7,263,500
$ 5,473,000
142,000
4,045,000
482.000
464,000
106.000
57,000
138,000
154,000
198,000
11,000
$ 5,766,700
41,600
3,115,700
107,400
2,968.300
12,713,200
46,249,900
30,462,900
60,900
3,315,400
3,867,800
86,300
2,896.200
1,584.600
317,500
456,500
10,248,800
111,400
1,475,000
5,203.000
2,760,000
62,400
$133,871,500
$11,270,000
$ 3,835,800
222,000
1,280,000
524,100
538,400
9,500,000
9,725,100
15,165,900
420,000
2,100,000
2,842,900
22,000
1,005.400
815,200
725,000
800,000
17,983,200
170,000
1,850,000
770 700
886,500
29,300
9,229,000
208.000
5,545.000
1,305,000
554,000
172,000
79,000
306.000
694,000
409.000
32,500
40.7%
31.7%
27.1%
63.1%
16.2%
38.4%
27.8%
54.9 7i,
77.8'i
51.6%
66.2%
15.7%
59.3%
68.370
72.9%
36.9%
83.8%
61.6%
72.2%
45.1%
22.2%
48.4%
33.8%
$71,211,500
$ 18,533,500
» 9,602,500
263.600
4,395,700
631,500
3,506,700
22,213.200
55,975.000
45,628,800
480,900
5.415,400
6,710,700
108 300
3.901,600
2,399.800
1,042.600
1.256,500
28,232,000
281.400
3.325.000
5.973.700
3.646.500
91,700
$205,083,000
39.2%
60.8%
60.1%
15.8';
70.9%
17.0';
84.6':
57.2 ^
82.6 ;
66.8-;
12.7^:.
61.2'c
57.6%
79.7%
74.2'^-
66.0':
30.5'n
36.3';
36 3'»
39.6;,
44.4%
87.1%
75.7%
68.0%
65.3%
39.9%
84.2%
29.1%
83.0%
15.4%
42.8%
17.4%
33.2%
87.3%
38.8%
42.4%
20.3%
25,8%
34.0%
69.5%
63.7%
63.7%
60.4%
55.6%
12.9%
24.3%
32.0%
34.7%
772.400
792,000
7,273,900
1,776,000
$ 10,614,300
$ 3,698.900
5,274,300
6,276,200
1,867,200
•16,116,600
4,471,300
6,066.300
12,550,100
3,643,200
$ 26,730,900
17.3%
13.1%
58.0%
48.7%
39.7%
82.7%
86.9%
42.0%
61.3%
60.3%
Telephone
Earnings
per
Telephone
$33.00
35.30
40.20
29.50
29.90
68.10
58.00
28.20
$33.10
$54.40
26.40
47.50
39.50
36.20
23.50
44,50
42.00
46.80
43.60
15.50
$47.90
$36.30
37.60
50.40
31.30
24.00
40.80
34.00
40.10
29.00
41.50
43.80
21.20
35.00
21.60
43.80
23.20
30.70
30.50
50.00
23.40
29.50
27.80
$35.00
$48.60
33.00
35.40
48.00
$37.60
OCEANI
Australia
Dutch East Indies.
Hawaii
New Zealand
Philippine Islands
Other Places
Note; Telegraph service Is operated by Governments, except In the United States.
P. — Private Companies.
G. — Government.
P- G.— Private Companies and Governm»nt. See Table 1 for statistics as to proportion of telephones operated by Gover
•Telegraph earnings are for year ended June 30, 1914. Earnings of Pacific Cable Board excluded.
♦ Earnings from exchange service only. Toll and long distance earnings not reported.
^Telegraph earnings of Asiatic Russia Included In telegraph earnings of European Russia.
4— Telephone Plant Investment of the World, by Countries
JANUARY 1, 1914
(Estimated nhere necessary)
NORTH AMERICA:
United States
Canada
Central America
Mexico
Other North America Places.
West Indies:
Cuba
Porto Rico
Other West Indies Places .
Total
SOUTH AMERICA:
Argentine
Bolivia ,
Brazil
Chile
Colombia
Ecuador
Paraguay
Peru
Uruguay
Venezuela
Other Places (iccl. Falkland Is.).
Total
EUROPE:
Austria
Bosnia
Belgium
Bulgaria
Denmark
France
German Empire
Great Britain . .
Greece
Hungary
Italy
Luxemburg ....
Netherlands .. . .
Norway
Portugal
Roumania
Russia
Finland
Servia
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland ....
Other Places .. .
Total
ASIA:
British India
China
Japan
Other Places
Total
AFRICA:
Egypt
Union of South Africa.
Other Places
Total
OCEANIA:
Australia
Dutch East Indies.
Hawaii
New Zealand
Philippine Islands
Other Places
t Total . . .
ToUl World
Serrlee
Opented
P.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
P. G.
P.
P.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. Q.
G.
P. O.
P. Q.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. O.
P.
G.
P. G.
P. Q.
Plant Investment
$1,149,900,000
74.466.000
913.000
5,264.000
398,000
3,858,000
621,000
844,000
91.236,264,000
15.800,000
375,000
11,013,800
2,153,000
336.600
377.000
70,800
531,600
1,608,000
1,092,800
158,400
$ 33,517,000
39,382,000
420,000
14,495,000
658,000
17,060,000
81,840,000
278.340,000
143,655,000
560,000
16.388.000
12,092,000
694,000
12,992,000
10,768.000
1,502.000
3.500,000
45,583,000
4.279.000
925,000
5,100,000
25,595.000
18,524,000
372,000
$ 734,724,000
2,655,000
4,456,000
23,597,000
5.856,000
$ 36,564,000
1,948.000
8,745.000
2.653,000
$ 13,346,000
24,458.000
2.387,000
980,000
6,047,000*
1,040,000
207,000
• 35,119,000
92,089,534.000
Per Cent.
of Total
World
55.03%
3.56%
.04%
.25%
.02%
.19%
.03%
.04%
69.16%
.76%
.02%
.53%
.10%
.01%
.02%
.02%
.08%
.05%
.01%
1.60 <■
1.88%
.02%
.69%
.03%
.82%
3.92%
13.32%
6.87%
.03%
.78%
.58%
.03%
.62%
.52%
.07%
.17%
2.18%
.21%
.04%
.24%
1.23%
.89%
.02%
35.16%
.13%
.21%
1.13%
.28%
1.75%
.09%
.42%
.13%
.64%
1.17%
.12%
.05%
.29%
.05%
.01%
1.69%
100.00%
Investment
per
Telephona
$121
149
116
126
170
240
142
128
9122
$213
150
281
109
106
129
142
133
118
217
112
$201
$234
350
223
182
132
248
196
184
175
195
132
164
150
140
170
175
143
107
250
150
110
192
156
9186
$150
165
107
140
$119
9113
303
140
9205
$189
161
135
122*
154
130
9162
9140
P. — Private Companies.
G. — Government.
P. G. — Private Companies and Government.
•Investment in exchange plant only.
See Table 1 for statistics as to proportion of telephones operated by Government.
EUROPE,
5— Telephone Development of Important Cities
AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND, JAPAN AND THE UNITED STATES
JANUARY 1, 1914
Co
untry and City (or Exchange Area)
Population
Estimated
{Ciljr or Exchange
Area)
Number of
Telephones
Telephones 'i
perlOO 1
Population
AUSTRALIA:
AUSTRIA:
BELGIUM*:
BULGARIA:
DENMARK:
FRANCE*:
GERMAN EMPIRE:
GREAT BRITAINt:
4
GREECE*:
HUNGARY:
ITALY*:
JAPAN:
NETHERLANDS:
NEW ZEALANDt:
NORWAY*:
PORTUGAL:
ROUMANIA*:
RUSSIA:
SPAIN*:
SWEDEN:
SWITZERLAND:
UNITED STATES:
Adelaide
201,000
n.Tsn
4.3
4.2
4.2
4.8
2.3
2.3
2.2
3.2
1.6
2.6
1.0
1.5
1.5
8.9
1.9
1.7
1.3
1.4
3.2
6.6
3.8
3.4
4.8
4.6
4.7
3.5
6.5
5.9
5.0
5.0
3.5
5.5
4.2
6.8
1.8
1.7
1.4
1.2
2.6
2.1
2.1
3.0
3.4
1.8
2.9
3.5
2.5
1,8
1.8
1.6
0.5
3.2
1.3
2.1
0.7
0.5
2.2
1.5
1.3
2.1
1.3
I 1.6
1.8
1.1
2.9
4.2
3.0
6.2
5.7
8.4
1,2
1.5 1
1.0
1.1
3.1
1.2
2.7
3.7
0.8
0.7
7.7
24.1*
5.5
6.7
11.3
12.0
Brisbane '
160.000 6,671
651.000 27,490
725,400 34,566
210.737 4,749
458.195 10,310
239.692 5,324
2,092,382 64,438
486,829 8,020
838,681 21,470
291,6^6 2,938
339,937 5,060
103,000 1,599
621,000 55,080
266.000 5,090
223.000 3.826
547.000 7.039
565.000 7.735
2,940,000 95,033
2,363,000 154,800
545.000 20,573
315,000 10,820
552,000 26,422
562,000 25,721
411,000 19,133
322,000 11,342
445,000 28,932
1,310,000 77,322
323,000 16,194
622,000 31,176
294,000 10,201
629,000 34,323
367,000 15,354
306,000 20,929
475,000 8,580
1,145.000 19.780
340.000 4.615
335.000 4.171
475.000 12.243
440,000 9,056
455.000 9.692
515.000 15,258
1,190.000 40.849
590.000 10.864
1,160.000 34.053
7,300.000 258.895
1,255,000 31,443
650.000 11,561
470,000 8.574
715,000 11,354
167,000 854
880,000 27,944
118,000 1,500
599,000 12,709
723,000 4,774
342,000 1,586
539,000 11.719
428,000 6,217
440.766 5.892
508.068 10,447
447.951 5,696
1,387.366 21,787
2,445.048 43.681
424,369 4,825
595,000 17,212
302,000 12,823
459,000 13,630
109,300 6,722
86,140 4,927
247,488 20,699
435,000 5,394
338.000 4,983
506,060 5,143
415,604 4,503
1,617,157 49.848
620,155 7.712
2,018.596 54.815
872.478 31.952
597.000 4,547
600,000 4,365
178,030 13.672
354,783 85,641*
140.000 7.669
201,000 13.S65
Sydney I
Lemberg I
Prague >
Triest '
Vienna '
Liege
Sofia
Lille
Berlin
Frankfort
Hannover
Stuttaart
Belfast
Bristol
Dublin
Edinburgh
Glasgow
Leeds
London
Nottingham
Sheffield
Budapest
Milan
Naples
Palermo
Rome , . .
Turin
Kobe
Kyoto
Nagoya
Toklo
Yokohama
Amsterdam
Rotterdam
Auckland
Chrlstlanla
Lisbon
Bucarest
K lef
Lodz
Moscow
Petrograd
Barcelona
Madrid
Goteborg (Gothenburg)
Basel
Zurich
Total of the 12 cities with over 500.000 population
Total of the 33 cities with over 200,000 population
16.330.000
23,000,900
1,849.518
2,749,785
•Statistics as of January 1, 1913.
tStatistlcs as of March 31, 1914.
^Statistics as of June 30. 1913.
*70',''t of this development Is secured by a private company.
6— Telephone Development— Urban and Rural
EUROPE, AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND, JAPAN. AND THE UNITED STATES
JANUARY 1, 1914
Countrlei
Serrlos
Opeimted
by
Number of Telephones
Telephones per 100 Population
In cities of
over 100,000
population
Outside of
cities of
over 100.000
population
In cities of
over 100,000
population
Outside of
cities of
over 100,000
population
Austria
Bosnia*
Belgium*
Bulgaria
Denmark (March }\. 191-1)
France*
German Empire
Great Britain (March 31, 1914)
Greece*
Hungary
lUly (June 30, 1913)
Luxemburg
Netherlands
Norway*
Portugal
Roumania*
Russia
Finland*
Servia*
Spain*
Sweden
Switzerland
Other Places
Total Europe
Australia
New Zealand (March 31, 1914)
Japan (March 31. 1914)
United States
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
P.
G.
P. G.
P. G.
G.
P. G.
95,053
43,600
1,599
55.080
154.000
743,246
579,686
900
29,444
53,937
46,777
20,699
7.647
5.200
200,029
9,957
12,850
99,313
30,177
0
2,189,194
83,807
6,722
99,645
3,339,806
77,291
1,200
21,400
2,009
74,197
176,000
676,854
200,826
2,300
54,596
37,783
4,239
39,713
61,851
1,203
14,800
119,829
30,043
3,700
21,150
133,695
66,447
2.389
1,823,515
53,678
42,693
119,906
8^2,211
2.8
2.0
1.5
8.9
2.6
4.9
2.6
0.3
3.0
1.3
3.2
8.4
1.2
1.5
2.1
6.5
0.6
18.6
6,3
0.0
3.0
4.5
6.2
1.5
11.B
0.30
0.06
0.39
0.04
3.33
0.52
1.29
0.83
0.06
0.27
0.12
1.59
0.84
2.82
0.02
0.20
0.08
0.96
0.08
0.12
2.62
1.96
0.09
0.45
4.40
8.88
♦Partly estimated.
P. — Private Companies.
G. — Government.
P. G. — Private Companies and Government. See Table 1 for statistics as to proportion of telephones operated by Government.
Why Governments Fail
in
Commercial Enterprises:
The FiscaJ Beirrier Between
Plan and Execution ^^^^,r,m^
, AUG a 1915
''^^Jir Of
B y
A. LINCOLN LAVINE
^ , . ^r-
ctTBLi
I-
American Telephone and Telegraph Company
Commercial Engineer'* Office
New York
Why Governments Fail in Commercial
Enterprises :
The Fiscal Barrier Between Plan
and Elxecution
By A. LINCOLN LAVINE
Some time ago, a printing plant in Cincinnati, Ohio, belonging to
one of the largest business organizations in the world, shut down for
lack of funds. The manager temporarily relinquished his duties, the
clerks lounged around, the printing hands hovered idly about the
presses or didn't come to work at all. The salary of all the "workers"
continued, but no work was turned out, because there was no money
on hand to run the establishment. Yet the annual business of this con-
cern amounts to $250,000,000.
In another branch of this same concern, in New York City, two
time recording clocks lay unused for three months. During all that
time there was no money to be had for their repair. Ten dollars
would probably have repaired the clocks. The concern owning them
was gathering in a daily revenue of more than two-thirds of a million
dollars. But the clocks remained useless. There was not even ten
cents on hand available for their repair.
The name of the concern in question is the United States Post
Office Department. The instances cited above are but photographs
in miniature, taken, for convenience, to illustrate what is going on
year in and year out on a vastly larger scale, not only in the Post
Office Department, but in every other department of government. The
worst of it is, it is not easy to point out, in this situation, the political
sins of omission or commission which go to make up the legitimate
prey of the muckraker. The suspended print shop and neglected time-
recording clocks are less symptoms of a curable disorder, than normal
characteristics of a peculiar system. They are simply the result of a
natural law, which permeates every branch of governmental endeavor,
and which, like Banquo's ghost, "will not down."
3
This law is the offspring of two forces, a fiscal theory, and a
political practice : both apparently necessary to run a government, both
ever present in all governments, and both fatal in leaving a vulnerable
spot in the government's make-up, an Achilles' heel, which seems to
place a definite limitation upon what a government can do, and do well.
The fiscal theory is, that not a stitch of governmental work can
be done — not a dollar spent — without some definite appropriation there-
for; so that if, (as was actually the case a few years ago), the travel-
ing allowances of the officials of the railway mail service, whose duties
consist in personal inspection of the efficiency and needs of the service,
happen to reach the limit set by the appropriations, the men are com-
pelled to quit work absolutely, although this in no way hinders them
from later collecting salaries for the work they didn't do.
The political practice is, that — no matter how much time and toil
and money may have been expended instnicting Congress as to the
wants of the departments — when the time comes to respond, the vot-
ing of appropriations is governed not by the actual needs of the ser-
vice, but by the political needs of the moment. Secretaries of the
Treasury, professors of political economy and other fiscal experts
have heaped up a veritable mound of literature, calling attention to
the situation, and urging some kind of reform; but unfortunately the
fact remains, that those who hold the government purse-strings are
not, and cannot be, in a position to do intelligent spending.
To illustrate, let us see how Uncle Sam lays out his dollars in tak-
ing care of his various enterprises.
Congress, upon assembling each year in December, receives a
"Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury." This "letter" is a
document of no mean bulk, full of statistics purporting to show how
much money the government will have to spend during the coming
year to run its business. The document is technically referred to as
the Annual Estimates. Now, no Congressman imagines for a minute
that these Estimates represent the Secretary of the Treasury's mature
and deliberate judgment of what it should cost to run the government
for the coming year. Every Congressman knows just how the formid-
able array of statistics presented to Congress was got up. He knows
that the imposing tables of figures were prepared by the various depart-
ments at the beginning of their various tasks shortly after July 1st;
that the bureaus proceeded solely upon the basis of the current year
to guess at their probable needs for a financial year which was not
to begin for twelve months to come, and not to end until almost two
calendar years had elapsed after the time when the work on the
estimates began. He knows, what is more, that the Secretary of the
Treasury has practically no say whatever in getting up the estimates, —
that, for instance, if the War Department should multiply or divide by
ten its previous estimate for river and harbor expenditure, the Secre-
tary must remain silent, and embody the estimate in his "letter."
It is not surprising, therefore, that when the Estimates are passed
on to the House appropriation committees, they are treated as a mere
collection of guesses, not to be taken seriously, and to be used as a
guide — the roughest of guides — only when political considerations are
absent. But political considerations are rarely absent. Only too often,
when the needs of a service have become exceedingly pressing, special
estimates are compiled after long and scientific study, after laborious
and expensive research, to be lightly tossed aside by the appropriation
committee, because political expediency at the time happens to run
counter to the needs of the service. But this is not all. When the
nominal needs of the senice have adventured through the committees
and are presented to the House, they are subjected to the fire of new
influences, new opinions, new and extended possibilities of political
pressure. And when, in their modified, battered or distorted form,
they have passed through the House, they must run the gauntlet of
the Senate. Then the E.xecutive approves or disapproves.
The results, of course, are natural. Illustrations are constantly
recurring. Not long ago, a great transatlantic steamer struck bottom
in New York harbor. Most people called it an "accident." It was not
an accident. It was a direct result. The money which should rightly
have gone to the improvement of that harbor had been diverted, in
the name of political expediency, to the scooping out of some useless
bayou, which never will be a harbor, and which, if it could be made
one, would never be used. Had this been up to a private company, a
great hue and en,' would have been raised, and rightly so. The private
company would have been held strictly accountable. But the govern-
ment was able to ignore an important public need with perfect im-
punity, and escape any accountability for the direct result of a dis-
criminatory diversion of funds.
This is only one of countless examples. Under our system of
government, a small majority of either house, or the Executive, may,
by cutting off financial support, starve or temporarily paralyze any
important public need. Take so vital a branch of government activity
as the federal civil service commission. Not only its vigorous adminis-
tration, but its very existence, is being threatened annually, not by
the repeal of the law under which it exists, — for that would not be
tolerated by the sentiment of the country, — but by a small crowd in
one house temp)orarily securing sufficient power to jeopardize its fiscal
support. It takes constant lobbying on the part of its friends to keep
it from this form of submersion. This is even true of state legisla-
tures. In the state of Colorado, a few years ago, the civil service work
was absolutely abolished by a failure of the legislature to provide the
necessary appropriation.
All this does not mean, necessarily, that the machinery of Ameri-
can government must be remodeled. It is simply an indication of what
a government may undertake with profit, — what it may or must do
itself, and what it might better leave to others. For when we pass
5
from the simple and necessary functions of government to those of a
commercial nature, difficulties multiply, and evils widen into a sea.
The post office business has been taken as an example. Yet the post
office, as a business, is comparatively simple. Unlike the railroad,
telegraph or telephone, it has practically no "plant" to look after, no
complicated equipment to worr}- about, no intricate organization to
maintain. As Professor Daniels, recently appointed Interstate Com-
merce Commissioner, has pointed out: "Where other enterprises call
for venturesomeness and speculative activity, the post office requires
orderly routine ; where the former demand much fixed capital, the
post needs comparatively little ; where in ordinary business transactions
prices vary for the same service, the post office has always one price
for the same service ; * * * where the freight agent is puzzling
over a complicated tariff, the postal clerk has the same simple regula-
tions to guide him today and tomorrow."
There is no need to theorize on this subject. Foreign governments
have furnished a striking object lesson of this truth, for which chapter
and verse can be cited. If we take a single utility, the telephone, and
trace its management under the various foreign governments which
have assumed its operation, we learn a story of neglect and starvation
to which this utility has been subjected, with grave and far-reaching
results, for which our government, fortunately, can furnish no parallel.
The telephone service in Great Britain is operated by the govern-
ment, which assumed complete control about two years ago. The
rapid deterioration in telephone service which has followed, has raised
a veritable stonn of protest and disapprobation, which even the strong-
est opponents of Government Ownership did not dare to predict. The
British press teems with editorial attacks upon the management, with
letters from irate subscribers bitterly condemning the service, with
accounts of delays, mismanagement and confusion in the handling of
the enterprise by the government. All this is heaped upon the head
of the Postmaster-General, who has charge of the service. Members
of Parliament protest in heated speeches, and blame the Postmaster-
General ; Chambers of Commerce send deputations laden with petitions,
and blame the Postmaster-General ; writers satirize, speakers anathe-
mize, and business men expostulate, — and all blame the Postmaster-
General. Only the Postmaster-General himself, perhaps, and one or
two of the more sober members of Parliament, realize that the trouble
with the service has been the trouble with the government itself. The
Honorable C. S. Goldman, M. P., has put the whole matter in a
nutshell :
"Telephones in this country were a private commercial venture. The
Government owned the telegraph and tried to throttle the telephone. In
1892 the Government forced the company to sell its trunk lines, and although
it has made a parade of figures showing the large amount of mileage of trunk
lines added, the service has never kept pace with public requirements, and
there has been a constant stream of complaints from Chambers of Commerce
and other public bodies, as well as from individual users. The truth is the
6
Government made a Cinderella of the trunk lines, to the end that their
favoured telegraph should remain the belle of the wires.
"In 1898 they went further. They themselves started competing in Lon-
don, and cajoled provincial municipalities to do the s.nme. Disappointment
and failure again! But a harassing failure to the Telephone Company and
the customers of all services. So in 1904 an agreement was made to pur-
chase in 1911 the company's undertaking. As to the price. I say nothing.
I am merely thinking of public convenience and an efficient service. But as
to the Government's inaction between 1904, when they became potential pur-
chasers, and 1911. when they were actual possessors. I have to say much.
The company had contracted to sell at tramway prices. On that basis they
could not be expected to develop and substantially maintain the service. The
Government had a price contract with a time fixed, and they had accepted
the responsibility for the efficiency of the service in the future. They could
and they should have arranged.
"It was the duty of the Government, having assumed by that agreement
the responsibility of providing the service from January 1, 1912, to insure
that when that time came everything should be in readiness for the great
development of the service, which they themselves from time to time stated
would take place when they took over the plant. They could and they should
have arranged with the National Telephone Company that the company should
have continued its normal operations, but that ample provision for the after-
purchase period should be made at the expense of the Post Office.
• ***• ••*«*••
"Beyond the provision of the new exchanges at Avenue and exten-
sions to a few of his own exchanges, there is no evidence that the Post
Office took any steps in the matter, and these operations were largely under-
taken in order to avoid purchasing the corresponding exchanges of the com-
pany— an attempt wnich was not successful. In fact, what the Government
in effect did do was to paralyze the service for seven years, so that they
might buy it cheaply, and then — well, every telephone-user knows what he
has dropped into. Even the Postmaster-General had to admit that the opera-
tions were bungled."
It is the same trouble, the joint off-spring of the fiscal theory and
political practice inhering in all governments, — the fatal gap between
the public purse and the public plant, — which has been responsible for
Great Britain's telephone plight today; so subtle, that few Britons
besides Goldman have been able to perceive it; so deepnseated and
vital, that all the Postmaster-General's desperate efforts to improve
the telephone service have proved of little avail.
If we turn to France, we find the lights and shadows in the pic-
ture of government mismanagement still more clearly portrayed. The
French government acquired a complete monopoly of the telephone
service as early as 1889. The French telephone service is today — if
we may accept a characterization made by French government officials
themselves, — the worst that can be found in any of the larger civilized
countries of the world. The service is so slow and unreliable, that
business men frequently employ messengers, instead of resorting to
the telephone. In service between cities, communication is often more
rapid by railroad than by telephone. And back of it all we find the
same reason : lack of systematic financial management, inherent and
unavoidable. The head of the telephone service will submit to the
Chamber of Deputies a hundred chapters of minute and elaborate
7
statistics. "We must have so and so many francs for construction
and improvement, or the telephone service will continue to deteriorate."
The appropriating body will receive the demand, and with it, perhaps,
hundreds of chapters of statistics from other departments. Nearly
800 chapters are sometimes submitted by the twelve ministers who
constitute the department heads in France. The budget committee is
literally swamped with statistics. Even if the members were entirely
free from political considerations, they could not possibly frame a
proper business judgment on the needs of each service. The outcome
is only natural. The telephone administration may ask for an appro-
priation of a hundred million francs to carry out a wise plan of con-
struction and equipment, which would result in annual economies and
bring the telephone service up to the requirements of the public. The
call is simple: "A stitch in time, to save ninety and nine." But if the
appropriating body considers it better, politically, to expend money
for warships, or waterways, or public buildings, the telephone budget
will be cut in two, and the telephone department must shift as best it
can on "short rations." This may mean no rations at all, for a hun-
dred millions may be an absolute minimum, without the expenditure
of which the proposed construction would be useless. Here is the
story of Deputy M. T. Steeg, (translated from one of the French
Senate Documents) :
"The history of the telephone is only the story of successive programs,
very brilliantly conceived, but never realized for lack of resources.
"In 1889, after the purchase of the private exchanges, the multiple switch-
board appeared in the United States. The Administration should at once
have abandoned the old boards which the "Societe General des Telephones'
had left us. Thus came about the complications and delays which our old
Paris subscribers still remember.
"Again in 1894 a program of extension of the telephone system was
worked out. This provided for the construction of six new Centrals and
was to be carried out within two years.
"Next a new system of operation, introduced in 1900, obliged the Admin-
istration to perfect its material. This work, which the Administration prom-
ised to finish in a short time, was not even finished in 1905. In fact it
never was, for technical progress had then already condemned these former
methods of operation. After 1905, the Administration abandoned the ancient
conceptions, and the program of 1906 substituted at last the central battery
system. But instead of replacing at once the old apparatus with new, the
Department tried to transform and adapt existing apparatus, an economy
which cost the Paris system three years of bad service.
"The transformed apparatus was worn out at the end of four years but
funds to replace it were lacking. The Administration could not borrow the
money needed, and, therefore, was forced to resign itself to its fate.
"The flat rate subscription is costly and prohibitive for a large number
of individuals. A decision of May 7, 1901, promised a reduction to 300 francs
which has never been realized. The preceding government had issued a
decree intending to substitute for the flat rate the message rate. For this it
needed 33 million francs to carry on the work of building new offices and
for installing new apparatus. But where to find the money! As the General
Budget refused to advance so large a sum, it was proposed to use the gross
receipts of the interurban circuits after reimbursing in a luirp sum the dcpart-
8
ments. This amount was to be used for reorganizing the Paris system by
delaying the development of the provincial telephone lines. The Budget Com-
mission opposed this measure.
"Next M. Millerand took up the study of the bill, completed a program
of reforms and was looking for a disinterested person who would lend him
the 100 million francs needed to effectuate the plan. Not being able to borrow
for the needs of the service the .Administration asked the Chamber of Com-
merce of Paris to do what the .-Vdministration itself was incapable of doing."
Sometimes the French government, to make up for its neglect
in past years, will furnish an extra heavy appropriation. The result,
of course, is not a healthful replenishment, but a glut. Extravagant
and careless expenditure become the order of the day. An example
of this is the elaborate central station which was recently built in the
Rue des Archives, Paris. This structure, which one Frenchman char-
acterized as "the Babylonian palace of Parisian telephony," cost
upwards of 7,000.000 francs. Architecturally, it is beautiful. Tele-
phonically, it is a farce. It was built to accommodate a section having
3,000 subscribers. The annual rate of increase in subscribers at that
point, as estimated in the French Budget Report, is 120. The two
switchboards in this section are designed to accommodate 20,000 sub-
scribers, leaving 17,000 lines unused. On this basis, it will take 140
years before the switchboards will come into full use ! "After an
attempt such as this," ironically observes the Official Budget Reporter,
"will anyone dare to accuse the Administration of lack of foresight?"
A striking example of the star\ation-by-neglect tendency of gov-
ernment management is that of the Gutenberg exchange, in Paris.
After a dozen years of telephone stagnation — during which period
there were years in which no telephone appropriations were made at
all, and years when appropriations were so large that they could not
be used before they were withdrawn — the government installed the
"common battery" system in the Gutenberg exchange. This system
had long since been adopted in America ; but in France it was still
regarded as a new improvement. Xo sooner was the system installed,
than the French government was warned that it should provide ade-
quate electrical protective apparatus to avoid trouble from high-
voltage currents. But the warning fell on deaf ears. The government
felt that it had spent enough. The result was a conflagration, which
completely reduced the exchange to junk and ashes, and left a large
section of the city stranded without telephone communication. This,
again, was called an "accident," just as the New York Harbor episode
was called an "accident." It was not an accident; it was a result.
In Germany, we might expect an exception to the rule. Germany,
unlike more democratic countries, is comparatively unburdened with
numerous checks and balances, with frequent rotations in office and
consequent changes in management and policy. It would be reason-
able to assume, at any rate, that if there is any country whose govern-
ment should approximate the stability and efficiency of private man-
agement, Germany is that country. What have been the results? — in
9
the telephone field, for example, to pursue the illustration which has
been adopted.
The German Empire provides a government owned telephone
service, in conjunction with a government owned telegraph service.
The condition of the German telephone service is best indicated by
the circumstance that, in the fall of 1912, the Imperial Administra-
tion decided to send three of its engineering officials to America, ac-
companied (to quote the Berlin cablegram published in the New York
Times) by "the hopes and prayers of business men and householders."
"The trip is undertaken," read the report, "with a view to introducing
radical and much-needed reforms in the antiquated German telephone
system. Telephones are cheap in Germany, but have few other virtues.
The average office and house telephone in the biggest cities costs $50
a year, and long distance messages, regardless of mileage, cost 25
cents apiece between any points for three minutes. In other respects,"
the news item goes on to say, "the service is abominable. Telephoning
after 10 o'clock at night in cities costs 5 cents extra per conversation,
and connections are possible only after a delay of three to five min-
utes, owing to the reduction of the daytime staff by about 75 per cent."
The German Telephone Administration has been particularly criti-
cized for its lack of adequate toll facilities. The government will
usually maintain only as many long distance telephone lines as are
sufficient for official purposes, so that if a citizen wants a long distance
call immediately, he pays a premium for the privilege. It is not an
uncommon occurrence, in Germany, to stand in line for an out-of-
town call for hours, only to be told by a government official that the
trunks are all engaged.
Apologists have sought to explain away these conditions, by assert-
ing that the telephone service in Germany was never designed to be
primarily commercial, but is rather in line with the fulfilment of a
military and political function, originated in Bismarck's policy of
railway nationalization. The explanation, however, does not possess
the merit of explaining, for Germany has tried in vain to place its
telephone service on a commercial basis. Its very failure to do this
reveals the true cause of German telephone conditions, and only fur-
nishes another illustration of the unavoidable limitation to which all
governments are subjected, by the controlling principle of governmental
expenditure. We can get "behind the scenes" if we but glance at the
German budgetary appropriations for telephone service through a
series of years.
In 1904, the telephone appropriation was 22,000,000 marks. In
1905, it went up to 27.000,000. It continued to go up. in 1906, 1907 and
1908, to 38.000.000 to 45,000.000 and, finally, to 59.000,000. Then,
just as the telephone service was beginning to respond to the increased
investment, the appropriation was arbitrarily cut to 42,000.000 marks in
1909. and. again, to 25,000,000 marks in 1910. Naturally, plans were
demoralized, the service took a slump, and criticism became widespread.
10
"A leading German newspaper," said the New York Press, in giving
an account of the popular dissatisfaction which followed, "points out
that of the 25,000,000 marks only 1,700,000 marks is to be used for
trunk wires, against 14,000.000 in the previous year, and only 13,000,-
000 is to be used for extension of the system, while 16,000,000 was
asked for that purpose in 1909. With the specified amount of 13,000,-
000 marks, it is contended, it will require the greatest economy to
supply all the required new connections for which there is likely to be
a demand. The fact that such a demand will exist is based on figures
showing that the number of new stations has increased largely in
each year since 1899 except 1908. The appropriation for trunk wires
is for the improvement of the long-distance service, and is considered
too small because of constantly increasing traffic. * * * It is
pointed out that France, by allowing only small amounts for telephone
purposes, has come to face the problem of renewing an antiquated
system at double cost, and that is construed as a warning to Germany."
All this, however, was of no concern to the Imperial Government ;
for in 1911, the telephone allowance was cut down still further to
22,000,000 marks. The appropriation, clearly, was not to depend upon
telephone requirements: the telephone business was to wait upon the
appropriation. It is therefore not difficult to understand why, despite
the usual reserve maintained by Gennan newspapers in their criticism
of government enterprises, the Deutsche Zeitung observes that "Herr
Reinhold Kraetke, State Secretarj' of the Imperial Post Office, doubt-
less is of the honest opinion that everything is running smoothly under
his administration. * * » but the inefficiency of the Berlin tele-
phones continues to increase from year to year, and sooner or later
conditions will be as bad as they are in Paris. Whoever has tele-
phoned, or, rather, tried to telephone, in Paris, knows that he fails
about ninety-nine times out of a hundred to get the connection. For
the most part, central does not answer at all and if, after a long wait,
she does answer, she gives the wrong number. And here the matter
ends. The time sf)ent in telephoning is so much time wasted. In
Berlin, things have not yet reached such a state of demoralization, but
they are fast approaching it."
The Zeitung, like many of the other German newspapers, saw
only the result, and mistook the cause as personal. It is not, of course,
Herr Kraetke, nor any other German official, who is responsible for
the present condition of the German telephone service, but the sheer
inapf>ropr lateness of governmental machinery to the management of
a commercial utility upon a commercial basis; an inherent defect, not
German, but governmental. This is strikingly brought out by the fol-
lowing illustration.
For years, the German Telephone Administration has been strug-
gling to eflfect a single change in policy — the revision of a rate schedule
which daily grows more inadequate and troublesome. The rate sched-
ule now in force in Germany was put into effect in 1899. In 1906 the
11
government awoke to the fact that the rates had become obsolete, and
utterly unsuited to the needs of the sen-ice. There was rank dis-
crimination between the city and country districts. Complaints in-
numerable kept Inuring in, and business was suffering badly. Ordi-
narily, a private concern would have been forced to settle the matter
in a few months, or a half year at the most. But here is a brief sum-
mary of the action taken by the German government :
On March 10, 1906, the Reichstag passed a resolution "that an equitable
distribution of costs between city and country districts be introduced." No
action for nearly a year.
On May 3, 1907, the Reichstag again passed the same resolution. No
action for seven months.
On December, 1907, the Imperial Telegraph Administration published a
"Memorial on the Changing of the Telephone Rate Law," with suggestions
as to the changes desired. The plan was submitted to a commission. The
commission cut out some of the suggestions, substituted others, and passed
the matter back to the Administration. The Administration framed a Revised
Bill. No action for more than a year.
On February 8, 1909, the Revised Bill was submitted to the Reichstag.
The Bill was favorably received by the Reichstag, and turned over to the
Budget Committee. Then the Reichstag closed. No action for eight months.
On November 29, 1909, the Bill was again submitted to the Reichstag for
final consideration. No action for five months.
In the latter part of April. 1910, the Reichstag again turned the Bill
over to the Budget Committee for report. No action for seven months.
On December 6, 1910, the Budget Committee submitted a report, modify-
ing the previous scheme of reform submitted by the Administration. The
result was a compromise, to which the Administration agreed, and a new
Revised Bill was sent to the Reichstag for a second reading. The Reichstag
referred it back again to the Budget Committee. No action for several
months.
On May 4. 1911, the Bill was again considered by the Budget Committee.
A new compromise bill was drawn up, which met with such bitter opposition
that the Budget Committee adjourned without reaching a final conclusion.
There has been no report of action since : only the Zeitschrift fiir
Schwachstromtechnik in February, 1912, reported the following inter-
esting development: "The make-up of the old Reichstag left little
ground for the hope that the prop>osal for a new telephone-rate law,
whicli was advanced by the Government, would meet with a favorable
reception, in spite of the fact that the proposition had undergone
drastic changes in the Commission. The recent elections have brought
about such a change in the relative strength of the parties, that even
that last version of the proposal, for which a majority could have been
won in the old Reichstag only with the greatest difficulty, has become
utterly hopeless."
Enough has been said, perhaps, to indicate that even Germany,
with all the alleged vigor of a monarchical and centralized administra-
tion, has been unable to escape the inexorable principle that a govern-
ment, by the verj' nature of its make-up, is incapable of attending to a
commercial utility with anything like the benefit to the public which
can be furnished by private enterprise.
12
One more example may be cited — that of Australia — because
Australian conditions are, in many respects, closely similar to those in
the L'nited States. The telephone service in Australia was originally
administered by the various states which make up the Commonwealth ;
but in 1901, the Commonwealth itself assumed entire management of
the telephones. It was hoped, by this change, that flagrant evils in
the public administration of the ser\-ices would be eliminated by con-
solidation under the Commonwealth. But conditions did not improve;
if anything, they became worse ; so that, after years of mismanage-
ment, public clamor grew so strong that a Royal Commission was ap-
pointed to investigate the Post, Telegraph and Telephone ser\'ice, to
determine, if possible, the source of the trouble. The Commission
issued its report in October, 1910. On the whole, it is one of the
severest arraignments which has ever been made by a body of public
officials against government mismanagement of a public utility. But
it is particularly noteworthy in this respect: it places the finger pre-
cisely on the sore spot of the whole system. This is what the Com-
missioners found:
"The reason assigned by all the officials fo.- the failure to place the
services in proper working order was want of sufficient funds. There is
evidence that the Department in 1901 endeavoured, through the Treasurer of
the time, to obtain the necessary funds to place the services in an efficient
condition by resorting to a loan, but Parliament refused to sanction this
proposal. • • • •
"The result of unduly curtailing expenditure was pointed out repeatedly
by the Department, and the required provision was made on the Estimates,
but was reduced by the Treasurer. The longer reconstruction is deferred and
the longer installation of a new system is postponed the more expensive the
work becomes, on account of extensions made to the old system. Construc-
tion methods were found to be practically the same as in 1901, as the Depart-
ment claimed it had been impossible to improve those methods since that
date, although the adoption of improved methods would obviously have tended
towards economy. It may be mentioned that between 1886 and 1904 the New
York Telephone Company's plant was reconstructed three times to bring the
equipment up to the highest standard, and to render the service more efficient.
From 1900 to 1907 the Bell Telephone Company, United States of America,
spent about £70,000,000 on telephone undertakings."
The Commission then goes on to describe the antiquated switch-
boards, ill-kept lines, impaired efficiency and general demoralization in
service, which naturally flowed from the policy of financial starvation
that characterized the government's management from the start.
And so we might go on, pointing the moral from the other govern-
ments which have assumed the telephone business, — Austria, Italy,
Switzerland and the rest. It is the same story in each case, recalling,
with peculiar aptness, Macaulay's description of Johnson's early con-
temporaries: "They knew luxury, they knew beggar}', but they never
knew comfort." The government telephones know extravagance, they
know penury, but they never know that continuous and comprehensive
financing, without which an adequate service is impossible. In each
case we see the same characteristic in varying guises : an inherent
13
incapacity to administer a commercial utility vAth anything like the
efficiency and promptness of which it is capable, all due to a definite
and natural limitation to which governments are subject, — as definite
and natural as that which has decreed that the brain shall not assume
the functions of the stomach, the liver or the heart.
In the United States, happily, the government has retained its
natural supervisory function, — that of a brain, if you please. Recog-
nizing that a government is far better able to regulate and check abuses
of private corporations, than to regulate and check its own, it has so
far steered clear of attempting functions for which, by its \try nature,
it was never intended ; and the result has been decidedly fortunate for
Americans. In marked contrast, for instance, to the various govern-
mental telephone services we have described, the high stage of perfec-
tion reached by the American telephone service, so admired by foreign-
ers visiting this country, stands out as an illustration of what may be
expected when the development of a commercial utility is allowed to
proceed along natural lines. And precisely the element which is lack-
ing in governmental administration has been responsible for the effi-
ciency and despatch afforded by private enterprise : the deliberate
mapping out of a policy, the laying of plans and the spending of money,
not only for the day, not only for the morrow, but for the next year,
and the next ten or twenty years. It is clear that this element cannot
be present, but for an absolute guaranty of stability for a definite
period of time in the future: a complete freedom from the gusts of
opposing policies, political or otherwise, — an atmosphere of reason-
able expectation that deliberate and painstaking planning will be
followed by equally deliberate and painstaking execution.
There is not a government on the face of the earth capable of
this sort of management. No government has been able to escape the
natural law that all organisms, political as well as individual, have a
definite limitation of functions stamped upon them, beyond which they
cannot step, save with hann to themselves and others. Numerous
arguments have been advanced against government ownership: the
impairment to the fundamental and primary functions of government
which comes from tlirowing onto its already overburdened shoulders,
new and vastly more complicated duties ; the increased opportunities
for political corruption ; the undue political influence of a growing
army of civil service employes, who, by their votes, can force ini-
moderate class legislation at the expense of the public ; the undemocratic
trend toward centralization, militarism and bureaucracy, with its ten-
dency to subject individual liberty to a petty officialdom; improper rate
making forced by political pressure, producing deficits which, through
taxation, must fall on user and non-user alike; arbitrary treatment of
consumers, inspired by the knowledge that from government there
can be no appeal, — all these arguments have been advanced, from time
to time, against the proposition of government ownership in this coun-
try. But in the last analysis, it will be seen that these considerations
14
either spring from or center about a primary law, — the natural and
inherent limitation of governments: that governments were never in-
tended to create, but to conserve and protect ; that a government is
most beneficial when it refuses to overstep its natural limitation, and
guarantees to a people a minimum of interference with individual
liberty, combined with a maximum of protection against individual
abuses.
When Socrates said, "Know thyself," he had in mind the disaster
which an individual invites when he attempts something Nature never
fitted him for. The world is full of misfits in individual vocations: of
bom artisans who have wasted lives trj'ing to practice law ; of dismal
failures in the world of art, who might have been fortunate business
men ; of mediocre journalists, who might have starred in the profes-
sions. The personal tragedy, in each case, lay in a failure to realize
the personal limitation ; in attempting what might better have been
left to others. Far more tragic, because more far-reaching and perma-
nent, is it for a government to attempt what it is inherently incapable
of doing well.
This country was born simultaneously with the awakening of a
new era in human enterprise. Its progress has come from a free and
untrammeled expression of the individual. In the course of its develop-
ment, evils have sprung up, — the evils of individual license. Prominent
among them have been the corporate abuses from which the public
has suffered in the absence of sufficiently prompt and adequate inter-
ference by government. The result has been some sentiment, of late,
for ownership, by government, of the more important utilities, —
railways, telegraphs and telephones. But we shall profit little indeed
if, to right one evil, we establish another more serious. It were far
better for government to emulate the example of the human will,
which guides and restrains our actions when they become immoderate,
instead of assuming the various functions itself.
It is probably this thought that President Woodrow Wilson had
in mind, when he said, in his speech before the Federation of Demo-
cratic Qubs in Pennsylvania:
"The regulation of corporations is hardly less significant and central.
We have made many experiments in this difficult matter, and some of them
have been crude, and hurtful, but our thought is slowly clearing. We are
beginning to see, for one thing, how public service corporations, at any rate,
can be governed with great advantage to the public and without serious detri-
ment to themselves, as undertakings of private capital. Experience is removing
both prejudice and fear in this field, and it is likely that within the very
near future we shall have settled down to some common rational and effective
policy. The regulation of corporations of other sorts lies intimately connected
with the general question which ramifies in a thousand directions, but the
intricate threads of which we are slowly beginning to perceive constitute a
decipherable pattern. Measures will here also frame themselves soberly
enough as we think our way forward."
IS
It is to be hoped that, in untangling the "intricate threads" which
constitute the "decipherable pattern," the Government of this country
will avoid the pitfalls into which foreign governments have dropped,
in their assumption of extra-governmental functions. The knot is to
be untangled by the deft and trained fingers of scientific government
regulation, rather than the knife of government ownership, to the
end that, instead of a jangle of frayed and twisted government enter-
prises, we shall have a complete and harmonious commercial fabric,
beneficial to public and public utility alike ; and the growing popularity
of our public regulating commissions is a hopeful sign that the genius
of American institutions is beginning to compass this truth.
BcT
Htyid:ndJM^ l£.ief>kohe. ^t\^/^/^ ^ ' ^' • /^^., >,
^ I ! Suff>l. ^"j ^ ^- _
Reprintid frtm the " NineUrnth Century and After" J»r^Aui[ujt, 1^14 Allp 3 IQIC
What is Wrong with the Telephone ^"'^^"SiTy of 10^^^^
By C. S. Goldman,
Chairman of (British) Parliamentary Telephone Committee.
The telephone is the most wonderful and least ap-
preciated of the marvels of modern science. It is the
very magic carpet of fable, transporting its owner in
a flash to the place where he desires to be. By its aid
the business man seated in his City office can be one
instant instructing his agent at the Docks and the next
arguing with his wife at Richmond. The busy house-
wife can do her shopping without stirring more than
a few steps from the nursery door. The electric cur-
rent will carry the human voice over the North Downs
and across the trim gardens of the South, under the
waters of the Channel, across the plains of Northern
France, and deliver it easily recognizable in Paris in
a moment of time. Nor is the means by which this
miracle is performed less marvellous than the result.
The electric current which operates the telephone is
perhaps the gentlest and swiftest thing in the world.
Any description of it must seem to be hopeless exag-
geration. It is about one five-millionth part of the
current required to light a single electric lamp. To
use a picturesque illustration of Mr. H. N. Casson's,
if you cool a spoonful of hot water one degree you
will have released sufficient energy to run a telephone
for ten thousand years. If you catch the falling tear
of a child you will have enough water-power to carry
your voice from London to Paris.
This is a miracle, but in order to make miracles of
practical utility in modem life it is required that they
should occur when they are wanted, and in the way
that is wanted. A magic carpet that suddenly refused
to stir when the proper incantation was repeated
would become unpopular, and even more annoyance
would be caused if, instead of carrying its user to the
office where he wanted to be, it pitchforked him,
alarmed and angry, into the back drawing-room of a
total stranger. That is what the telephone here is
constantly doing to-day, with the consequence that
people are tempted to attribue to the telephone itself
faults which are merely due to the system under which
■7
it is operated. Every nation gets the telephone system
that it deserves, and we have fully earned all the ex-
asperation that we have to endure by our persistent
refusal to recognize the change which the advent of
the telephone has brought to the world. The postal
service transmits a letter, the telegraph service ^ends
the contents of the letter, but the telephone communi-
cates the thought behind the letter. There is one great
fundamental principle of telephony which is too little
regarded in England, and that is that every telephone
added to a service increases the value of all telephones
in the service. We still do not realize that a house
without a telephone is as obsolete as a house without
a bathroom. We are still content to be twenty years
behind the times in our telephone system.
For an. idea of what a telephone system can do we
have to look to America. In spite of the fact that it
was largely built up by Englishmen, the telephone
stands as the one characteristic product of American
civilization. Not a very lovely product perhaps, not
one which indicates a very high advance in the scale
of civilization, but a product which no nation which
means to maintain its position in commerce to-day can
afford to ignore or even to underestimate. The United
States adds in one year to her service as many tele-
phones as are comprised in the entire system in this
country, and increases the mileage of her telephone
circuits each year by more than the distance between
England and Australia. In the States every alternate
family possesses a telephone. There the low charge
of 9d to one shilling a week for a private instrument
has enabled two and a half million farmers to be in
telephonic touch with each other and their markets.
Contrast this development and these facilities with the
opportunities vouchsafed to only two thousand farmers
in this country. It is possible to converse from
Denver to New York, a distance of over two thousand
miles, without straining the voice, and to be perfectly
audible. To-day New York leads the world with u
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\>r\eric(^-h~Jelep]n(ir\e apdJele^Tapl Co, [Cor^tK) I
telephone service that is unapproachable for efficiency.
If you mass together all the telephones of London,
Glasgow, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds,
Sheffield, Bristol and Belfast, you will still fall short
of the number of telephones in this one American city.
At the slackest time in the twenty-four hours — that
is between three and four in the mornmg — there are, on
an average, ten calls a minute. Between eleven and
twelve o'clock 180,000 conversations take place, with
an average of fifty new calls a second. The business
done represents every department of human activity.
Contracts are made, evidence given, lawsuits tried,
degrees conferred, proposals of marriage made and
accepted, voters canvassed — all by means of the tele-
phone. I do not want to labor comparisons, but it is
perfectly obvious that here in England we are still
content to do things slowly and expensively without
the teleplione that could be done quickly and cheaply
with it. The first thing that strikes an American
coming to London is the overcrowding of the streets.
He sees streams of messenger boys, clerks, and even
business men walking, flying in trains, or going by
'bus or underground. In Mew York there is not half
that overcrowding. Business is not done by letter or
message or even by personal interview. It is done by
telephone. The London Stock Exchange, the biggest
market-place on earth, has fifteen telephone lines; the
New York Exchange has 641. A big club of which I
am a member has 6000 members and three telephone
lines. On an average three hundred men — almost all
of them busy professional men, business men, or mem-
bers of Parliament — lunch there every day. Yet there
is only one telephone line for every hundred of tlieni.
Every member of the House of Commons has had ex-
perience of the exasperating inadequacy of the tele-
phone service there. In Congress every member has
his telephone.
I am pomting out these differences not in order to
show tliat England is decadent or that her commercial
position is doomed or anything of that kind, but
merely to show the English people what they are
missing in convenience and comfort by not securing
an adequate and efficient service. At the present
moment such service as we have is regarded as a lux-
ury for the rich, instead of being accepted as a neces-
sity for all. For every person in the United Kingdom
with a telephone there are at least sixty-nine without
This lack of telephones lessens the value of the whole
service. My telephone is of no use to me unless the
man I want to ring up has got one too. This is where
the telephone system here is being hampered. If we
had the same telephone service in proportion to our
population as the United States have, with its 9,000,000
telephones, we should have about 3,650,000 tele-
phones, instead of only 750,000. In that case every
subscriber would have five times the present facilities
of conversation. Five telephones to one is too heavy
odds for us to allow our commercial rivals to have
against us in these days of stress. If we want two
keels to one to keep our shores from invasion, we want
at least an equal proportion of telephones to keep
our business from destruction.
There is a curious idea, which has been extensively
spread in some strange way, that America is more
suited to telephone exploitation than this country. It
is true that in America distances are greater and con-
parative means of communication less efficient than in
this country. But that made the task of linking up
America by telephone harder and not easier. In
America they had to face and subdue natural obstacles
of the most formidable kind. They had to traverse
great forests where their poles looked like tooth-picks
beside the enormous trees. They had to drive olf
Indians who coveted the bright wire for ear-rmgs and
bracelets, and the bears wUo mistooK the humuiiug ot
the wires for the buzzing ot bees and persisted in
gnawing down the poles. In England we had no such
natural difficulties with which to contend. With its
natural advantages, its small area, its inter-dependent
cities and counties, it is an ideal place for the develop-
ment of the telephone. Nor can it be held that the
fact that otlier means of communication exist jusiihes
their substitution for the telephone. The use of the
telephone is to prevent a man from being his own
errand-boy. Because you can do a journey quickly
by tube or train you need not neglect tlie chance of
doing it quicker still by telephone.
This fact is not realized in England because tiie
telephone service hjis always been the Cinderella of
English life. Indeed, when we look at the history oi
the telephone in this country, it seems extraordinarj-
that it has even survived to the extent that it has.
When the telephone was first introduced into England
it found the Government staggering under one of the
most disastrous financial blows that it had ever re-
ceived : the failure of the telegraph service to pay its
way. The advent of the telephone put Ministers in a
difficulty. If they bought it, the result might be that
another financial failure might be added to the losses
on the telegraphs, which they already felt to be e.xces-
sive. If they let it alone, it might cut out the tele-
graph service altogether and leave them to face a
total loss of all the public money that they had invested
in it. The dilemma appeared to be complete. The
Government under these circumstances decided first
of all to get control of the new service. They obtained
a decision of the Courts that a telephone was a tele-
graph. The Act of Parliament under which the de-
cision was obtained was passed six years before a
telephone was ever constructed, but that made no
difference. The leading scientists of the day, includ-
ing Tyndall and Lord Kelvin, warned the Government
that they were making a fatal mistake, but they were
disregarded. The Post Office were acting as the
wicked uncles of the infant service. They had de-
termined to get control of it in order to do it to death
in some hidden and secret manner. Very soon their
policy became clear. They were neither prepared to
work it themselves nor to allow anyone else a free
hand to develop it. The political theorists of that day
believed that unrestricted competition was the only
way to secure business efficiency. So licenses to or-
ganize a telephone service were granted to thirteen
different companies. We can faintly imagine the
confusion that would have ensued if they had all suc-
ceeded, but fortunately, as might have been forseen,
the most alert and most energetic quickly swallowed all
the rest. But even this repetition of the miracle of
Aaron's rod did not soften the hard and jealous heart
of the Postmaster-General, and he would not let the
telephone service go free. He even acted so far upon
Scriptural precedent as to increase the burden of its
obligations. The Company was compelled to pay
one-tenth of its gross earnings to the Post-Office. It
had to hold itself in readiness to sell out at six
months' notice at any time. And finally, when the
Company had at last strung a long-distance system of
wires, the Government came down and compelled it
to sel5.
The root cause of this stroke, which has been as
disastrous financially as it was immoral politically — the
Post Office made a loss last year of 15,0001. over the
trunk service — was the jealousy of the telegraph ser-
vice. For a long time the Post Office telegraphs had
been envious of tiieir younger and more popular rival.
On the 2nd of March, 1892, the then Postmaster-Gen-
eral, Sir James Fergusson, had to confess in the House
of Commons that "wherever the telephone system has
been principally developed, there the growth of the
telegrapii revenue has been checked." Instead of draw-
ing the obvious conclusion, that the public had begun
to recognize the increased utility and efficiency of the
telephone over the telegraph, and trying to make the
new service as popular and convenient as possible,
the Post Office adopted the opposite policy. It expro-
priated at an absurd valuation the whole of the Com-
pany's long-distance lines, and imposed the most har-
assing conditions as to the local areas in which the
Company might work. If its object was to get per-
manent revenue for the State, experience has shown
that it dismally failed; but if its object was to check
the development of the telephone service in England
it was a triumphant success. The result has been not
to transform the telegraphs into a paying concern,
but to turn the trunk lines into a losing concern — so
much for Post Office control.
The next chapter in this miserable story of admin-
istrative failure opens in 1900, when the Post Office
suddenly repudiated its obligations to the licensed
Company and threw open the door to general compe-
tition. That action knocked twenty-five per cent, off
the value of the National Telephone Company's secur-
ities and made its author, Mr. Hanbury, a member of
the Cabinet ; but it had no other recognizable results.
The Post Office tried to start a second system in
London, but in two years it discovered its mistake and
had to ask the Company for its assistance and co-op-
eration. It granted licenses to cities that demanded
municipal ownership, but the policy of mutual throt-
tling and antagonistic rivalries between them, the
Company, and the Post Office system resulted in inev-
itable failure. Glasgow, for instance, spent 360,000/.
on a plant, ran the system at a loss, and then sold
it to the Post Office for 300,000/. When it had bought
the system the Post Office had to reconstruct the
main exchange and replace every one of the 12,800
subscribers' telephones in use. The other municipal
telephones came to the same end. Brighton sold out
to the Post Office with a loss of nearly 2500/, and
other municipalities had to sell to the National Tele-
phone Company at considerably less than the service
cost. All this happened because the Post Office
would not realize that no telephone service can be
complete or efficient unless it is self-contained and un-
hampered, and unless it is national in its scope.
These repeated failures, however, did succeed in driv-
ing into the heads of the Postal officials some ele-
mentary appreciation of telephone conditions. But,
like most lessons learnt by unwilling pupils, it was
learned or applied the wrong way. Instead of realiz-
ing that the moral of all this confusion was the natu-
ral and perfectly comprehensible inability of Post
Office officials to understand the special and compli-
cated problem of the telephone, the official came to
the conclusion that what was wanted was more instead
of less of Post Office control. In 1905 they accord-
ingly forced the Company to agree to a sale of its
whole interest in 1911 at "reconstruction value" with-
out any allowance at all for the goodwill of its enor-
mous business. Like many hard bargains, this has
proved to be in the end most expensive to those who
made it. Once the certainty of appropriation by the
Government at unremunerative prices began to over-
shadow the National Telephone Company, the develop-
ment of the system was paralyzed. The spirit of
enterprise and dash which characterized the early his-
tory of the Company was chilled ; new districts were
not exploited or new plant fitted except where abso-
lutely necessary. The amount of capital expendifnrr
of the Company decreased from over 1.000,00fU. in
1907 to 360,000/. in its last year. Just when British
telephony was beginning to recover from the persist-
ent difficulties which Post Office interference had put
in its way, the final blow of impending Post Office
control destroyed for a decade the hope of an arl-
equate exploitation of the service in this country. The
National Telephone Company, always uncertain of the
security of its title and hampered by the enormous
royalties, amoiuiting in all to 3,670,000/., that it was
forced to pay to the State, had never been able to
expand on generous and far-seeing lines. When it
was faced with the certainty of speedy extinction it
ceased to make any eflfort to do so. The service
passed into the hands of the Post Office in a depressed
and depreciated condition.
It cannot be said that the Post Office made any
adequate preparations for its gigantic task. At the
time of the transfer Great Britain was hopelessly
behind the rest of the world in the provision of tele-
phones. Whereas in Stockholm one man out of every
four had a telephone, in Chicago one out of every
nine, and in Berlin one out of seventeen, in this
country in London only one out of every thirty-five,
in Manchester one out of forty-seven, and in Birming-
ham one out of seventy-two, was so provided. The
system was obviously inadequate to meet the expand-
ing needs of an industrial community, and the only
possible excuse for the State assuming control was
that, with its great resources and absolute freedom
from any fear of competition, it might be able to
carry out the necessary revolution more swiftly and
easily than any private company. But in order to do
this a vast army of highly skilled men must be pro-
vided and the plans for the change drafted and exam-
ined by experts. Canvassers would be required to seek
out business, and an educational campaign to instruct
the public in the advantages and use of the telephone.
Nothing of the kind was done or even contemplated.
.Ml that the Post Office could do after five years of
oreoaration was to take over the existing service
without dislocating it for more than a fortnight. No
skilled men were trained and held in readiness for
the needs of the State service. Therefore, instead
of the transfer being a stimulus to the expansion of
the telephone ser\Mce it has actually acted as a check.
The rate of expansion as shown in the last annual
report is only about one-half what it was in 1906,
and even so it exceeds the power of the Post Office to
cone with it.
In America a new telephone can be installed in four
or five days, whereas in this country it will take as
many weeks, and in some cases almost as many
months. The Post Office authorities quite truly say
that without skilled engineers they cannot maintain
and extend their service. But that is a difficulty which
anyone might have foreseen. What I object to is
that, knowing that skilled and trained men would be
required, they made no adequate eflfort to ensure that
such would be available when they were required.
This i'^ one illustration of the lack of foresight which
has always marked their attitude towards the telephone
service. When the transfer was effected they got rid
of the highly paid, experienced organizers and engi-
neers at the head of the service and substituted for
them comparatively ill-paid officials with no unusual
telephone experience. I have nothing whatever to say
against any of the existing officials. Tiiey do their
work admirably under most difficult conditions. But
they are probably not selected for having the special
talents and experience which are required for running
an enormous business enterprise like the telephone
service.
The same thing applies to the whole internal or-
ganization of the service. The Post Office is destroy-
ing its efficiency by trying to force Civil Service meth-
ods on to a department for which they are utterly
unsuited. It is not usual to pay a Civil servant occu-
pying a certain position more than 1500/. a year, so
the Chief Engineer cannot be paid more, although
the National Telephone Company paid their officials
twice the sum. That is the Post Office argument.
The business argument is to get the best man and then
pay him what he is worth. So with the rest of the
staff. Under the private Company they were system-
atically promoted, wherever they were, so that every
loyal servant of the Company was secured a rising
income. Now all sorts of grades and classes have
been introducd because they are common in the Civil
Service, and a telephonist is not paid, as used to be
the case, a level rate according to the work done, but
a rate forced according to the particular "classifica-
tion" of the Post Office in which she works. More-
over, it is generally believed among the staff that a
judicious mediocrity and scrupulous observance of
red-tape regulations are a better guide to promotion
than keenness and enterprise. All these things may
be small in themselves, but they are big in the result.
The staff, instead of being happier under their "model
employer," the State, are seething with discontent.
Now, the telephone service is run by the nerves and
tempers of the operators, and if the human element is
dissatisfied and discontented these moods will inevit-
ably be reflected by the machine which they operate.
Next to the numbing effect of Post Office interference
in the past must be put its stupid misunderstanding
of the feelings of the staff, in assessing the blame for
the present breakdown of the service.
There is no use now in trying to shut our eyes to
the facts. During the whole history of the telephone
in England the Post Office has acted like some kind of
bad fairy, always interjwsing its curse just when the
service was struggling out of its difficulty. Impreg-
nable within its walls of bureaucratic obstinacy, the
Post Office will accept suggestions from nobody nor
heed the exasptrated complaints of the subscribers.
There is only one possible solution of the difficulty.
Post Office methods have dismally failed, and they
must be ended. A large number of suggestions have
been put forward from time to time for the reform of
the service, but I am afraid that none of them now
are adequate. The Chamber of Commerce last year
pressed, at my invitation, for a separation of the tele-
phone from other departments of the Post Office, so
that some relics of the old independence might be
preserved from the stifling effects of Civil Service
tradition. The Postmaster-General would not hear of
it. Then the Parliamentary Telephone Committee
suggested the appointment of a general Advisory
Committee representing the subscribers, with much
the same powers of advice as are possessed by the
Advisory Committees of the Board of Trade. That
also was refused. Now I think that neither of these
suggestions is adequate to meet the case. Since they
were put forward we have seen more of the methods
and ideas of the Post Office, and I think that the only
possible solution of the whole problem is to take the
control of the service right away from the Post Office
and place it under a board of business men who will
run it on commercial lines. We have a precedent for
such a body in the Port of London Authority, and I
think that if State intervention in commercial enter-
prise is to be increased that precedent will have to be
extensively followed. Something of the same idea
is also contained in the suggestions in regard to Irish
railways put forward by the recent Viceregal Com-
mission.
The present arrangements are hopelessly unbusi-
nesslike. The finances of the system are involved and
obscure to a degree which would not be tolerated in
the case of any commercial company. The National
Telephone Company was accustomed to issue clear and
intelligible accounts a fortnight after the books were
closed. The Post Office issues accounts which it is
impossible for any man who has not had a special
training in Treasury accountancy to understand, and
they are not debated for something like eighteen
months after the year to which they refer has expired.
Even when the time comes for a discussion it is often
farcical in character. Last year the Post Office never
condescended to make any reply at all to the criticisms
that were directed against it. This year we were more
fortunate, but we were unable to obtain from the Post-
master-General any real information as to how the
service stands. This much is clear. In two years the
Post Office has already managed to dissipate the sub-
stantial profit made by the National Telephone Com-
pany. The Company paid a royalty to the State of
350.000/. ; it had to pay income-tax to the extent of
38,000/. It had to raise money in the open market
and to put by large sums for the redemption of capital.
Yet it paid six per cent, to its shareholders. Under
Post Office control the profit has been decreased to less
than one and a half per cent., representing a total net
profit for the year of only 303,000/, although, of
course, the Post Office pays no royalties, pays no in-
come tax, and raises money on the full security of the
State. That is a record from a financial point of view
which amply justifies the demand for the more busi-
nesslike control. A business board would, at all
events, issue intelligible accounts which would let the
subscribers know exactly the financial position of the
concern, and would make some provision for allowing
them to ventilate their complaints with some prospect
of their receiving attention.
At the present moment the Post Office does not
realize the two main principles of telephonic success.
The first is that the man at the teleplione is a man in
a hurry. He may consent to wait for any other pos-
sible service, but he never will consent to wait for the
telephone. For him every second is a minute long
because every second may be of vital importance. The
Bell Company, in America, has more than once scrapped
plant worth thousands of pounds in order to save a
few seconds on a call. There a delay of a quarter of
an hour in a thousand-mile call is a subject for special
investigation. Here the trunk lines, which have been
for years under the control of the Post Office, are
notorious for their slowness and untrustworthiness,
and excessive charges as compared with the Continent.
As an instance, the trunk fee in Germany for a dis-
tance of 300 miles is \s., in England it is 2s. 6rf., which
is more than double for the same distance. The con-
stant signal of "Line engaged" or "Number engaged,"
during the busy parts of the day shows that the de-
ficiency of lines between exchanges is almost as bad
as the deficiency in trunk lines. Yet the Post Office
is taking no adequate steps whatever to lay down the
new lines that are necessary for the speeding-up of
the service. A business board would recognize that
what is wanted is to give a quick service when it is
most required, in the busiest time of the day, and
would rather lay down trunk lines ahead of immediate
requirements than allow the lack of them to hold up
the service. The business organizers of the Bell Tele-
phone Company have now got in stock $25,000,000
worth of reserve plant waiting for the development of
the service to require it. Even in the City of New
York one-half of the cable ducts are empty, in expec-
tation of the greater city of eight million population
which they expect in 1928. Money invested in devel-
oping the service is well invested, since by the second
principle of telephony every extension adds value to
the whole.
The future of the telephone service in this country
is in the hands of its subscribers. They are a .suffi-
ciently formidable body to enforce their will upon
any Postmaster-General. If they are willing to put
up with a half-starved, half-grown, neglected and in-
efficient service, neither cheap nor useful, they can
abandon it to the bureaucrats of the Post Office. They
have succeeded in losing something like 30,000,000/.
of the nation's capital and about a million a year of
its income in running the telegraph service, and I am
sure that they may be equally successful with the
telephone. But if the subscribers are really determined
to see that this all-important service is developed and
expanded to meet the needs of the people, and, in the
picturesque language of Mr, Casson, "fitted like a
gannent round the habits of the people," they will
insist that the evil power of the Post Office shall no
longer be exercised. The Postmaster-General would
retain over the telephones the kind of suzerainty that
the Home Secretary has over the present Prison Com-
missioners or the Lunacy Commissioners, but no more.
For the first time in its history the telephone must be
given a free hand over the whole country, unham-
pered by red tape or official restriction. It is not to
be supposed that such a change will be efl'ected with-
out vigorous official opposition. We can only get it
by acting to Parliament the part of the importunate
widow. If every subscriber who has got a complaint country with the muddle and inefficiency of the Post
will badger his member and make hiin in turn badger Office system, and the autocracy of its methods, is
the Post Office, the Government may yield to weari- '^ ^'^^^ "'^' '' ""'^ ""^^ ^ ''"'^ organization to make
■ , ,, •,,,,, , , of It a force that no Government could resist
ness what they withheld from reason, and grant the V: " i, •
... C b. Goldman,
desired concession. Popular disgust throughout the Chairman of Parliamentary Telephone Committee.
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